UC-NRLF 


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1904 


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"  Equal  rights  to  all,  special  privileges  to  none. 


THE 


Campaign  Text  Book 


OF  THE 


DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  OF 
THE   UNITED   STATES, 


1904. 


ISSUED   BY  AUTHORITY   OF   THE 


DEMOCRATIC  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE. 


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"  Equal  rights  to  all,  special  privileges  to  none.'' 


THE 


Campaign  Text  Book 


OF   THE 


(  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY.  OF 
THE   UNITED   STATES, 


i         •    » 


1904 


ISSUED   BY  AUTHORITY  OF  THE 


DEMOCRATIC  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE. 


G2 


Jte 


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wyl.s  h  i  N.oir*or>i J  13.    c. 


CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


PREAMBLE. 

We,  the  people  of  the  United  Slates,  in  order  to  form  a  more 
perfect  Union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,,  pro- 
vide for  the  common  defence,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and 
secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity,  do 
ordain  and  establish  this  CONSTITUTION  for  t-aeXIrited  States  of- 
America. 

ARTICLE  I. 

Section  I.  All  legislative  powers  herein  granted  shall  be 
vested  in  a  Congress  of  the  United  States,  which  shall  consist  of 
a  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives. 

Section  II.  1.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  be  com- 
posed of  members  chosen  every  second  year  by  the  people  of  the 
several  States,  and  the  electors  in  each  State  shall  have  the  quali- 
fications requisite  for  electors  of  the  most  numerous  branch  of  the 
State  Legislature. 

2.  No  person  shall  be  a  Representative  who  shall  not  have  at- 
tained to  the  age  of  twenty-five  years,  and  been  seven  years  a  citi- 
zen of  the  United  States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an 
inhabitant  of  that  State  in  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

3.  Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among 
the  several  States  which  may  be  included  within  this  Union  ac- 
cording to  their  respective  numbers,  which  shall  be  determined  by 
adding  to  the  whole  number  of  free  persons,  including  those  bound 
to  service  for  a  term  of  years,  and  excluding  Indians  not  taxed, 
three-fifths  of  all  other  persons.  The  actual  enumeration  shall  be 
made  within  three  years  after  the  first  meeting  of  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States,  and  within  every  subsequent  term  of  ten  years, 
in  such  manner  as  they  shall  by  law  direct.  The  number  of  Repre- 
sentatives shall  not  exceed  one  for  every  thirty  thousand,  but  each 
State  shall  have  at  least  one  Representative;  and  until  such 
•enumeration  shall  be  made,  the  State  of  New  Hampshire  shall  be 
entitled  to  choose  3 ;  Massachusetts,  8 ;  Rhode  Island  and  Provi- 
dence Plantations,  1 ;  Connecticut,  5 ;  New  York,  6 ;  New  Jersey, 
4 ;  Pennsylvania,  8 ;  Delaware,  1 ;  Maryland,  6 ;  Virginia,  10 ; 
North  Carolina,  5 ;  South  Carolina,  5,  and  Georgia,  3.* 

4.  When  vacancies  happen  in  the  representation  from  any  State, 
the  Executive  Authority  thereof  shall  issue  writs  of  election  to 
fill  such  vacancies. 

5.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  their  Speaker  and 
other  officers,  and  shall  have  the  sole  power  of  impeachment. 

Section  III.    1.  The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  corn- 


See  Article  XIV.,  Amendments. 

M41604 


4  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

posed  of  two  Senators  from  each  State,  chosen  by  the  Legislature 
thereof,  for  six  years;  and  each  Senator  shall  have  one  vote. 

2.  Immediately  after  they  shall  be  assembled  in  consequence  of 
the  first  election,  they  shall  be  divided  as  equally  as  may  be  into 
three  classes.  The  seats  of  the  Senators  of  the  first  class  shall  be 
vacated  at  the  expiration  of  the  second  year,  of  the  second  class 
at  the  expiration  of  the  fourth  year,  and  of  the  third  class  at  the 
expiration  of  the  sixth  year,  so  that  one-third  may  be  chosen  every 
second  year;  and  if  vacancies  happen  by  resignation,  or  otherwise, 
during  the  recess  of  the  Legislature  of  any  State,  the  Executive 
thereof  may  make  temporary  appointment  until  the  next  meeting 
of  the  Legislature,  .which  shall  then  fill  such  vacancies. 

3.  No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  who  shall  not  have  attained  to 
the  age  of  thirty  years;  and  been  nine  years  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that 
State  for  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

4.  The  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  shall  be  President 
of  the  Senate,  but  shall  have  no  vote  unless  they  be  equally  divided. 

5.  The  Senate  shall  choose  their  other  officers,  and  also  a  Presi- 
dent pro  tempore,  in  the  absence  of  the  Vice-President,  or  when 
he  shall  exercise  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States. 

6.  The  Senate  shall  have  the  sole  power  to  try  all  impeachments. 
When  sitting  for  that  purpose,  they  shall  be  on  oath  or  affirmation. 
When  the  President  of  the  United  States  is  tried,  the  Chief  Jus- 
tice shall  preside;  and  no  person  shall  be  convicted  without  the 
concurrence  of  two-thirds  of  the  members  present. 

7.  Judgment  in  cases  of  impeachment  shall  not  extend  further 
than  to  removal  from  office,  and  disqualification  to  hold  and  enjoy 
any  office  of  honor,  trust,  or  profit  under  the  United  States;  but 
the  party  convicted  shall  nevertheless  be  liable  and  subject  to 
indictment,  trial,  judgment,  and  punishment,  according  to  law. 

Section  IV.  1.  The  times,  places,  and  manner  of  holding  elec- 
tions for  Senators  and  Representatives  shall  be  prescribed  in  each 
State  by  the  Legislature  thereof ;  but  the  Congress  may  at  any  time 
by  law  make  or  alter  such  regulations,  except  as  to  places  of  choos- 
ing Senators. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in  every  year,  and 
such  meeting  shall  be  on  the  first  Monday  in  December,  unless 
they  shall  by  law  appoint  a  different  day. 

Section  V.  1  Each  House  shall  be  the  judge  of  the  elections, 
returns,  and  qualifications  of  its  own  members,  and  a  majority  of 
each  shall  constitute  a  quorum  to  do  business;  but  a  smaller  num- 
ber may  adjourn  from  day  to  day,  and  may  be  authorized  to  com- 
pel the  attendance  of  absent  members  in  such  manner  and  under 
such  penalties  as  each  House  may  provide. 

2.  Each  House  may  determine  the  rules  of  its  proceedings, 
punish  its  members  for  disorderly  behavior,  and  with  the  con- 
currence of  two-thirds  expel  a  member. 

3.  Each  House  shall  keep  a  journal  of  its  proceedings,  and  from 
time  to  time  publish  the  same,  excepting  such  parts  as  may  in 


Constitution  of  the  United  States.  5 

their  judgment  require  secrecy,  and  the  yeas  and  nays  of  the  mem- 
bers of  either  House  on  any  question  shall,  at  the  desire  of  one- 
fifth  of  those  present,  be  entered  on  the  journal. 

4.  Xeither  House,  during  the  session  of  Congress,  shall,  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  other,  adjourn  for  more  than  three  days, 
nor  to  any  other  place  than  that  in  which  the  two  Houses  shall 
be  sitting. 

Section  VI.  1.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  shall  re- 
ceive a  compensation  for  their  services,  to  be  ascertained  by  law, 
and  paid  out  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States.  They  shall 
in  all  cases,  except  treason,  felony,  and  breach  of  the  peace,  be 
privileged  from  arrest  during  their  attendance  at  the  session  of 
their  respective  Houses,  and  in  going  to  and  returning  from  the 
same,  and  for  any  speech  or  debate  in  either  House  they  shall  not 
be  questioned  in  any  other  place. 

2.  Xo  Senator  or  Representative  shall,  during  the  time  for 
which  he  was  elected,  be  appointed  to  any  civil  office  under  the 
authority  of  the  United  States  which  shall  have  been  created,  or 
the  emoluments  whereof  shall  have  been  increased  during  such 
time;  and  no  person  holding  any  office  under  the  United  States 
shall  be  a  member  of  either  House  during  his  continuance  in  office. 

Section  VII.  1.  All  bills  for  raising  revenue  shall  originate 
in  the  House  of  Representatives,  but  the  Senate  may  propose  or 
concur  with  amendments,  as  in  other  bills. 

2.  Every  bill  which  shall  have  passed  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives and  the  Senate  shall,  before  it  become  a  law,  be  presented  to 
the  President  of  the  United  States;  if  he  approve,  he  shall  sign 
it,  but  if  not,  he  shall  return  it,  with  his  objections,  to  that  House 
in  which  it  shall  have  originated,  who  shall  enter  the  objections  at 
large  on  their  journal,  and  proceed  to  reconsider  it.  If  after  such 
reconsideration  two-thirds  of  that  House  shall  agree  to  pass  the 
bill,  it  shall  be  sent,  together  with  the  objections,  to  the  other 
House,  by  which  it  shall  likewise  be  reconsidered ;  and  if  approved 
by  two-thirds  of  that  House  it  shall  become  a  law.  But  in  all  such 
cases  the  votes  of  both  Houses  shall  be  determined  by  yeas  and 
nays,  and  the  names  of  the  persons  voting  for  and  against  the  bill 
shall  be  entered  on  the  journal  of  each  House  respectively.  If 
any  bill  shall  not  be  returned  by  the  President  within  ten  days 
(Sundays  excepted)  after  it  shall  have  been  presented  to  him, 
the  same  shall  be  a  law  in  like  manner  as  if  he  had  signed  it, 
unless  the  Congress  by  their  adjournment  prevent  its  return;  in 
which  case  it  shall  not  be  a  law. 

3.  Every  order,  resolution,  or  vote  to  which  the  concurrence  of 
the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  may  be  necessary  (ex- 
cept on  a  question  of  adjournment)  shall  be  presented  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States;  and  before  the  same  shall  take 
effect  shall  be  approved  by  him,  or  being  disapproved  by  him,  shall 
be  repassed  by  two-thirds  of  the  Senate  and  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, according  to  the  rules  and  limitations  prescribed  in  the 
case  of  a  bill. 


6  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Section  VIII.     1.  The  Congress  shall  have  power: 
To  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises,  to  pay 
the  debts  and  provide  for  the  common  defence  and  general  welfare 
of  the  United  States ;  but  all  duties,  imposts,  and  excises  shall  be 
uniform  throughout  the  United  States. 

2.  To  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States. 

3.  To  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations,  and  among  the 
several  States,  and  with  the  Indian  tribes. 

4.  To  establish  an  uniform  rule  of  naturalization  and  uniform 
laws  on  the  subject  of  bankruptcies  throughout  the  United  States. 

5.  To  coin  money,  regulate  the  value  thereof,  and  of  foreign 
coin,  and  fix  the  standard  of  weights  and  measures. 

6.  To  provide  for  the  punishment  of  counterfeiting  the  securities 
and  current  coin  of  the  United  States. 

7.  To  establish  post-offices  and  post-roads. 

8.  To  promote  the  progress  of  science  and  useful  arts  by  se- 
curing for  limited  times  to  authors  and  inventors  the  exclusive 
rights  to  their  respective  writings  and  discoveries. 

9.  To  constitute  tribunals  inferior  to  the  Supreme  Court. 

10.  To  define  and  punish  piracies  and  felonies  committed  on 
the  high  seas,  and  offences  against  the  law  of  nations. 

11.  To  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and 
make  rules  concerning  captures  on  land  and  Water. 

12.  To  raise  and  support  armies,  but  no  appropriation  of  money 
to  that  use  shall  be  for  a  longer  term  than  two  years. 

13.  To  provide  and  maintain  a  navy. 

14.  To  make  rules  for  the  government  and  regulation  of  the 
land  and  naval  forces. 

15.  To  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws 
of  the  Union,  suppress  insurrections,  and  repel  invasions. 

16.  To  provide  for  organizing,  arming,  and  disciplining  the 
militia,  and  for  governing  such  part  of  them  as  may  be  employed 
in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  reserving  to  the  States  re- 
spectively the  appointment  of  the  officers,  and  the  authority  of 
training  the  militia  according  to  the  discipline  prescribed  by 
Congress. 

17.  To  exercise  exclusive  legislation  in  all  cases  whatsoever  over 
such  district  (not  exceeding  ten  miles  square)  as  may,  by  cession 
of  particular  States  and  the  acceptance  of  Congress,  become  the 
seat  of  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  to  exercise  like 
authority  over  all  places  purchased  by  the  consent  of  the  Legis- 
lature of  the  State  in  which  the  same  shall  be,  for  the  erection  of 
forts,  magazines,  arsenals,  dry-docks,  and  other  needful  buildings. 

18.  To  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for 
carrying  into  execution  the  foregoing  powers,  and  all  other  powers 
vested  by  this  Constitution  in  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  or  in  any  department  or  officer  thereof. 

Section  IX.  1.  The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons 
as  any  of  the  States  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit  shall 
not  be  prohibited  by  the  Congress  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand 


Constitution  of  the  United  States.  7 

eight  hundred  and  eight,  but  a  tax  or  duty  may  be  imposed  on 
such  importation,  not  exceeding  ten  dollars  for  each  person. 

2.  The  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall  not  be  sus- 
pended, unless  when  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion  the  public 
safety  may  require  it. 

3.  No  bill  of  attainder  or  ex  post  facto  law  shall  be  passed. 

4.  No  capitation  or  other  direct  tax  shall  be  laid,  unless  in  pro- 
portion to  the  census  or  enumeration  hereinbefore  directed  to  be 
taken. 

5.  No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  exported  from  anv 
State. 

6.  No  preference  shall  be  given  by  any  regulation  of  commerce 
or  revenue  to  the  ports  of  one  State  over  those  of  another,  nor 
shall  vessels  bound  to  or  from  one  State  be  obliged  to  enter,  clear, 
or  pay  duties  in  another. 

7.  No  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  Treasury  but  in  conse- 
quence of  appropriations  made  by  law;  and  a  regular  statement 
and  account  of  the  receipts  and  expenditures  of  all  public  money 
shall  be  published  from  time  to  time. 

8.  No  title  of  nobility  shall  be  granted  by  the  United  States. 
And  no  person  holding  any  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  them 
shall,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  accept  of  any  present,  emolu- 
ment, office,  or  title  of  any  kind  whatever  from  any  king,  prince, 
or  foreign  state. 

Section  X.  1.  No  State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance, 
or  confederation,  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  coin  money, 
emit  bills  of  credit,  make  anything  but  gold  and  silver  coin  a 
tender  in  payment  of  debts,  pass  any  bill  of  attainder,  ex  post 
facto  law,  or  law  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts,  or  grant 
any  title  of  nobility. 

2.  No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  lay  any 
impost  or  duties  on  imports  or  exports,  except  what  may  be  abso- 
lutely necessary  for  executing  its  inspection  laws,  and  the  net 
produce  of  all  duties  and  imposts,  laid  by  any  State  on  imports  or 
exports,  shall  be  for  the  use  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States; 
and  all  such  laws  shall  be  subject  to  the  revision  and  control  of 
the  Congress. 

3.  No   State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any 
duty  of  tonnage,  keep  troops  or  ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace,. 
enter  into  any  agreement  or  compact  with  another  State,  or  with  a 
foreign  power,  or  engage  in  war,  unless  actually  invaded,  or  in* 
such  imminent  danger  as  will  not  admit  of  delay. 

ARTICLE  II. 

Section  I.  1.  The  Executive  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  of  America.  He  shall  hold  his  office 
during  the  term  of  four  years,  and,  together  with  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent, chosen  for  the  same  term,  be  elected  as  follows: 

2.  Each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such  manner  as  the  Legislature- 


8  Constitution  of  the  United  States 

thereof  may  direct,  a  number  of  electors,  equal  to  the  whole  num- 
ber of  Senators  and  Representatives  to  which  the  State  may  be 
entitled  in  the  Congress ;  but  no  Senator  or  Representative  or  per- 
son holding  an  office  of  trust  or  profit  under  the  United  States 
shall  be  appointed  an  elector. 

3.  [The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States  and  vote 
by  ballot  for  two  persons,  of  whom  one  at  least  shall  not  be  an 
inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with  themselves.  And  they  shall 
make  a  list  of  all  the  persons  voted  for,  and  of  the  number  of 
votes  for  each,  which  list  they  shall  sign  and  certify  and  transmit, 
sealed,  to  the  seat  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  di- 
rected to  the  President  of  the  Senate.  The  President  of  the  Sen- 
ate shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa- 
tives, open  all  the  certificates,  and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted. 
The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  shall  be  the 
President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of 
electors  appointed,  and  if  there  be  more  than  one  who  have  such 
majority,  and  have  an  equal  number  of  votes,  then  the  House  of 
Representatives  shall  immediately  choose  by.  ballot  one  of  them 
for  President;  and  if  no  person  have  a  majority,  then  from  the 
five  highest  on  the  list  the  said  House  shall  in  like  manner  choose 
the  President.  But  in  choosing  the  President,  the  vote  shall  be 
taken  by  States,  the  representation  from  each  State  having  one 
vote.  A  quorum,  for  this  purpose,  shall  consist  of  a  member  or 
members  from  two-thirds  of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the 
States  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  In  every  case,  after  the 
choice  of  the  President,  the  person  having  the  greatest  number  of 
votes  of  the  electors  shall  be  the  Vice-President.  But  if  there 
should  remain  two  or  more  who  have  equal  votes,  the  Senate  shall 
choose  from  them  by  ballot  the  Vice-President.]* 

4.  The  Congress  may  determine  the  time  of  choosing  the  elec- 
tors and  the  day  on  which  they  shall  give  their  votes,  which  day 
shall  be  the  same  throughout  the  United  States. 

5.  No  person  except  a  natural  born  citizen,  or  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution, 
shall  be  eligible  to  the  office  of  President ;  neither  shall  any  person 
be  eligible  to  that  office  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the  age  of 
thirty-five  years  and  been  fourteen  years  a  resident  within  the 
United  States. 

6.  In  case  of  the  removal  of  the  President  from  office,  or  of  his 
death,  resignation,  or  inability  to  discharge  the  powers  and  duties 
of  the  said  office,  the  same  shall  devolve  on  the  Vice-President, 
and  the  Congress  may  by  law  provide  for  the  case  of  removal, 
death,  resignation,  or  inability,  both  of  the  President  and  Vice- 
President,  declaring  what  officer  shall  then  act  as  President,  and 
such  officer  shall  act  accordingly  until  the  disability  be  removed 
or  a  President  shall  be  elected. 


*  This  clause  is  superseded  by  Article  XII.,  Amendments. 


Constitution  of  the  United  States.  9 

7.  The  President  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive  for  his  services  a 
compensation,  which  shall  neither  be  increased  nor  diminished 
during  the  period  for  which  he  shall  have  been  elected,  and  he 
shall  not  receive  within  that  period  any  other  emolument  from 
the  United  States,  or  any  of  them. 

8.  Before  he  enter  on  the  execution  of  his  office  he  shall  take 
the  following  oath  or  affirmation: 

"I  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm)  that  I  will  faithfully  execute 
the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  and  will,  to  the  best 
of  my  ability,  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States." 

Section  II.  1.  The  President  shall  be  Commander-in-Chief 
of  the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  militia 
of  the  several  States  when  called  into  the  actual  service  of  the 
United  States ;  he  may  require  the  opinion,  in  writing,  of  the  prin- 
cipal officer  in  each  of  the  executive  departments  upon  any  sub- 
ject relating  to  the  duties  of  their  respective  offices,  and  he  shall 
have  power  to  grant  reprieves  and  pardons  for  offences  against  the 
United  States  except  in  cases  of  impeachment. 

2.  He  shall  have  power,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate,  to  make  treaties,  provided  two-thirds  of  the  Senators  pres- 
ent concur ;  and  he  shall  nominate,  and  by  and  with  the  advice  and 
consent  of  the  Senate  shall  appoint  ambassadors,  other  public 
ministers  and  consuls,  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  all  other 
officers  of  the  United  States  whose  appointments  are  not  herein 
otherwise  provided  for,  and  which  shall  be  established  by  law; 
but  the  Congress  may  by  law  vest  the  appointment  of  such  inferior 
officers  as  they  think  proper  in  the  President  alone,  in  the  courts 
of  law,  or  in  the  heads  of  departments. 

3.  The  President  shall  have  power  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  that 
may  happen  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate  by  granting  com- 
missions, which  shall  expire  at  the  end  of  their  next  session. 

Section  III.  He  shall  from  time  to  time  give  to  the  Congress 
information  of  the  state  of  the  Union,  and  recommend  to  their 
consideration  such  measures  as  he  shall  judge  necessary  and  ex- 
pedient; he  may,  on  extraordinary  occasions,  convene  both 
Houses,  or  either  of  them,  and  in  case  of  disagreement  between 
them  with  respect  to  the  time  of  adjournment,  he  may  adjourn 
them  to  such  time  as  he  shall  think  proper;  he  shall  receive  am- 
bassadors and  other  public  ministers ;  he  shall  take  care  that  the 
laws  be  faithfully  executed,  and  shall  commission  all  the  officers 
of  the  United  States. 

Section  IV.  The  President,  Vice-President,  and  all  civil 
officers  of  the  United  States  shall  be  removed  from  office  on  im- 
peachment for  and  conviction  of  treason,  briber}'-,  or  other  high 
crimes  and  misdemeanors. 

ARTICLE  III. 

Section  I.  The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  be 
vested  in  one  Supreme  Court,  and  in  such  inferior  courts  as  the 


io  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Congress  may  from  time  to  time  ordain  and  establish.  The  judges, 
both  of  the  Supreme  and  inferior  courts,  shall  hold  their  offices 
during  good  behavior,  and  shall  at  stated  times  receive  for  their 
services  a  compensation  which  shall  not  be  diminished  during  their 
continuance  in  office. 

Section  II.  1.  The  judicial  power  shall  extend  to  all  cases 
in  law  and  equity  arising  under  this  Constitution,  the  laws  of  the 
United  States,  and  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under 
their  authority;  to  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public 
ministers,  and  consuls;  to  all  cases  of  admiralty  and  maritime 
jurisdiction;  to  controversies  to  which  the  United  States  shall 
be  a  party;  to  controversies  between  two  or  more  States,  between 
a  State  and  citizens  of  another  State,  between  citizens  of  different 
States,  between  citizens  of  the  same  State  claiming  lands  under 
grants  of  different  States,  and  between  a  State,  or  the  citizens 
thereof,  and  foreign  States,  citizens,  or  subjects. 

2.  In  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers, 
and  consuls,  and  those  in  which  a  State  shall  be  party,  the  Su- 
preme Court  shall  have  original  jurisdiction.  In  all  the  other 
cases  before-mentioned  the  Supreme  Court  shall  have  appellate 
jurisdiction  both  as  to  law  and  fact,  with  such  exceptions  and 
under  such  regulations  as  the  Congress  shall  make. 

3.  The  trial  of  all  crimes,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment, 
shall  be  by  jury,  and  such  trial  shall  be  held  in  the  State  where 
the  said  crimes  shall  have  been  committed,  but  when  not  com- 
mitted within  any  State  the  trial  shall  be  at  such  place  or  places 
as  the  Congress  may  by  law  have  directed. 

Section  III.  1.  Treason  against  the  United  States  shall  con- 
sist only  in  levying  war  against  them,  or  in  adhering  to  their 
enemies,  giving  them  aid  and  comfort.  No  person  shall  be  con- 
victed of  treason  unless  on  the  testimony  of  two  witnesses  to  the 
same  overt  act,  or  on  confession  in  open  court. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  the  punishment  of 
treason,  but  no  attainder  of  treason  shall  work  corruption  of  blood 
or  forfeiture  except  during  the  life  of  the  person  attainted. 

ARTICLE  IV. 

Section  I.  Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each  State 
to  the  public  acts,  records,  and  judicial  proceedings  of  every  other 
State.  And  the  Congress  may  by  general  laws  prescribe  the  man- 
ner in  which  such  acts,  records  and  proceedings  shall  be  proved, 
and  the  effect  thereof. 

Section  II.  1.  The  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to 
all  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several  States. 

2.  A  person  charged  in  any  State  with  treason,  felony,  or  other 
crime,  who  shall  flee  from  justice,  and  be  found  in  another  State, 
shall,  on  demand  of  the  Executive  authority  of  the  State  from 
which  he  fled,  be  delivered  up,  to  be  removed  to  the  State  having 
jurisdiction  of  the  crime. 


Constitution  of  the  United  States.  1 1 

3.  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  laws 
thereof,  escaping  into  another  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or 
regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but 
shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service 
or  labor  may  be  due. 

Section  III.  1.  New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress 
into  this  Union ;  but  no  new  State  shall  be  formed  or  erected 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  any  other  State,  nor  any  State  be 
formed  by  the  junction  of  two  or  more  States,  or  parts  of  States, 
without  the  consent  of  the  Legislatures  of  the  States  concerned, 
as  well  as  of  the  Congress. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all 
needful  rules  and  regulations  respecting  the  territory  or  other 
property  belonging  to  the  United  States;  and  nothing  in  this 
Constitution  shall  be  so  construed  as  to  prejudice  any  claims  of 
the  United  States,  or  of  any  particular  State. 

Section  IV.  The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State 
in  this  Union  a  republican  form  of  government,  and  shall  protect 
each  of  them  against  invasion,  and,  on  application  of  the  Legisla- 
ture, or  of  the  Executive  (when  the  Legislature  cannot  be  con- 
vened), against  domestic  violence. 

ARTICLE  V. 

The  Congress,  whenever  two-thirds  of  both  Houses  shall  deem 
it  necessary,  shall  propose  amendments  to  this  Constitution,  or, 
on  the  application  of  the  Legislatures  of  two-thirds  of  the  several 
States,  shall  call  a  convention  for  proposing  amendments,  which, 
in  either  case,  shall  be  valid  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  part 
of  this  Constitution,  when  ratified  by  the  Legislatures  of  three- 
fourths  of  the  several  States,  or  by  conventions  of  three-fourths 
thereof,  as  the  one  or  the  other  mode  of  ratification  may  be  pro- 
posed by  the  Congress;  provided  that  no  amendment  which  may 
be  made  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight 
shall  in  any  manner  affect  the  first  and  fourth  clauses  in  the 
Ninth  Section  of  the  First  Article;  and  that  no  State,  without 
its  consent,  shall  be  deprived  of  its  equal  suffrage  in  the  Senate. 

ARTICLE  VI. 

1.  All  debts  contracted  and  engagements  entered  into  before 
the  adoption  of  this  Constitution  shall  be  as  valid  against  the 
United  States  under  this  Constitution  as  under  the  Confederation. 

2.  This  Constitution  and  the  lawrs  of  the  United  States  which 
shall  be  made  in  pursuance  thereof  and  all  treaties  made,  or 
which  shall  be  made,  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States, 
shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land,  and  the  judges  in  every  State 
shall  be  bound  thereby,  anything  in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of 
any  State  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

3.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  before  mentioned,  and  the 
members  of  the  several  State  Legislatures,  and  all  executive  and 


12  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

judicial  officers,  both  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  several 
States,  shall  be  bound  by  oath  or  affirmation  to  support  this  Con- 
stitution; but  no  religious  test  shall  ever  be  required  as  a  quali- 
fication to  any  office  or  public  trust  under  the  United  States. 

ARTICLE  VII. 

The  ratification  of  the  Conventions  of  nine  States  shall  be  suffi- 
cient for  the  establishment  of  this  Constitution  between  the  States 
so  ratifying  the  same. 


AMENDMENTS  TO  THE  CONSTITUTION. 

ARTICLE  I. 

Congress  shall  make  no  law  representing  an  establishment  of 
religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof;  or  abridging  the 
freedom  of  speech  or  of  the  press;  or  the  right  of  the  people 
peaceably  to  assemble,  and  to  petition  the  Government  for  a  re- 
dress of  grievances. 

ARTICLE  II. 

A  well-regulated  militia  being  necessary  to  the  security  of  a 
free  State,  the  right  of  the  people  to  keep  and  bear  arms  shall  not 
be  infringed. 

ARTICLE  III. 

No  soldier  shall,  in  time  of  peace,  be  quartered  in  any  house 
without  the  consent  of  the  owner,  nor  in  time  of  war  but  in  a  man- 
ner to  be  prescribed  by  law. 

ARTICLE  IV. 

The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons,  houses, 
papers,  and  effects,  against  unreasonable  searches  and  seizures, 
shall  not  be  violated,  and  no  warrants  shall  issue  but  upon  proba- 
ble cause,  supported  by  oath  or  affirmation,  and  particularly  de- 
scribing the  place  to  be  searched,  and  the  persons  or  things  to  be 
seized. 

ARTICLE  V. 

No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital  or  other  in- 
famous crime  unless  on  a  presentment  or  indictment  of  a  grand 
jury,  except  in  cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces,  or  in  the 
militia,  when  in  actual  service,  in  time  of  war  or  public  danger; 
nor  shall  any  person  be  °ubject  for  the  same  offence  to  be  twice 


Constitution  of  the  United  States.  13 

put  in  jeopardy  of  life  or  limb;  nor  shall  be  compelled  in  any 
criminal  case  to  be  a  witness  against  himself,  nor  be  deprived  of 
life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due  process  of  law;  nor  shall 
private  property  be  taken  for  public  use  without  just  compensa- 
tion. 

ARTICLE  VI. 

In  all  criminal  prosecutions,  the  accused  shall  enjoy  the  right 
to  a  speedy  and  public  trial,  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the  State  and 
district  wherein  the  crime  shall  have  been  committed,  which  dis- 
trict shall  have  been  previously  ascertained  by  law,  and  to  be  in- 
formed of  the  nature  and  cause  of  the  accusation;  to  be  con- 
fronted with  the  witnesses  against  him;  to  have  compulsory 
process  for  obtaining  witnesses  in  his  favor,  and  to  have  the  as- 
sistance of  counsel  for  his  defence. 

ARTICLE  VII. 

In  suits  at  common  law,  where  the  value  in  controversy  shall 
exceed  twenty  dollars,  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  shall  be  pre- 
served, and  no  fact  tried  by  a  jury  shall  be  otherwise  re-examined 
in  any  court  of  the  United  States  than  according  to  the  rules  of 
the  common  law. 

ARTICLE  VIII. 

Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  excessive  fines  imposed, 
nor  cruel  and  unusual  punishments  inflicted. 

ARTICLE  IX. 

The  enumeration  in  the  Constitution  of  certain  rights  shall 
not  be  construed  to  deny  or  disparage  others  retained  by  the  peo- 
ple. 

ARTICLE  X. 

The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Consti- 
tution, nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the 
States  respectively,  or  to  the  people. 

ARTICLE  XL 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  construed 
to  extend  to  any  suit  in  law  or  equity,  commenced  or  prosecuted 
against  one  of  the  United  States,  by  citizens  of  another  State,  or 
by  citizens  or  subjects  of  any  foreign  State. 

ARTICLE  XII. 

The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States,  and  vote  by 
ballot  for  President  and  Vice-President,  one  of  whom  at  least 
shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with  themselves; 
they  shall  name  in  their  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  President, 


14  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

and  in  distinct  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  Vice-President; 
and  they  shall  make  distinct  lists  of  all  persons  voted  for  as 
President,  and  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  Vice-President,  and  of 
the  number  of  votes  for  each,  which  list  they  shall  sign  and  certify, 
and  transmit,  sealed,  to  the  seat  of  Government  of  the  United 
States,  directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate;  the  President  of 
the  Senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, open  all  the  certificates,  and  the  votes  shall  then  be 
counted ;  the  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  for  Presi- 
dent shall  be  the  President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the 
whole  number  of  electors  appointed;  and  if  no  person  have  such 
majority,  then  from  the  persons  having  the  highest  numbers,  not 
exceeding  three,  on  the  list  of  those  voted  for  as  President,  the 
House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  immediately,  by  ballot,  the 
President.  But  in  choosing  the  President,  the  votes  shall  be  taken 
by  States,  the  representation  from  each  State  having  one  vote;  a 
quorum  for  this  purpose  shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members  from 
two-thirds  of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be 
necessary  to  a  choice.  And  if  the  House  of  Representatives  shall 
not  choose  a  President,  whenever  the  right  of  choice  shall  devolve 
upon  them,  before  the  fourth  day  of  March  next  following,  then 
the  Vice-President  shall  act  as  President,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
death,  or  other  constitutional  disability  of  the  President.  The 
person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  as  Vice-President  shall 
be  the  Vice-President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole 
number  of  electors  appointed,  and  if  no  person  have  a  majority, 
then  from  the  two  highest  numbers  on  the  list  the  Senate  shall 
choose  the  Vice-President;  a  quorum  for  the  purpose  shall  consist 
of  two-thirds  of  the  whole  number  of  Senators,  and  a  majority  of 
the  whole  number  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  But  no  person 
constitutionally  ineligible  to  the  office  of  President  shall  be  eligible 
to  that  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

ARTICLE  XIII. 

1.  Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a  pun- 
ishment for  crime  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  con- 
victed, shall  exist  within  the  United  States,  or  any  place  subject 
to  their  jurisdiction. 

2.  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by  appro- 
priate legislation. 

ARTICLE  XIV. 

1.  All  persons  born  or  naturalized  in  the  United  States,  and 
subject  to  the  jurisdiction  thereof,  are  citizens  of  the  United 
States  and  of  the  State  wherein  they  reside.  No  State  shall  make 
or  enforce  any  law  which  shall  abridge  the  privileges  or  immuni- 
ties of  citizens  of  the  United  States;  nor  shall  any  State  deprive 
any  person  of  life,  liberty,  or  property  without  due  process  of  law, 
nor  deny  to  any  person  within  its  jurisdiction  the  equal  protection 
of  the  laws. 


Constitution  of  the  United  States.  15 

2.  Representatives  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several  States 
according  to  their  respective  numbers,  counting  the  whole  number 
of  persons  in  each  State,  excluding  Indians  not  taxed.  But  when 
the  right  to  vote  at  any  election  for  the  choice  of  electors  for 
President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  Representatives 
in  Congress,  the  executive  and  judicial  officers  of  a  State,  or  the 
members  of  the  Legislature  thereof,  is  denied  to  any  of  the  male 
members  of  such  State,  being  of  twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States,  or  in  any  way  abridged,  except  for  par- 
ticipation in  rebellion  or  other  crime,  the  basis  of  representation 
therein  shall  be  reduced  in  the  proportion  which  the  n-umber  of 
such  male  citizens  shall  hear  to  the  whole  number  of  male  citi- 
zens twenty-one  years  of  age  in  such  State. 

3.  No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  or  Representative  in  Congress, 
or  elector  of  President  and  Vice-President,  or  hold  any  office, 
civil  or  military,  under  the  United  States,  or  under  any  State, 
who,  having  previously  taken  an  oath,  as  a  member  of  Congress, 
or  as  an  officer  of  the  United  States,  or  as  a  member  of  any  State 
Legislature,  or  as  an  executive  or  judicial  officer  of  any  State,  to 
support  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  shall  have  engaged 
in  insurrection  or  rebellion  against  the  same,  or  given  aid  and 
comfort  to  the  enemies  thereof.  But  Congress  may,  by  a  vote  of 
two-thirds  of  each  House,  remove  such  disability. 

4.  The  validity  of  the  public  debt  of  the  United  States,  authorized 
by  law,  including  debts  incurred  for  payment  of  pensions  and 
bounties  for  services  in  suppressing  insurrection  and  rebellion, 
shall  not  be  questioned.  But  neither  the  United  States  nor  any 
State  shall  assume  or  pay  any  debt  or  obligation  incurred  in  aid 
of  insurrection  or  rebellion  against  the  United  States,  or  any  claim 
for  the  loss  or  emancipation  of  any  slave ;  but  all  such  debts,  obli- 
gations, and  claims  shall  be  held  illegal  and  void. 

5.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  by  appropriate  leg- 
islation the  provisions  of  this  article. 

ARTICLE  XV. 

1.  The  right  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  shall 
not  be  denied  or  abridged  by  the  United  States  or  by  any  State 
on  account  of  race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servitude. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  the  provisions  of 
this  article  by  appropriate  legislation. 


THE  PLATFORM  OF  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY. 

ADOPTED  AT  ST.   LOUIS,  JULY  8TH,   1904. 

The  Democratic  Party  of  the  United  States,  in  National  Con- 
vention assembled,  declares  its  devotion  to  the  essential  principles 
of  the  Democratic  faith  which  bring  ns  together  in  party  com- 
munion. 

Under  these  principles  local  self-government  and  national  unity 
and  prosperity  were  alike  established.  They  underlaid  our  inde- 
pendence, the  structure  of  our  free  Republic  and  every  Democratic 
expansion  from  Louisiana  to  California,  and  Texas  to  Oregon, 
which  preserved  faithfully  in  all  the  States  the  tie  between  taxa- 
tion and  representation.  They  yet  inspirit  the  masses  of  our  peo- 
ple, guarding  jealously  their  rights  and  liberties,  and  cherishing 
their  fraternity,  peace,  and  orderly  development.  They  remind 
us  of  our  duties  and  responsibilities  as  citizens,  and  impress  upon 
us,  particularly  at  this  time,  the  necessity  of  reform  and  the  rescue 
of  the  administration  of  government  from  the  headstrong,  arbi- 
trary, and  spasmodic  methods  which  distract  business  by  uncer- 
tainty, and  pervade  the  public  mind  with  dread,  distrust,  and 
perturbation. 

FUNDAMENTAL    PRINCIPLES. 

The  application  of  these  fundamental  principles  to  the  living 
issues  of  the  day  constitutes  the  first  step  toward  the  assured  peace, 
safety,  and  progress  of  our  nation.  Freedom  of  the  press,  of  con- 
science, and  of  speech ;  equality  before  the  law  of  all  citizens ; 
right  of  trial  by  jury;  freedom  of  the  person  defended  by  the  writ 
of  habeas  corpus;  liberty  of  personal  contract  untrammeled  by 
sumptuary  laws;  supremacy  of  the  civil  over  the  military  author- 
ity;  a  well-disciplined  militia ;  separation  of  church  and  State ; 
-economy  in  expenditures;  low  taxes,  that  labor  may  be  lightly 
burdened;  prompt  and  sacred  fulfillment  of  public  and  private 
obligations;  fidelity  to  treaties;  peace  and  friendship  with  all 
nations,  entangling  alliances  with  none;  absolute  acquiescence  in 
the  will  of  the  majority,  the  vital  principle  of  Republics — these 
are  doctrines  which  Democracy  has  established  as  proverbs  of  the 
nation,  and  they  should  be  constantly  invoked,  and  enforced. 

ECOMONY    OF    ADMINISTRATION. 

Large  reductions  can  easily  be  made  in  the  annual  expenditures 
of  the  Government  without  impairing  the  efficiency  of  any  branch 
of  the  public  service,  and  we  shall  insist  upon  the  strictest  economy 
and  frugality  compatible  with  vigorous  and  efficient  civil,  military 
and  naval  administration,  as  a  right  of  the  people,  too  clear  to  be 
denied  or  withheld. 


The  Platform  of  the  Democratic  Party.  17 

HONESTY    IN    THE    PUBLIC    SERVICE. 

We  favor  the  enforcement  of  honesty  in  the  public  service,  and 
to  that  end  a  thorough  legislative  investigation  of  those  executive 
departments  of  the  Government  already  known  to  teem  with  cor- 
ruption, as  well  as  other  departments  suspected  of  harboring  cor- 
ruption, and  the  punishment  of  ascertained  corruptionists,  with- 
out fear  or  favor  or  regard  to  persons.  The  persistent  and  de- 
liberate refusal  of  both  the  Senate  and  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives to  permit  such  investigation  to  be  made  demonstrates  that 
only  by  a  change  in  the  executive  and  in  the  legislative  depart- 
ments can  complete  exposure,  punishment,  and  correction  be  ob- 
tained. 

FEDERAL    GOVERNMENT    CONTRACTS    WITH    TRUSTS. 

We  condemn  the  action  of  the  Republican  Party  in  Congress  in 
refusing  to  prohibit  an  executive  department  entering  into  con- 
tracts with  convicted  trusts  or  unlawful  combinations  in  restraint 
of  interstate  trade.  We  believe  that  one  of  the  best  methods  of 
procuring  economy  and  honesty  in  the  public  sendee  is  to  have 
public  officials,  from  the  occupant  of  the  White  House  down  to 
the  lowest  of  them,  return,  as  nearly  as  may  be,  to  Jeffersonian 
simplicity  of  living. 

EXECUTIVE    USURPATION. 

We  favor  the  nomination  and  election  of  a  President  imbued 
with  the  principles  of  the  Constitution,  who  will  set  his  face  sternly 
against  executive  usurpation  of  legislative  and  judicial  functions, 
whether  that  usurpation  be  veiled  under  the  guise  of  executive 
construction  of  existing  laws,  or  whether  it  take  refuge  in  the 
tyrant's  pleas  of  necessity  or  superior  wisdom. 

IMPERIALISM. 

We  favor  the  preservation,  so  far  as  we  can,  of  an  open  door  for 
the  world's  commerce  in  the  Orient  without  unnecessary  entangle- 
ment in  Oriental  and  European  affairs,  and  without  arbitrary,  un- 
limited, irresponsible  and  absolute  government  anywhere  within 
our  jurisdiction.  We  oppose,  as  fervently  as  did  George  Washing- 
ton, an  indefinite,  irresponsible,  discretionary,  and  vague  absolu- 
tism and  a  policy  of  colonial  exploitation,  no  matter  where  or  by 
whom  invoked  or  exercised.  We  believe  with  Thomas  Jefferson 
and  John  Adams,  that  no  government  has  a  right  to  make  one 
set  of  laws  for  those  "at  home"  and  another  and  a  different  set  of 
laws,  absolute  in  their  character,  for  those  "in  the  colonies."  All 
men  under  the  American  flag  are  entitled  to  the  protection  of  the 
institutions  whose  emblem  the  flag  is ;  if  they  are  inherently  unfit 
for  those  institutions,  then  thev  are  inherently  unfit  to  be  mem- 
bers of  the  American  body  politic.  Wherever  there  may  exist  a 
people  incapable  of  being  governed  under  American  laws,  in  con- 
sonance with  the  American  Constitution,  the  territory  of  that 
people  ought  not  to  be  part  of  the  American  domain. 

We  insist  that  we  ought  to  do  for  the  Filipinos  what  we  have 


1 8  The  Platform  of  the  Democratic  Party. 

done  already  for  the  Cubans,  and  it  is  our  duty  to  make  that 
promise  now,  and  upon  suitable  guarantees  of  protection  to  citi- 
zens of  our  own  and  other  countries  resident  there  at  the  time  of 
our  withdrawal  to  set  the  Filipino  people  upon  their  feet,  free  and 
independent,  to  work  out  their  own  destiny. 

The  endeavor  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  by  pledging  the  Govern- 
ment's endorsement  for  "promoters"  in  the  Philippine  Islands  to 
make  the  United  States  a  partner  in  speculative  exploitation  of 
the  archipelago,  which  was  only  temporarily  held  up  by  the  oppo- 
sition of  Democratic  Senators  in  the  last  session,  will,  if  success- 
ful, lead  to  entanglements  from  which  it  will  be  difficult  to  escape. 

TARIFF. 

The  Democratic  Party  has  been,  and  will  continue  to  be,  the 
consistent  opponent  of  that  class  of  tariff  legislation  by  which  cer- 
tain interests  have  been  permitted,  through  congressional  favor, 
to  draw  a  heavy  tribute  from  the  American  people.  This  monstrous 
perversion  of  those  equal  opportunities  which  our  political  insti- 
tutions were  established  to  secure,  has  caused  what  may  once  have 
been  infant  industries  to  become  the  greatest  combinations  of 
capital  that  the  world  has  ever  known.  These  special  favorites  of 
the  Government  have,  through  trust  methods,  been  converted  into 
monopolies,  thus  bringing  to  an  end  domestic  competition,  which 
was  the  only  alleged  check  upon  the  extravagant  profits  made  pos- 
sible by  the  protective  system.  These  industrial  combinations,  by 
the  financial  assistance  they  can  give,  now  control  the  policy  of 
the  Republican  Party. 

We  denounce  protectionism  as  a  robbery  of  the  many  to  enrich 
the  few,  and  we  favor  a  tariff  limited  to  the  needs  of  the  Gov- 
ernment economically,  effectively,  and  constitutionally  admin- 
istered, and  so  levied  as  not  to  discriminate  against  any  industry, 
class  or  section,  to  the  end  that  the  burdens  of  taxation  shall  be 
distributed  as  equally  as  possible. 

We  favor  a  revision  and  a  gradual  reduction  of  the  tariff  by  the 
friends  of  the  masses  and  for  the  common  weal,  and  not  by  the 
friends  of  its  abuses,  its  extortions  and  its  discriminations,  keep- 
ing in  view  the  ultimate  end  of  "equality  of  burdens  and  equality 
of  opportunities,"  and  the  constitutional  purpose  of  raising  a  rev- 
enue by  taxation,  to  wit,  the  support  of  the  Federal  Government  in 
all  its  integrity  and  virility,  but  in  simplicity.' 

TRUSTS    AND    UNLAWFUL    COMBINATIONS. 

We  recognize  that  the  gigantic  trusts  and  combinations  designed 
to  enable  capital  to  secure  more  than  its  just  share  of  the  joint 
product  of  capital  and  labor,  and  which  have  been  fostered  and 
promoted  under  Republican  rule,  are  a  menace  to  beneficial  com- 
petition and  an  obstacle  to  permanent  business  prosperity. 

A  private  monopoly  is  indefensible  and  intolerable. 

Individual  equality  of  opportunity  and  free  competition  are  es- 
sential to  a  healthy  and  permanent  commercial  prosperity;  and 
any  trust,  combination  or  monopoly  tending  to  destroy  these  by 


The  Platform  of  the  Democratic  Party.  19 

controlling  production,  restricting  competition,  or  fixing  prices 
and  wages,  should  be  prohibited  and  punished  by  law.  We  espe- 
cially denounce  rebates  and  discriminations  by  transporation 
companies  as  the  most  potent  agency  in  promoting  and  strengthen- 
ing these  unlawful  conspiracies  against  trade. 

We  demand  an  enlargement  of  the  powers  of  the  Interstate  Com- 
merce Commission,  to  the  end  that  the  traveling  public  and  ship- 
pers of  this  country  may  have  prompt  and  adequate  relief  from  the 
abuses  to  which  they  are  subjected  in  the  matter  of  transportation. 
We  demand  a  strict  enforcement  of  existing  civil  and  criminal 
statutes  against  all  such  trusts,  combinations,  and  monopolies; 
and  we  demand  the  enactment  of  such  further  legislation  as  may 
be  necessary  effectually  to  suppress  them. 

Any  trust  or  unlawful  combination  engaged  in  interstate  com- 
merce which  is  monopolizing  any  branch  of  business  or  production, 
should  not  be  permitted  to  transact  business  outside  of  the  State 
of  its  origin,  whenever  it  shall  be  established  in  any  court  of  com- 
petent jurisdiction  that  such  monopolization  exists.  Such  pro- 
hibition should  be  enforced  through  comprehensive  laws  to  be  en- 
acted on  the  subject. 

CAPITAL    AND    LABOR. 

We  favor  the  enactment  and  administration  of  laws  giving  labor 
and  capital  impartially  their  just  rights.  Capital  and  labor  ought 
not  to  be  enemies.  Each  is  necessary  to  the  other.  Each  has  its 
rights,  but  the  rights  of  labor  are  certainly  no  less  "vested,"  no  less 
"sacred,"  and  no  less  "inalienable"  than  the  rights  of  capital. 

We  favor  arbitration  of  differences  between  corporate  employers 
and  their  employees,  and  a  strict  enforcement  of  the  eight-hour 
law  on  all  Government  work. 

We  approve  the  measure  which  passed  the  United  States  Senate 
in  1896,  but  which  a  Eepublican  Congress  has  ever  since  refused  to 
enact,  relating  to  contempts  in  Federal  courts  and  providing  for 
trial  by  jury  in  cases  of  indirect  contempt. 
CONSTITUTIONAL    GUARANTEES. 

Constitutional  guarantees  are  violated  whenever  any  citizen 
is  denied  the  right  to  labor,  acquire  and  enjoy  property/or  reside 
where  interest  or  inclination  may  determine.  Any  denial  thereof 
by  individuals,  organizations,  or  governments  should  be  summarily 
rebuked  and  punished. 

We  deny  the  right  of  any  executive  to  disregard  or  suspend  any 
constitutional  privilege  or  limitation.  Obedience  to  the  laws  and 
respect  for  their  requirements  are  alike  the  supreme  duty  of  the 
citizen  and  the  official. 

The  military  should  be  used  only  to  support  and  maintain  the 
law.  We  unqualifiedly  condemn  its  employment  for  the  summary 
banishment  of  citizens  without  trial,  or  for  the  control  of  elections. 
WATERWAYS. 

We  favor  liberal  appropriations  for  the  care  and  improvement 
of  the  waterways  of  the  country.     When  any  waterway,  like  the 


20  The  Platform  of  the  Democratic  Party. 

Mississippi  Elver,  is  of  sufficient  importance  to  demand  the  special 
aid  of  the  Government,  such  aid  should  be  extended  with  a  definite 
plan  of  continuous  work  until  permanent  improvement  is  secured. 
We  oppose  the  Republican  policy  of  starving  home  development 
in  order  to  feed  the  greed  for  conquest  and  the  appetite  for  national 
"prestige"  and  display  of  strength. 

RECLAMATION    OF  ARID    LANDS   AND    DOMESTIC    DEVELOPMENT. 

We  congratulate  our  Western  citizens  upon  the  passage  of  the 
measure  known  as  the  Newlands  Irrigation  Act,  for  the  irrigation 
and  reclamation  of  the  arid  lands  of  the  West — a  measure  framed 
by  a  Democrat,  passed  in  the  Senate  by  a  non-partisan  vote,  and 
passed  in  the  House  against  the  opposition  of  almost  all  the  Re- 
publican leaders  by  a  vote  the  majority  of  which  was  Democratic. 
We  call  attention  to  this  great  Democratic  measure,  broad  and  com- 
prehensive as  it  is,  working  automatically  throughout  all  time  with- 
out further  action  of  Congress,  until  the  reclamation  of  all  the 
lands  in  the  arid  West  capable  of  reclamation  is  accomplished, 
reserving  the  lands  reclaimed  for  homeseekers,  in  small  tracts,  and 
rigidly  guarding  against  land  monopoly,  as  an  evidence  of  the 
policy  of  domestic  development  contemplated  by  the  Democratic 
Party,  should  it  be  placed  in  power. 

THE    ISTHMIAN    CANAL. 

The  Democracy  when  entrusted  with  power  will  construct  the 
Panama  Canal  speedily,  honestly  and  economically,  thereby  giving 
to  our  people  what  Democrats  have  always  contended  for — a  great 
inter-oceanic  canal,  furnishing  shorter  and  cheaper  lines  of  trans- 
portation, and  broader  and  less  trammeled  trade  relations  with  the 
other  peoples  of  the  world. 

AMERICAN    CITIZENSHIP. 

We  pledge  ourselves  to  insist  upon  the  just  and  lawful  protec- 
tion of  our  citizens  at  home  and  abroad,  and  to  use  all  proper  meas- 
ures to  secure  for  them,  whether  native-born  or  naturalized,  and 
without  distinction  of  race  or  creed,  the  equal  protection  of  laws 
and  the  enjoyment  of  all  rights  and  privileges  open  to  them  un- 
der the  covenants  of  our  treaties  of  friendship  and  commerce ;  and 
if  under  existing  treaties  the  right  of  travel  and  sojourn  is  denied 
to  American  citizens  or  recognition  is  withheld  from  American 
passports  by  any  countries  on  the  ground  of  race  or  creed,  we 
favor  the  beginning  of  negotiations  with  the  governments  of  such 
countries  to  secure  by  new  treaties  the  removal  of  these  unjust  dis- 
criminations. 

We  demand  that  all  over  the  world  a  duly  authenticated  passport 
issued  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  an  American 
citizen  shall  be  proof  of  the  fact  that  he  is  an  American  citizen, 
and  shall  entitle  him  to  the  treatment  due  him  as  such. 

ELECTION    OF    SENATORS    BY    THE    PEOPLE. 

We  favor  the  election  of  United  States  Senators  by  direct  vote 
of  the  people. 


The  Platform  of  the  Democratic  Party.  21 

STATEHOOD    AND    TERRITORIES. 

We  favor  the  admission  of  the  Territory  of  Oklahoma  and  the 
Indian  Territory.  We  also  favor  the  immediate  admission  of 
Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  as  separate  States,  and  territorial  govern- 
ments for  Alaska  and  Porto  Eico. 

We  hold  that  the  officials  appointed  to  administer  the  govern- 
ment of  any  Territory,  as  well  as  the  District  of  Alaska,  should  be 
bona  fide  residents  at  the  time  of  their  appointment  of  the  Terri- 
tory or  District  in  which  their  duties  are  to  be  performed. 

CONDEMNATION    OF    POLYGAMY. 

We  demand  the  extermination  of  polygamy  within  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  United  States,  and  the  complete  separation  of  Church 
and  State  in  political  affairs. 

MERCHANT    MARINE. 

We  denounce  the  ship  subsidy  bill  recently  passed  by  the  United 
States  Senate  as  an  iniquitous  appropriation  of  public  funds  for 
private  purposes  and  a  wasteful,  illogical  and  useless  attempt  to 
overcome  by  subsidy  the  obstructions  raised  by  Eepublican  legisla- 
tion to  the  growth  and  development  of  American  commerce  on  the 
sea. 

We  favor  the  upbuilding  of  a  merchant  marine  without  new  or 
additional  burdens  upon  the  people  and  without  bounties  from  the 
public  treasury. 

RECIPROCITY. 

We  favor  liberal  trade  arrangements  with  Canada,  and  with  peo- 
ples of  other  countries  where  they  can  be  entered  into  with  benefit 
to  American  agriculture,  manufactures,  mining  or  commerce. 

MONROE    DOCTRINE. 

We  favor  the  maintenance  of  the  Monroe  doctrine  in  its  full 
integrity. 

ARMY. 

We  favor  the  reduction  of  the  Army  and  of  Army  expenditures 
to  the  point  historically  demonstrated  to  be  safe  and  sufficient. 

PENSIONS.       OUR    SOLDIERS    AND    SAILORS. 

The  Democracy  would  secure  to  the  surviving  soldiers  and  their 
dependents  generous  pensions,  not  by  an  arbitrary  executive  order, 
but  by  legislation  which  a  grateful  people  stand  ready  to  enact. 

Our  soldiers  and  sailors  who  defend  with  their  lives  the  Consti- 
tution and  the  laws  have  a  sacred  interest  in  their  just  administra- 
tion. They  must,  therefore,  share  with  us  the  humiliation  with 
which  we  have  witnessed  the  exaltation  of  court  favorites,  without 
distinguished  service,  over  the  scarred  heroes  of  many  battles,  or 
aggrandizement  by  executive  appropriations  out  of  the  treasuries 
of  prostrate  peoples  in  violation  of  the  act  of  Congress  which  fixes 
the  compensation  or  allowances  of  the  military  officers. 


22  The  Platform  of  the  Democratic  Party. 

CIVIL    SERVICE. 

The  Democratic  Party  stands  committed  to  the  principles  of 
civil  service  reform,  and  we  demand  their  honest,  just  and  impar- 
tial enforcement. 

We  denounce  the  Republican  Party  for  its  continuous  and  sinis- 
ter encroachments  upon  the  spirit  and  operation  of  civil  service 
rules,  whereby  it  has  arbitrarily  dispensed  with  examinations  for 
office  in  the  interest  of  favorites,  and  employed  all  manner  of  de- 
vices to  overreach  and  set  aside  the  principles  upon  which  the  Civil 
Service  is  based. 

SECTIONAL    AND    RACE    AGITATION. 

The  race  question  has  brought  countless  woes  to  this  country. 
The  calm  wisdom  of  the  American  people  should  see  to  it  that  it 
brings  no  more. 

To  revive  the  dead  and  hateful  race  and  sectional  animosities 
in  any  part  of  our  common  country  means  confusion,  distraction 
of  business,  and  the  reopening  of  wounds  now  happily  healed. 
North,  South,  East  and  West  have  but  recently  stood  together  in 
line  of  battle  from  the  walls  of  Pekin  to  the  hills  of  Santiago, 
and  as  sharers  of  a  common  glory  and  a  common  destiny,  we  should 
share  fraternally  the  common  burdens. 

We  therefore  deprecate  and  condemn  the  Bourbon-like,  selfish 
and  narrow  spirit  of  the  recent  Republican  Convention  at  Chicago, 
which  sought  to  kindle  anew  the  embers  of  racial  and  sectional 
strife,  and  we  appeal  from  it  to  the  sober  common  sense  and 
patriotic  spirit  of  the  American  people. 

THE    REPUBLICAN    ADMINISTRATION. 

The  existing  Republican  administration  has  been  spasmodic, 
erratic,  sensational,  spectacular  and  arbitrary.  It  has  made  itself 
a  satire  upon  the  Congress,  courts,  and  upon  the  settled  practices 
and  usages  of  national  and  international  law. 

It  summoned  the  Congress  in  hasty  and  futile  extra  session 
and  virtually  adjourned  it,  leaving  behind  in  its  flight  from  Wash- 
ington uncalled  calendars  and  unaccomplished  tasks. 

It  made  war,  which  is  the  sole  power  of  Congress,  without  its 
authority,  thereby  usurping  one  of  its  fundamental  prerogatives. 
It  violated  a  plain  statute  of  the  United  States  as  well  as  plain 
treaty  obligations,  international  usages  and  constitutional  law; 
and  has  done  so  under  pretense  of  executing  a  great  public  policy 
which  could  have  been  more  easily  effected  lawfully,  constitution- 
ally and  with  honor. 

It  forced  strained  and  unnatural  constructions  upon  statutes, 
usurping  judicial  interpretation,  and  substituting  for  congressional 
enactment  executive  decree. 

It  withdrew  from  the  Congress  its  customary  duties  of  investi- 
gation which  have  heretofore  made  the  representatives  of  the 
people  and  the  States  the  terror  of  evil-doers. 

It  conducted  a  secretive  investigation  of  its  own,  and  boasting 
of  a  few  sample  convicts,  it  threw  a  broad  coverlet  over  the  bu- 


The  Platform  of  the  Democratic  Party.  23 

reaus  which  had  been  their  chosen  field  of  operative  abuses,  and 
kept  in  power  the  superior  officers  under  whose  administration  the 
crimes  had  been  committed. 

It  ordered  assault  upon  some  monopolies,  but,  paralyzed  by  a 
first  victory,  it  flung  out  the  flag  of  truce  and  cried  out  that  it 
would  not  "run  amuck";  leaving  its  future  purposes  beclouded  by 
its  vacillations. 

APPEAL    TO    THE    PEOPLE. 

Conducting  the  campaign  upon  this  declaration  of  our  principles 
and  purposes,  we  invoke  for  our  candidates  the  support  not  only 
of  our  great  and  time-honored  organization,  but  also  the  active 
assistance  of  all  of  our  fellow-citizens  who,  disregarding  past  differ- 
ences, desire  the  perpetuation  of  our  constitutional  Government  as 
framed  and  established  by  the  fathers  of  the  Republic. 


Subsequent  to  the  adoption  of  the  platform  Judge  Parker  was 
nominated  for  President,  receiving  two-thirds  of  the  votes  cast 
on  the  first  ballot,  and  the  nomination  was  then  made  unanimous. 
The  following  telegram  was  sent  by  Judge  Parker  for  communica- 
tion to  the  Convention : 

"Esopus,  N.  Y.,  July  9,  1904. 
"Hon.  Wm.  F.  Sheehan,  Hotel  Jefferson : 

"I  regard  the  gold  standard  as  firmly  and  irrevocably  estab- 
lished, and  shall  act  accordingly  if  the  act  of  the  convention  to- 
day shall  be  ratified  by  the  people. 

"As  the  platform  is  silent  on  the  subject,  my  view  should  be 
known  to  the  convention;  and  if  it  is  proved  to  be  unsatisfac- 
tory to  the  majority,  I  request  you  to  decline  the  nomination  for 
me,   so  that  another  may   be  nominated  before   adjournment. 
"(Signed)  Alton  B.  Parker." 

At  the  final  session  of  the  Convention,  after  consideration  of 
the  telegram,  the  Convention  voted  that  the  following  reply  should 
be  sent  to  the  candidate: 

"The  platform  adopted  by  this  convention  is  silent  on  the  ques- 
tion of  the  monetary  standard  because  it  is  not  regarded  by  us 
as  a  possible  issue  in  this  campaign,  and  only  campaign  issues 
were  mentioned  in  the  platform.  Therefore,  there  is  nothing 
in  the  views  expressed  by  you  in  the  telegram  just  received  which 
would  preclude  a  man  entertaining  them  from  accepting  the  nom- 
ination on  said  platform." 


THE  PLATFORM  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

ADOPTED  AT  CHICAGO,  JUNE  22,  1904. 


Fifty  years  ago  the  Kepublican  party  came  into  existence  dedi- 
cated among  other  purposes  to  the  great  task  of  arresting  the  ex- 
tension of  human  slavery.  In  1860  it  elected  its  first  President. 
During  24  of  the  44  years  which  have  elapsed  since  the  election 
of  Lincoln,  the  Republican  party  has  held  complete  control  of 
the  government.  For  18  more  of  the  44  years  it  has  held  partial 
control  through  the  possession  of  one  or  two  branches  of  the  gov- 
ernment, while  the  Democratic  party  during  the  same  period  has 
had  complete  control  for  only  two  years.  This  long  tenure  of 
power  by  the  Republican  party  is  not  due  to  chance.  It  is  a 
demonstration  that  the  Republican  party  has  commanded  the  con- 
fidence of  the  American  people  for  nearly  two  generations  to.  a 
degree  never  equaled  in  our  history,  and  has  displayed  a  high  ca- 
pacity for  rule  and  government  which  has  been  made  even  more 
conspicuous  by  the  incapacity  and  infirmity  of  purpose  shown  by 
its  opponents. 

CONDITIONS    IN    1897. 

The  Republican  party  entered  upon  its  present  period  of  com- 
plete supremacy  in  1897.  We  have  every  right  to  congratulate 
ourselves  upon  the  work  since  then  accomplished,  for  it  has  added 
lustre  even  to  the  traditions  of  the  party  which  carried  the  gov- 
ernment through  the  storms  of  Civil  War. 

We  then  found  the  country  after  four  years  of  Democratic 
rule  in  evil-  plight,  oppressed  with  misfortune  and  doubtful  of 
the  future.  Public  credit  had  been  lowered,  the  revenues  were 
declining,  the  debt  was  growing,  the  administration's  attitude 
toward  Spain  was  feeble  and  mortifying,  the  standard  of  values 
was  threatened  and  uncertain,  labor  was  unemployed,  business 
was  sunk  in  the  depression  which  had  succeeded  the  panic  of  1893, 
hope  was  faint  and  confidence  was  gone. 

We  met  these  unhappy  conditions  vigorously,  effectively,  and 
at  once. 

THE    TARIFF    LAW. 

We  replaced  a  Democratic  tariff  law  based  on  free  trade  prin- 
ciples and  garnished  with  sectional  protection  by  a  consistent  pro- 
tective tariff,  and  industry,  freed  from  oppression  and  stimulated 
by  the  encouragement  of  wTise  laws,  has  expanded  to  a  degree  never 
before  known,  has  conquered  new  markets,  and  has  created  a  vol- 
ume of  exports  which  has  surpassed  imagination.  Under  the 
Dingley  tariff  labor  has  been  fully  employed,  wages  have  risen, 
and  all  industries  have  revived  and  prospered. 

We  firmly  established  the  gold  standard  which  was  then  men- 


The  Platform  of  the  Republican  Party.  25 

aced  with  destruction.     Confidence  returned  to  business,  and  with 
confidence  an  unexampled  prosperity. 

REVENUES. 

For  deficient  revenues,  supplemented  by  improvident  issues  of 
bonds,  we  gave  the  country  an  income  which  produced  a  large 
surplus  and  which  enabled  us  only  four  years  after  the  Spanish 
war  had  closed  to  remove  over  $100,000,000  of  annual  war  taxes, 
reduce  the  public  debt,  and  lower  the  interest  charges  of  the  gov- 
ernment. 

THE    PUBLIC    CREDIT    RESTORED. 

The  public  credit,  which  had  been  so  lowered  that  in  time  of 
peace  a  Democratic  administration  made  large  loans  at  extrav- 
agant rates  of  interest  in  order  to  pay  current  expenditures,  rose 
under  Republican  administration  to  its  highest  point  and  enabled 
us  to  borrow  at  2  per  cent,  even  in  time  of  war. 

CUBA. 

We  refused  to  palter  longer  with  the  miseries  of  Cuba.  We 
fought  a  quick  and  victorious  war  with  Spain.  We  set  Cuba 
free,  governed  the  Island  for  three  years,  and  then  gave  it  to  the 
Cuban  people  with  order  restored,  with  ample  revenues,  writh  edu- 
cation and  public  health  established,  free  from  debt,  and  connected 
with  the  United  States  by  wise  provisions  for  our  mutual  interests. 

PORTO    RICO. 

We  have  organized  the  government  of  Porto  Rico,  and  its  peo- 
ple now  enjoy  peace,  freedom,  order,  and  prosperity. 

THE    PHILIPPINES. 

In  the  Philippines  we  have  suppressed  insurrection,  established 
order,  and  given  to  life  and  property  a  security  never  known  there 
before.  We  have  organized  civil  government,  made  it  effective 
and  strong  in  administration,  and  have  conferred  upon  the  peo- 
ple of  those  islands  the  largest  civil  liberty  they  have  ever  enjoyed. 

By  our  possession  of  the  Philippines  we  were  enabled  to  take 
prompt  and  effective  action  in  the  relief  of  the  legations  at  Peking 
and  a.  decisive  part  in  preventing  the  partition  and  preserving  the 
integrity  of  China. 

THE    ISTHMIAN    CANAL. 

The  possession  of  a  route  for  an  isthmian  canal,  so  long  the 
dream  of  American  statesmanship,  is  now  an  accomplished  fact. 
The  great  work  of  connecting  the  Pacific  and  Atlantic  by  a  canal 
is  at  last  begun,  and  it  is  due  to  the  Republican  party. 

THE    ARID    LANDS. 

We  have  passed  the  laws  which  will  bring  the  arid  lands  of 
the  United  States  within  the  area  of  cultivation. 

THE    ARMY    AND    NAVY. 

We  have  reorganized  the  army  and  put  it  in  the  highest  state 
of  efficiency. 


26  The  Platform  of  the  Republican  Party. 

We  have  passed  laws  for  the  improvement  and  support  of  the 
militia. 

We  have  pushed  forward  building  of  the  navy,  the  defense 
and  protection  of  our  honor  and  our  interests. 

Our  administration  of  the  great  departments  of  the  government 
has  been  honest  and  efficient,  and  wherever  wrong-doing  has  been 
discovered,  the  Republican  administration  has  not  hesitated  to 
probe  the  evil  and  bring  offenders  to  justice  without  regard  to  party 
or  political  ties. 

THE    GREAT    CORPORATIONS. 

Laws  enacted  by  the  Republican  party  which  the  Democratic 
party  failed  to  enforce  and  which  were  intended  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  public  against  the  unjust  discrimination  or  the  illegal 
encroachment  of  vast  aggregations  of  capital,  have  been  fearlessly 
enforced  by  a  Republican  President,  and  new  laws  insuring  rea- 
sonable publicity  as  to  the  operations  of  great  corporations,  and 
providing  additional  remedies  for  the  prevention  of  discrimina- 
tion in  freight  rates,  have  been  passed  by  a  Republican  Congress. 

In  this  record  of  achievement  during  the  past  eight  years  may 
be  read  the  pledges  which  the  Republican  party  has  fulfilled.  We 
promise  to  continue  these  policies,  and  we  declare  our  constant 
adherence  to  the  following  principles: 

PROTECTION    TO    AMERICAN    INDUSTRIES. 

Protection  which  guards  and  develops  our  industries,  is  a  car- 
dinal policy  of  the  Republican  party.  The  measure  of  protec- 
tion should  always  at  least  equal  the  difference  in  the  cost  of 
production  at  home  and  abroad.  We  insist  upon  the  maintenance 
of  the  principle  of  protection,  and,  therefore,  rates  of  duty  should 
be  readjusted  only  when  conditions  have  so  changed  that  the  pub- 
lic interest  demands  their  alteration,  but  this  work  cannot  safely 
be  committed  to  any  other  hands  than  those  of  the  Republican 
party.  To  intrust  it  to  the  Democratic  party  is  to  invite  disas- 
ter. Whether,  as  in  1892,  the  Democratic  party  declares  the  pro- 
tective tariff  unconstitutional,  or  whether  it  demands  tariff  re- 
form or  tariff  revision,  its  real  object  is  always  the  destruction 
of  the  protective  system.  However  specious  the  name,  the  pur- 
pose is  ever  the  same.  A  Democratic  tariff  has  always  been  fol- 
lowed by  business  adversity;  a  Republican  tariff  by  business  pros- 
perity. To  a  Republican  Congress  and  a  Republican  President 
this  great  question  can  be  safely  intrusted.  When  the  only  free 
trade  country  among  the  great  nations  agitates  a  return  to  protec- 
tion, the  chief  protective  country  should  not  falter  in  maintaining  it. 

FOREIGN    MARKETS    EXTENDED. 

We  have  extended  widely  our  foreign  markets,  and  we  believe 
in  the  adoption  of  all  practicable  methods  for  their  further  ex- 
tension, including  commercial  reciprocity  wherever  reciprocal  ar- 
rangements can  be  effected  consistent  with  the  principles  of  pro- 


The  Platform  of  the  Republican  Party.  27 

tection   and  without   injury  to   American   agriculture,    American 
labor,  or  any  American  industry. 

THE    GOLD    STANDARD. 

We  believe  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  Republican  party  to  uphold 
the  gold  standard  and  the  integrity  and  value  of  our  national 
currency.  The  maintenance  of  the  gold  standard,  established  by 
the  Republican  party,  cannot  safely  be  committed  to  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  which  resisted  its  adoption  and  has  never  given  any 
proof  since  that  time  of  belief  in  it  or  fidelity  to  it. 

AMERICAN    SHIPPING. 

While  every  other  industry  has  prospered  under  the  fostering 
aid  of  Republican  legislation,  American  shipping  engaged  in  for- 
eign trade  in  competition  with  the  low  cost  of  construction,  low 
wages,  and  heavy  sudsidies  of  foreign  governments,  has  not  for 
many  years  received  from  the  government  of  the  United  States 
adequate  encouragement  of  any  kind.  We  therefore  favor  leg- 
islation which  will  encourage  and  build  lip  the  American  mer- 
chant marine,  and  we  cordially  approve  the  legislation  of  the  last 
Congress  which  created  the  Merchant  Marine  Commission  to  in- 
vestigate and  report  upon  this  subject. 

A  navy  powerful  enough  to  defend  the  United  States  against 
any  attack,  to  uphold  the  Monroe  doctrine,  and  watch  over  our  com- 
merce, is  essential  for  the  safety  and  the  welfare  of  the  Ameri- 
can people.  To  maintain  such  a  navy  is  the  fixed  policy  of  the 
Republican  party. 

CHINESE    LABOR. 

We  cordially  approve  the  attitude  of  President  Roosevelt  and 
Congress  in  regard  to  the  exclusion  of  Chinese  labor,  and  promise 
a  continuance  of  the  Republican  policy  in  that  direction. 

CIVIL    SERVICE. 

The  civil-service  law  was  placed  on  the  statute  books  by  the 
Republican  party,  which  has  always  sustained  it,  and  we  renew 
our  former  declarations  that  it  shall  be  thoroughly  and  honestly 
enforced. 

THE    SOLDIERS    AND    SAILORS. 

We  are  always  mindful  of  the  country's  debt  to  the  soldiers  and 
sailors  of  the  United  States,  and  we  believe  in  making  ample  pro- 
vision for  them  and  in  the  liberal  administration  of  the  pension 
laws. 

ARBITRATION. 

We  favor  the  peaceful  settlement  of  international  differences 
by  arbitration. 

PROTECTION    OF    CITIZENS    ABROAD. 

We  commend  the  vigorous  efforts  made  by  the  administration 
to  protect  American  citizens  in  foreign  lands,  and  pledge  our- 
selves to  insist  upon  the  just  and  equal  protection  of  all  our  citizens 


28  The  Platform  of  the  Republican  Party. 

abroad.  It  is  the  unquestioned  duty  of  the  government  to  pro- 
cure for  all  our  citizens,  without  distinction,  the  rights  of  travel 
and  sojourn  in  friendly  countries,  and  we  declare  ourselves  in 
favor  of  all  proper  efforts  tending  to  that  end. 

THE    ORIENT. 

Our  great  interests  and  our  growing  commerce  in  the  Orient 
render  the  condition  of  China  of  high  importance  to  the  United 
States.  We  cordially  commend  the  policy  pursued  in  that  direc- 
tion by  the  administration  of  President  McKinley  and  President 
Roosevelt. 

THE    ELECTIVE    FRANCHISE. 

We  favor  such  Congressional  action  as  shall  determine  whether 
by  special  discriminations  the  elective  franchise  in  any  State  has 
been  unconstitutionally  limited,  and,  if  such  is  the  case,  we  de- 
mand that  representation  in  Congress  and  in  the  electoral  col- 
leges shall  be  proportionally  reduced  as  directed  by  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States. 

COMBINATIONS    OF    CAPITAL    AND    OF    LABOR. 

Combinations  of  capital  and  of  labor  are  the  results  of  the  eco- 
nomic movement  of  the  age,  but  neither  can  be  permitted  to  in- 
fringe upon  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  people.  Such  com- 
binations, when  lawfully  formed  for  lawful  purposes,  are  alike  en- 
titled to  the  protection  of  the  laws,  but  both  are  subject  to  the 
laws  and  neither  can  be  permitted  to  break  them. 

OUR    LAMENTED     PRESIDENT. 

The  great  statesman  and  patriotic  American,  William  McKin- 
ley, who  was  re-elected  by  the  Republican  party  to  the  Presidency 
four  years  ago,  was  assassinated  just  at  the  threshold  of  his  sec- 
ond term.  The  entire  nation  mourned  his  untimely  death  and 
did  that  justice  to  his  great  qualities  of  mind  and  character  which 
history  will  confirm  and  repeat. 

PRESIDENT    ROOSEVELT. 

The  American  people  were  fortunate  in  his  successor,  to  whom 
they  turned  with  a  trust  and  confidence  which  have  been  fully 
justified.  President  Roosevelt  brought  to  the  great  responsibili- 
ties thus  sadly  forced  upon  him  a  clear  head,  a  brave  heart,  an 
earnest  patriotism,  and  high  ideals  of  public  duty  and  public  serv- 
ice. True  to  the  principles  of  the  Republican  party  and  to  the 
policies  which  that  party  had  declared,  he  has  also  shown  him- 
self ready  for  every  emergency  and  has  met  new  and  vital  ques- 
tions with  ability  and  with  success. 

The  confidence  of  the  people  in  his  juctice,  inspired  by  his  pub- 
lic career,  enabled  him  to  render  personally  an  inestimable  service 
to  the  country  by  bringing  about  a  settlement  of  the  coal  strike, 
which  threatened  such  disastrous  results  at  the  opening  of  winter 
in  1902. 


The  Platform  of  the  Republican  Party.  29 

Our  foreign  policy  under  his  administration  has  not  only  been 
able,  vigorous,  and  dignified,  but  in  the  highest  degree  successful. 

The  complicated  questions  which  arose  in  Venezuela  were  set- 
tled in  such  a  way  by  President  Roosevelt,  that  the  Monroe  doc- 
trine was  signally  vindicated  and  the  cause  of  peace  and  arbitra- 
tion greatly  advanced. 

His  prompt  and  vigorous  action  in  Panama,  which  we  com- 
mend in  the  highest  terms,  not  only  secured  to  us  the  canal  route, 
but  avoided  foreign  complications  which  might  have  been  of  a 
very  serious  character. 

He  has  continued  the  policy  of  President  McKinley  in  the  Orient, 
and  our  position  in  China,  signalized  by  our  recent  commercial 
treaty  with  that  empire,  has  never  been  so  high. 

He  secured  the  tribunal  by  which  the  vexed  and  perilous  ques- 
tion of  the  Alaskan  boundary  was  finally  settled. 

Whenever  crimes  against  humanity  have  been  perpetrated  which 
have  shocked  our  people,  his  protest  has  been  made,  and  our  good 
offices  have  been  tendered,  but  always  with  due  regard  to  inter- 
national obligations. 

Under  his  guidance  we  find  ourselves  at  peace  with  all  the  world, 
and  never  were  we  more  respected  or  our  wishes  more  regarded 
by  foreign  nations. 

Pre-eminently  successful  in  regard  to  our  foreign  relations,  he 
has  been  equally  fortunate  in  dealing  with  domestic  questions. 
The  country  has  known  that  the  public  credit  and  the  national 
currency  were  absolutely  safe  in  the  hands  of  his  administration. 
In  the  enforcement  of  the  laws  he  has  shown  not  only  courage, 
but  the  wisdom  which  understands  that  to  permit  laws  to  be  violated 
or  disregarded  opens  the  door  to  anarchy,  while  the  just  enforce- 
ment of  the  law  is  the  soundest  conservatism.  He  has  held  firmly 
to  the  fundamental  American  doctrine  that  all  men  must  obey 
the  law;  that  there  must  be  no  distinction  between  rich  and  poor, 
between  strong  and  weak,  but  that  justice  and  equal  protection 
under  the  law  must  be  secured  to  every  citizen  without  regard 
to  race,  creed,  or  condition. 

His  administration  has  been  throughout  vigorous  and  honor- 
able, high-minded  and  patriotic.  We  commend  it  without  reserva- 
tion to  the  considerate  judgment  of  the  American  people. 


NOTIFICATION    ADDRESS    OF    HON.    CHAMP    CLARK,  OF 
MISSOURI,  DELIVERED  AT  ESOPUS,  AUG.  10TH,  1904. 


Judge  Parker:  The  most  momentous  political  performance 
known  among  men  is  the  quadrennial  election  of  an  American 
President.  The  supreme  executive  power  of  80,000,000  free  peo- 
ple changes  hands  with  simplest  ceremony  and  most  perfect  or- 
der. While  the  contest  for  votes  is  waged  with  earnestness  and 
enthusiasm — sometimes  with  much  heat  and  with  much  bitterness 
— the  ready  acceptance  of  the  result  by  the  defeated  is  the  surest 
augury  of  the  perpetuity  of  our  institutions. 

Presidents  come  and  Presidents  go;  but  the  great  Republic — 
freighted  writh  the  hopes  of  the  human  race  for  liberty — goes 
on  forever. 

All  history  proves  that  a  Government  bottomed  on  popular  suf- 
frage is  a  Government  by  party.  Experience  shows  that  he  serves 
his  party  best  who  serves  his  country  best.  The  names  most  fondly 
cherished  are  those  of  men  who  unselfishly  devoted  their  time,  their 
energies,  their  talents,  their  fortunes  and  their  lives  to  the  pro- 
motion of  the  public  weal.  Stronger  incentive  to  high  and  pa- 
triotic endeavor  no  man  hath  than  to  stand  through  all  the  ages 
in  that  goodly  company. 

Out  of  the  strong  debates  and  profound  deliberation  of  the  St. 
Louis  convention  emerged  a  reunited  party,  which  goes  forth  con- 
quering and  to  conquer.  The  flower  of  the  Democracy  assem- 
bled there  to  consult  on  the  state  of  the  country  and  to  take  meas- 
ures for  restoring  the  Government  to  the  principles  enunciated 
by  the  Fathers,  from  which  it  has  drifted  far  in  these  latter  days. 

AN    UNTRAMMELLED    CONVENTION. 

Every  phase  of  Democratic  opinion  was  represented  and  advo- 
cated by  brave,  honest  and  able  champions  in  that  great  conclave 
of  free  and  patriotic  men.  The  St.  Louis  Convention  carried  out 
no  cut-and-dried  programme;  its  delegates  were  not  mere  autom- 
atons or  marionettes  moving  and  talking  when  strings  were  pulled 
by  one  man.  Speech  and  action  were  absolutely  free  and  the  great 
debates  which  took  place  there  will  constitute  part  of  the  per- 
manent political  literature  of  the  country.  No  effort  was  made 
to  gag  or  bridle  any  one.  If  a  delegate  had  a  pet  idea  which 
lie  wished  to  exploit  he  was  given  an  adequate  and  respectful  hear- 
ing before  either  the  platform  committee  or  the  entire  conven- 
tion. Every  man  had  his  say.  To  none  was  opportunity  denied. 
Out  of  it  all  there  grew  such  unity  as  encourages  lovers  of  liberty 
and  of  pure  government  everywhere. 


Notification  Address  of  Hon.  Champ  Clark.  31 

To  serve  the  whole  American  people  without  discrimination, 
faithfully  and  well ;  to  distribute  the  benefits  of  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment impartially  to  all  our  citizens;  to  lighten  the  burdens 
of  Government  by  reducing  taxation  to  the  minimum  and  by  rigid 
economy  in  the  public  service;  to  administer  the  powers  conferred 
by  the  Constitution  justly,  wisely,  fearlessly,  vigorously  and  pa- 
triotically without  diminution  or  usurpation;  to  maintain  free- 
dom of  thought,  freedom  of  speech  and  freedom  of  the  press; 
to  promote  the  sacred  cause  of  human  freedom  everywhere  by  the 
wholesomeness  of  our  example;  to  vindicate  and  glorify  the  the- 
ory and  the  practice  of  representative  government;  to  secure  its 
blessings  to  our  posterity  for  all  time — these  always  have  been, 
.are,  and  forever  must  be  the  aims  and  purposes  of  Democrats. 

These  aims  and  purposes  of  the  Democracy  have  been  carefully, 
clearly  and  comprehensively  set  forth  in  the  declaration  of  prin- 
ciples which  was  unanimously  reported  to  the  St,  Louis  Conven- 
tion in  July  last  by  the  platform  committee  after  more  than  sixteen 
hours  spent  in  its  consideration,  in  which  every  great  live  issue 
is  frankly,  boldly  and  fully  discussed,  and  which  was  unanimously 
and  enthusiastically  adopted  by  the  convention,  composed  of  del- 
egates from  every  constituency  under  our  flag. 

There  was  a  splendid  array  of  Presidential  candidates  before 
the  St.  Louis  convention,  supported  by  loyal  friends  and  ardent 
admirers.  An  unusually  large  number  of  men  were  placed  in 
nomination  for  the  greatly  coveted  honor. 

THE    CONVENTION'S    CHOICE. 

You  were  chosen  with  such  enthusiasm  as  foretells  success. 
Having,  on  the  only  ballot,  received  the  two-thirds  majority  in- 
dispensable by  Democratic  usage,  your  nomination  was  made  unan- 
imous with  the  heartiest  approval  of  all  your  illustrious  compet- 
itors. "Absolute  acquiescence  in  the  decisions  of  the  majority, 
the  vital  principle  of  republics/'  has  ever  been  a  cardinal  tenet 
of  Democracy,  and  the  signs  of  the  times  indicate  that  you  will 
be  supported  at  the  polls  by  the  Democratic  host  with  the  same  una- 
nimity with  which  you  were  nominated. 

The  hope  is  not  too  extravagant  for  entertainment  that  in  this 
campaign  our  candidates  will  have  the  support  not  only  of  every 
Democrat  in  the  land,  but  also  of  every  voter  by  whatever  political 
name  called  who  believes  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
is  a  living  reality,  and  that  it  is  binding  equally  on  high  and  low, 
great  and  small,  public  official  and  private  citizen.  They  will 
also  be  supported,  let  us  hope,  by  all  men,  without  regard  to  po- 
litical affiliations,  who  favor  maintaining  the  lines  of  demarca- 
tion between  the  Legislative,  Judicial  and  Executive  departments 
of  the  Government,  the  separation  of  which  has  been  generally 
conceded  to  be  the  wisest,  most  salutary  and  most  dif- 
ficult achievement  of  the  masterful  statesmen  who  framed 
the  Constitution.  It  is  believed  and  hoped  that,  when 
President,  you  will  use  every  legitimate  influence  at  your  com- 


32  Notification  Address  of  Hon.  Champ  Clark. 

mand  to  restore  and  preserve  the  just  and  healthful  equilibrium 
among  the  departments  established  by  the  Constitution. 

The  most  marked  characteristics  of  the  bulk  of  the  American 
people  are  reverence  for  the  Constitution  and  obedience  to  law. 
Your  long  and  conspicuous  career  as  a  jurist  in  one  of  the  high- 
est courts  in  the  world — the  period  which  you  have  spent  in  ex- 
pounding constitutions  and  statutes — causes  your  countrymen  to 
believe  that  into  that  more  exalted  position  to  which  they  are  about 
to  call  you,  you  will  carry  with  you  that  profound  respect  for  the 
Constitution  and  the  law  which  with  you  has  become  a  confirmed 
mental  habit,  and  upon  which  depends  the  perpetuity  of  our  sys- 
tem of  government — the  best  ever  devised  by  the  wit  of  man — 
a  system  whose  beneficent  results  have  made  us  the  most  puissant 
nation  on  the  whole  face  of  the  earth. 

THE    PARTY'S    STANDARD    BEARER. 

Into  your  hands  the  great  historic  party  of  constitutional  gov- 
ernment has  committed  its  standard  with  abiding  faith  in  your 
courage,  your  integrity,  your  honor,  your  capacity,  and  your  pa- 
triotism, believing  that  under  your  leadership  we  will  achieve  a 
signal  victory ;  hoping  that  your  administration  will  be  such  a  for- 
tunate, such  a  happy  epoch  in  our  annals  as  to  mark  the  begin- 
ning of  a  long  era  of  Democratic  ascendency  and  that  you  will 
so  discharge  the  duties  of  your  high  office  as  to  rank  in  history 
with  the  greatest  and  'best  beloved  of  American  Presidents. 

The  convention,  according  to  Democratic  custom,  appointed  a 
committee  of  which  it  did  me  the  honor  to  make  me  chairman — 
for  which  I  am  deeply  grateful — to  convey  to  you  official  informa- 
tion of  your  selection  as  the  Democratic  nominee  for  President 
of  the  United  States. 

Speaking  for  the  committee,  with  pleasure  I  hand  you  this 
formal  notification  of  your  nomination,  together  with  a  copy  of 
the  platform  unanimously  adopted  by  the  convention.  In  its 
name  and  by  its  authority  I  have  the  honor  to  request  you 
to  accept  the  nomination  unanimously  bestowed. 

May  the  nomination  find  fruition  in  election!  May  the  God 
of  our  fathers  guide,  protect  and  bless  you,  both  as  a  candidate 
and  as  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Eepublic ! 


ADDRESS  OF  ACCEPTANCE  OF  ALTON  BROOKS  PARKER, 
AT  ESOPUS,  NEW  YORK,  AUGUST  10,  1904. 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Committee: 

I  have  resigned  the  office  of  Chief  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Ap- 
peals of  this  State  in  order  that  I  may  accept  the  responsibility 
that  the  great  convention  you  represent  has  put  upon  me,  without 
possible  prejudice  to  the  court  to  which  I  had  the  honor  to  belong, 
or  to  the  eminent  members  of  the  judiciary  of  this  State,  of  whom 
I  may  now  say  as  a  private  citizen  I  am  justly  proud. 

At  the  very  threshold  of  this  response  and  before  dealing  with 
other  subjects,  I  must,  in  justice  to  myself  and  to  relieve  my  sense 
of  gratitude,  express  my  profound  appreciation  of  the  confidence 
reposed  in  me  by  the  convention.  After  nominating  me  and  sub- 
sequently receiving  a  communication  declaring  that  I  regarded 
the  gold  standard  as  firmly  and  irrevocably  established,  a  matter 
concerning  which  I  felt  it  incumbent  upon  me  to  make  known  my 
attitude  so  that  hereafter  no  man  could  justly  say  that  his  sup- 
port had  been  secured  through  indirection  or  mistake,  the  con- 
vention reiterated  its  determination  that  I  should  be  the  standard- 
bearer  of  the  party  in  the  present  contest.  This  mark  of  trust  and 
confidence  I  shall  ever  esteem  as  the  highest  honor  that  could  be 
conferred  upon  me — an  honor  that,  whatever  may  be  the  fate  of  the 
campaign,  the  future  can  in  no  degree  lessen  or  impair. 

THE    PRINCIPLES    OF    THOMAS    JEFFERSON. 

The  admirable  platform  upon  which  the  party  appeals  to  the 
country  for  its  confidence  and  support  clearly  states  the  principles 
which  were  so  well  condensed  in  the  first  inaugural  address  of 
President  Jefferson,  and  points  out  with  force  and  directness  the 
course  to  be  pursued  through  their  proper  application  in  order  to 
insure  needed  reforms  in  both  the  legislative  and  administrative 
departments  of  the  government.  While  unhesitating  in  its  prom- 
ise to  correct  abuses  and  to  right  wrongs  wherever  they  appear  or 
however  caused;  to  investigate  the  several  administrative  depart- 
ments of  the  government,  the  conduct  of  whose  officials  has  created 
scandals,  and  to  punish  those  who  have  been  guilty  of  a  breach  of 
their  trust;  to  oppose  the  granting  of  special  privileges  by  which 
the  few  may  profit  at  the  expense  of  the  many ;  to  practise  economy 
in  the  expenditure  of  the  moneys  of  the  people,  and  to  that  end 
to  return  once  more  to  the  methods  of  the  founders  of  the  republic 
by  observing  in  disbursing  the  public  funds  the  care  and  caution 
a  prudent  individual  observes  with  respect  to  his  own;  still  the 
spirit  of  the  platform  assures  conservative,  instead  of  rash  ac- 
tion ;  the  protection  of  the  innocent,  as  well  as  the  punishment 
of  the  guilty;  the  encouragement  of  industry,  economy  and  thrift; 


34         Address  of  Acceptance  of  Alton  Brooks  Parker. 

the  protection  of  property  and  a  guarantee  of  the  enforcement 
for  the  benefit  of  all  of  man's  inalienable  rights,  among  which, 
as  said  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  are  "life,  liberty  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness."  Liberty,  as  understood  in  this  country, 
means  not  only  the  right  of  freedom  from  actual  servitude,  im- 
prisonment or  restraint,  but  the  right  of  one  to  use  his  faculties 
in  all  lawful  ways,  to  live  and  work  where  he  will  and  to  pursue 
any  lawful  trade  or  business.  These  essential  rights  of  life, 
liberty  and  property  are  not  only  guaranteed  to  the  citizen  by 
the  Constitution  of  each  of  the  several  States,  but  the  States  are 
by  the  Fourteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  forbidden  to  deprive  any  person  of  any  one  of  them  without 
due  process  of  law. 

GOVERNMENT    BY    CONSTITUTION. 

Occasionally,  by  reason  of  unnecessary  or  impatient  agitation 
for  reforms,  or  because  the  limitations  placed  upon  the  depart- 
ments of  government  by  the  Constitution  are  disregarded  by  offi- 
cials desiring  to  accomplish  that  which  to  them  seems  good, 
whether  the  power  exists  in  them  or  not,  it  becomes  desirable  to 
call  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  people,  in  whom  all  power  re- 
sides, have  seen  fit,  through  the  medium  of  the  Constitution,  to 
limit  the  governmental  powers  conferred  and  to  say  to  departments 
created  by  it :  "Thus  far  shalt  thou  go  and  no  farther."  To  secure 
the  ends  sought  the  people  have  by  the  Constitution  separated 
and  distributed  among  the  three  departments  of  government — the 
executive,  legislative  and  judicial — certain  powers,  and  it  is  the 
duty  of  those  administering  each  department  so  to  act  as  to  pre- 
serve, rather  than  to  destroy,  the  potency  of  the  co-ordinate 
branches  of  the  government,  and  thus  secure  the  exercise  of  all  the 
powers  conferred  by  the  people. 

Thomas  Jefferson,  in  a  letter  to  William  C.  Jarvis,  touching 
the  perpetuity  of  our  institutions,  written  many  years  after  he 
had  retired  to  private  life,  said :  "If  the  three  powers  of  our  govern- 
ment maintain  their  mutual  independence  of  each  other,  it  may 
last  long,  but  not  so  if  either  can  assume  the  authority  of  the 
other."  It  must  be  confessed  that  in  the  course  of  our  history 
executives  have  employed  powers  not  belonging  to  them;  statutes 
have  been  passed  that  were  expressly  forbidden  by  the  Constitution 
and  statutes  have  been  set  aside  as  unconstitutional  when  it  was 
difficult  to  point  out  the  provision  said  to  be  offended  against  in 
their  enactment;  all  this  has  been  done  with  a  good  purpose,  no 
doubt,  but  in  disregard,  nevertheless,  of  the  fact  that  ours  is  a 
government  of  laws,  not  of  men,  deriving  its  "just  powers  from  the 
consent  of  the  governed."  If  we  would  have  our  government 
continue  during  the  ages  to  come,  for  the  benefit  of  those  who  shall 
succeed  us,  we  must  ever  be  on  our  guard  against  the  danger  of 
usurpation  of  that  authority  which'  resides  in  the  whole  people, 
whether  the  usurpation  be  by  officials  representing  one  of  the 


Address  of  Acceptance  of  Alton  Brooks  Parker.         35 

three  great  departments  of  government,  or  by  a  body  of  men  act- 
ing without  a  commission  from  the  people. 

Impatience  of  the  restraints  of  law,  as  well  as  of  its  delays,  is 
becoming  more  and  more  manifest  from  day  to  day.  Within  the 
past  few  years  many  instances  have  been  brought  to  our  attention, 
where  in  different  parts  of  our  beloved  country  supposed  criminals 
have  been  seized  and  punished  by  a  mob,  notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  the  Constitution  of  each  State  guarantees  to  every  person 
within  its  jurisdiction  that  his  life,  his  liberty  or  his  property  shall 
not  be  taken  from  him  without  due  process  of  law. 

In  a  struggle  between  employers  and  employees,  dynamite  is 
said  to  have  been  used  by  the  latter,  resulting  in  the  loss  of  life 
and  the  destruction  of  property.  The  perpetrators  of  this  offence 
against  the  laws  of  God  and  man,  and  all  others  engaged  in  the 
conspiracy  with  them,  should,  after  due  trial  and  conviction,  have 
had  meted  out  to  them  the  most  rigorous  punishment  known  to 
the  law.  This  crime,  added  perhaps  to  others,  led  to  the  forma- 
tion of  a  committee  of  citizens  that,  with  the  support  of  the  mili- 
tary authority,  deports  from  the  State,  without  trial,  persons  sus- 
pected of  belonging  to  the  organization  of  which  the  perpetrators 
of  the  dynamite  outrages  were  supposed  to  be  members.  In  both 
cases  the  reign  of  law  gave  way  to  the  reign  of  force.  These  Illus- 
trations present  some  evidence  of  the  failure  of  government  to 
protect  the  citizen  and  his  property,  which  not  only  justified  the 
action  of  your  convention  in  this  regard,  but  made  it  its  duty  to 
call  attention  to  the  fact  that  constitutional  guarantees  are  violated 
whenever  any  citizen  is  denied  the  right  to  labor,  to  acquire  and  to 
enjoy  property,  or  to  reside  where  his  interests  or  inclination  may 
determine;  and  the  fulfillment  of  the  assurance  to  rebuke  and 
punish  all  denials  of  these  rights,  whether  brought  about  by 
individuals  or  government  agencies,  should  be  enforced  by  every 
official  and  supported  by  every  citizen.  The  essence  of  good  gov- 
ernment lies  in  strict  observance  of  constitutional  limitations,  en- 
forcement of  law  and  order  and  rugged  opposition  to  all  encroach- 
ment upon  the  sovereignty  of  the  people. 

The  foregoing  suggestions  but  emphasize  the  distinction  which 
exists  between  our  own  and  many  other  forms  of  government.  It 
has  been  well  said,  in  substance,  that  there  are  but  two  powers  in 
government,  one  the  power  of  the  sword,  sustained  by  the  hand 
that  wields  it,  and  the  other  the  power  of  the  law,  sustained  by 
an  enlightened  public  sentiment.  The  difference  in  these  powers 
is  the  difference  between  a  republic — such  as  ours,  based  on  law 
and  a  written  constitution,  supported  by  intelligence,  virtue  and 
patriotism — and  a  monarchy — sustained  by  force  exerted  by  an 
individual,  uncontrolled  by  laws  other  than  those  made  or  sanc- 
tioned by  him;  one  represents  Constitutionalism,  the  other  Im- 
perialism. 

THE    TARIFF. 

The  present  tariff  law  is  unjust  in  its  operation,  excessive  in 


36         Address  of  Acceptance  of  Alton  Brooks  Parker. 

many  of  its  rates  and  so  framed  in  particular  instances  as  to  exact 
inordinate  profits  from  the  people.  So  well  understood  has  this 
view  become  that  many  prominent  members  of  the  Eepublican 
party,  and  at  least  two  of  its  State  conventions,  have  dared  to 
voice  the  general  sentiment  on  that  subject.  That  party  seems, 
however,  to  be  collectively  able  to  harmonize  only  upon  a  plank 
that  admits  that  revision  may  from  time  to  time  be  necessary, 
but  it  is  so  phrased  that  it  is  expected  to  be  satisfactory  to  those 
in  favor  of  an  increase  of  duty,  to  those  who  favor  a  reduction 
thereof,  and  to  those  opposed  to  any  change  whatever. 

Judged  by  the  record  of  performance,  rather  than  that  of  prom- 
ise, on  the  part  of  that  party  in  the  past,  it  would  seem  as  if  the 
outcome,  in  the  event  of  its  success,  would  be  to  gratify  the  latter 
class.  With  absolute  control  of  both  the  legislative  and  executive 
departments  of  the  government  since  March  4,  1897,  there  has  been 
neither  reduction  nor  an  attempt  at  reduction  in  tariff  duties. 
It  is  not  unreasonable  to  assume,  in  the  light  of  that  record,  that 
a  future  Congress  of  that  party  will  not  undertake  a  revision  of 
the  tariff  downward  in  the  event  that  it  shall  receive  an  endorse- 
ment of  its  past  course  on  that  subject  by  the  people.  It  is  a  fact 
and  should  be  frankly  conceded  that  though  our  party  be  success- 
ful in  the  coming  contest  we  cannot  hope  to  secure  a  majority  in 
the  Senate  during  the  next  four  years,  and  hence  we  shall  be  un- 
able to  secure  any  modification  in  the  tariff  save  that  to  which 
the  Eepublican  majority  in  the  Senate  may  consent.  While,  there- 
fore, we  are  unable  to  give  assurances  of  relief  to  the  people  from 
such  excessive  duties  as  burden  them,  it  is  due  to  them  that  we 
state  our  position  to  be  in  favor  of  a  reasonable  reduction  of  the 
tariff;  that  we  believe  it  is  demanded  by  the  best  interests  of  both 
manufacturer  and  consumer,  and  that  a  wise  and  beneficent  re- 
vision of  the  tariff  can  be  accomplished  as  soon  as  both  branches 
of  Congress  and  an  executive  in  favor  of  it  are  elected,  without 
creating  that  sense  of  uncertainty  and  instability  that  has  on  other 
occasions  manifested  itself.  This  can  be  achieved  by  providing 
that  such  a  reasonable  period  shall  intervene,  between  the  date  of 
the  enactment  of  the  statute  making  a  revision  and  the  date  of  its 
enforcement,  as  shall  be  deemed  sufficient  for  the  industry  or  busi- 
ness affected  by  such  revision  to  adjust  itself  to  the  changes  and 
new  conditions  imposed.  So  confident  am  I  in  the  belief  that  the 
demand  of  the  people  for  a  reform  of  the  tariff  is  just,  that  I 
indulge  the  hope  that  should  a  Democratic  House  of  Representa- 
tives and  a  Democratic  executive  be  chosen  by  the  people,  even  a 
Republican  Senate  may  heed  the  warning  and  consent  to  give  at 
least  some  measure  of  relief  to  the  people. 

THE    TRUSTS. 

The  combinations,  popularly  called  trusts,  which  aim  to  secure 
a  monoply  of  trade  in  the  necessaries  of  life  as  well  as  in  those 
things  that  are  employed  upon  the  farm,  in  the  factory  and  in 
many  other  fields  of  industry,  have  been  encouraged  and  stimu- 


Address  of  Acceptance  of  Alton  Brooks  Parker.         37 

lated  by  excessive  tariff  duties.  These  operate  to  furnish  a  sub- 
stantial market  in  the  necessities  of  eighty  millions  of  people,  by 
practically  excluding  competition.  With  so  large  a  market  and 
highly  remunerative  prices  continuing  long  after  the  line  of  pos- 
sible competition  would  naturally  be  reached,  the  temptation  of 
all  engaged  in  the  same  business  to  combine  so  as  to  prevent  com- 
petition at  home  and  a  resulting  reduction  of  prices,  has  proved 
irresistible  in  a  number  of  cases.  All  men  must  agree  that  the 
net  result  of  enacting  laws  that  foster  such  inequitable  conditions 
is  most  unfortunate  for  the  people  as  a  whole,  and  it  would  seem 
as  if  all  ought  to  agree  that  the  effective  remedy  would  be  to  ap- 
propriately modify  the  offending  law.  The  growth  of  monopoly, 
of  which  complaint  is  justly  made,  cannot  be  laid  at  the  doors  of 
the  courts  of  this  country.  The  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States,  the  Court  of  Appeals  of  this  State  and  the 
courts  of  last  resort  in  many  other  States,  warrant  the  assertion 
that  the  common  law  as  developed  affords  a  complete  legal  remedy 
against  monopolies.  The  fact  that  they  have  multiplied  in  num- 
ber and  increased  in  power  has  been  due,  not  to  the  failure  of  the 
courts  to  apply  the  law  when  properly  moved  by  administrative 
officials  or  private  individuals,  but  to  the  failure  of  officials 
charged  with  the  duty  of  enforcing  the  law  to  take  the  necessary 
procedure  to  procure  the  judgments  of  the  courts  in  the  appropri- 
ate jurisdiction,  coupled  with  the  fact  that  the  legislative  depart- 
ments of  some  of  our  State  governments,  as  well  as  Congress,  in 
the  manner  already  referred  to,  have,  by  legislation,  encouraged 
their  propagation.  What  is  needed — in  addition  to  the  passage  of 
a  statute  revising  the  tariff  duties  to  a  reasonable  basis — is  not  so 
much  other  and  different  laws,  as  officials  having  both  the  dis- 
position and  the  courage  to  enforce  existing  law.  While  this  is 
my  view  of  the  scope  of  the  common  law,  if  it  should  be  made  to 
appear  that  it  is  a  mistaken  one,  then  I  favor  such  further  legis- 
lation within  constitutional  limitations  as  will  give  the  people  a 
just  and  full  measure  of  protection. 

SELF-GOVERNMENT    FOR    THE    PHILIPPINES. 

It  is  difficult  to  understand  how  any  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  much  less  a  descendant  of  Revolutionary  stock,  can  tolerate 
the  thought  of  permanently  denying  the  right  of  self-government* 
to  the  Filipinos.  Can  we  hope  to  instill  into  the  minds  of  our 
descendants  reverence  and  devotion  for  a  government  by  the  people, 
while  denying  ultimately  that  right  to  the  inhabitants  of  distant 
countries,  whose  territory  we  have  acquired  either  by  purchase 
or  by  force  ?  Can  we  say  to  the  Filipinos,  "Your  lives,  your  liberty 
and  your  property  may  be  taken  from  you  without  due  process 
of  law  for  all  time,"  and  expect  we  will  long  glory  in  that  feature 
of  Magna   Charta,  which  has  become  incorporated,  in  substance 


*In  a  letter  published  in  the  press  Judge  Parker   subsequently  stated 
that  he  used   the  term  self-government  as  equivalent  to  independence. 


38         Address  of  Acceptance  of  Alton  Brooks  Parker. 

and  effect,  into  the  Constitution  of  every  State,  as  well  as  into  the 
Fourteenth  Amendment  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  ? 
Can  we  hope  for  the  respect  of  the  civilized  world,  while  proudly 
guaranteeing  to  every  citizen  of  the  United  States  that  no  law 
shall  be  made  or  enforced  which  shall  abridge  the  privileges  or  im- 
munities of  citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  deny  to  any  person 
the  equal  protection  of  the  laws,  and  at  the  same  time  not  only 
deny  similar  rights  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Philippines,  but  take 
away  from  them  the  right  of  trial  by  jury,  and  place  their  lives 
and  the  disposition  of  their  property  in  the  keeping  of  those  whom 
we  send  to  them  to  be  their  governors?  We  shall  certainly  rue 
it  as  a  nation  if  we  make  any  such  attempt.  Viewing  the  question 
even  from  the  standpoint  of  national  selfishness,  there  is  no  pros- 
pect that  the  twenty  millions  of  dollars  expended  in  the  purchase 
of  the  islands  and  the  six  hundred  and  fifty  millions  said  to  have 
been  since  disbursed  will  ever  come  back  to  us.  The  accident  of 
war  brought  the  Philippines  into  our  possession  and  we  are  not 
at  liberty  to  disregard  the  responsibility  which  thus  came  to  us, 
but  that  responsibility  will  be  best  subserved  by  preparing  the 
islanders  as  rapidly  as  possible  for  self-government  and  giving 
to  them  the  assurances  that  it  will  come  as  soon  as  they  are  reason- 
ably prepared  for  it.  There  need  be  no  fear  that  the  assertion 
so  often  made  of  late,  that  we  have  now  become  a  world  power, 
will  then  be  without  support.  Ours  is  a  world  power,  and  as  such 
it  must  be  maintained,  but  I  deny  that  it  is  at  all  recently  that 
the  United  States  has  attained  that  eminence. 

THE    FOUNDATION    OF    WORLD    POWER. 

Our  country  became  a  world  power  over  a  century  ago,  when, 
having  thrown  off  foreign  domination,  the  people  established  a 
free  government,  the  source  of  whose  authority  sprung,  and  was 
continuously  to  proceed,  from  the  will  of  the  people  themselves. 
It  grew  as  a  world  power  as  its  sturdy  citizens,  to  whose  natural 
increase  were  added  immigrants  from  the  Old  World  seeking  to 
obtain  here  the  liberty  and  prosperity  denied  them  in  their  own 
countries,  spread  over  the  face  of  the  land,  reduced  the  prairies 
and  forests  to  cultivation,  built  cities,  constructed  highways  and 
railroads,  till  now  a  nation,  which  at  the  formation  of  the  govern- 
ment numbered  only  three  millions  in  population,  has  become 
eighty  millions,  and  from  ocean  to  ocean  and  the  lakes  to  the  gulf 
the  country  is  the  abode  of  a  free  and  prosperous  people,  advanced 
in  the  highest  degree  in  the  learning  and  arts  of  civilization.  It 
is  the  liberty,  the  advancement  and  the  prosperity  of  its  citizens, 
not  any  career  of  conquest,  that  make  the  country  a  world  power. 
This  condition  we  owe  to  the  bounty  of  Providence,  unfolded  in 
the  great  natural  resources  of  the  country,  to  the  wisdom  of  our 
fathers  manifested  in  the  form  of  government  established  by  them, 
to  the  energy,  industry,  moral  character  and  law-abiding  spirit 
of  the  people  themselves. 


Address  of  Acceptance  of  Alton  Brooks  Parker.         39 

MILITARISM    UN-AMERICAN. 

We  are  not  a  military  people,  bent  on  conquest,  or  engaged  in 
extending  our  domains  in  foreign  lands,  or  desirous  of  securing 
natural  advantages,  however  great,  by  force;  but  a  people  loving 
peace,  not  only  for  ourselves,  but  for  all  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

The  display  of  great  military  armaments  may  please  the  eye, 
and,  for  the  moment,  excite  the  pride  of  the  citizen,  but  it  cannot 
bring  to  the  country  the  brains,  brawn  and  muscle  of  a  single  im- 
migrant, nor  induce  the  investment  here  of  a  dollar  of  capital. 
Of  course  such  armament  as  may  be  necessary  for  the  security  of 
the  country  and  the  protection  of  the  rights  of  its  citizens,  at  home 
or  abroad,  must  be  maintained.  Any  other  course  would  be  not  only 
false  economy,  but  pusillanimous.  I  protest,  however,  against  the 
feeling,  now  far  too  prevalent,  that  by  reason  of  the  commanding 
position  we  have  assumed  in  the  world,  we  must  take  part  in  the  dis- 
putes and  broils  of  foreign  countries;  and  that  because  we  have 
grown  great  we  should  intervene  in  every  important  question  that 
arises  in  other  parts  of  the  world.  I  also  protest  against  the  erec- 
tion of  any  such  military  establishment  as  would  be  required  to 
maintain  the  country  in  that  attitude.  We  should  confine  our  in- 
ternational activities  solely  to  matters  in  which  the  rights  of  the 
country  or  of  our  citizens  are  directly  involved.  That  is  not  a 
situation  of  isolation,  but  of  independence. 

The  government  of  the  United  States  was  organized  solely  for 
the  people  of  the  United  States.  While  it  was  contemplated  that 
this  country  should  become  a  refuge  for  the  oppressed  of  every 
land  who  might  be  fit  to  discharge  the  duties  of  our  citizenship, 
and  while  we  have  always  sympathized  with  the  people  of  every 
nation, in  their  struggles  for  self-government,  the  government  was 
npi^created  for  a  career  of  political  or  civilizing  evangelization  in 
oreign  countries  or  among  alien  races.  The  most  efficient  work 
we  can  do  in  uplifting  the  people  of  other  countries  is  by  the  pres- 
entation of  a  happy,  prosperous,  self-governing  nation  as  an  ideal 
to  be  emulated,  a  model  to  be  followed.  The  general  occupation 
of  our  citizens  in  the  arts  of  peace,  or  the  absence  of  large  military 
armaments,  tends  to  impair  neither  patriotism  nor  physical  cour- 
age, and  for  the  truth  of  this  I  refer  the  young  men  of  to-day  to 
the  history  of  the  Civil  War.  For  fifty  years,  with  the  exception 
of  the  war  with  Mexico,  this  country  had  been  at  peace,  with  a 
standing  army  most  of  the  time  of  less  than  ten  thousand  men. 
He  who  thinks  that  the  nation  had  grown  effeminate  during  that 
period  should  read  the  casualty  rolls  of  the  armies  on  either  side 
at  Shiloh,  Antietam,  Fredericksburg  and  Gettysburg,  at  Stone 
River  and  Chickamauga.  I  would  be  the  last  man  to  pluck  a  single  • 
laurel  from  the  crown  of  any  one  of  the  military  heroes  to  whom 
this  country  owes  so  much,  but  I  insist  that  their  most  heroic 
deeds  proceeded  infinitely  more  from  devotion  to  the  country  than 
from  martial  spirit. 

As  I  have  already  proceeded  at  too  great  length,  other  questions 
suggested  in  the  platform  must  await  my  letter  of  acceptance. 


40         Address  of  Acceptance  of  Alton  Brooks  Parker. 

Mr.  Chairman :  In  most  graceful  speech  you  have  reminded  me 
of  the  great  responsibility,  as  well  as  the  great  honor  of  the  nomina- 
tion bestowed  upon  me  by  the  convention  you  represent  this  day. 
Be  assured  that  both  are  appreciated — so  keenly  appreciated  that 
I  am  humbled  in  their  presence. 

NO    SECOND    CANDIDACY. 

I  accept,  gentlemen  of  the  committee,  the  nomination,  and  if  the 
action  of  the  convention  shall  be  endorsed  by  an  election  by  the  peo- 
ple, I  will,  God  helping  me,  give  to  the  discharge  of  the  duties  of 
that  exalted  office  the  best  service  of  which  I  am  capable,  and  at  the 
end  of  the  term  retire  to  private  life.  I  shall  not  be  a  candidate  for 
nor  shall  I  accept  a  renomination.  Several  reasons  might  be  ad- 
vanced for  this  position,  but  the  controlling  one  with  me  is  that  I 
am  fully  persuaded  that  no  incumbent  of  that  office  should  ever 
be  placed  in  a  situation  of  possible  temptation  to  consider  what  the 
effect  of  action  taken  by  him  in  an  administrative  matter  of  great 
importance  might  have  upon  his  political  fortunes.  Questions  of 
momentous  consequence  to  all  of  the  people  have  been  in  the  past 
and  will  be  in  the  future  presented  to  the  President  for  determina- 
tion, and  in  approaching  their  consideration,  as  well  as  in  weighing 
the  facts  and  the  arguments  bearing  upon  them,  he  should  be  un- 
embarrassed by  any  possible  thought  of  the  influence  his  decision 
may  have  upon  anything  whatever  that  may  affect  him  personally. 
I  make  this  statement,  not  in  criticism  of  any  of  our  Presidents 
from  Washington  down  who  have  either  held  the  office  for  two 
terms  or  sought  to  succeed  themselves;  for  strong  arguments  can 
be  advanced  in  support  of  the  re-election  of  a  President.  It  is  sim- 
ply my  judgment  that  the  interests  of  this  country  are  now  so 
vast  and  the  questions  presented  are  frequently  of  such  overpower- 
ing magnitude  to  the  people  that  it  is  indispensable  to  the  main- 
tenance of  a  befitting  attitude  before  the  people,  not  only  that  the 
Chief  Magistrate  should  be  independent  but  that  that  independence 
should  be  known  to  all  men. 


NOTIFICATION  ADDRESS  OF  HON.  JOHN  SHARP  WILLIAMS, 

OF  MISSISSIPPI,  AT  WHITE  SULPHUR  SPRINGS, 

W.  VA.,   AUGUST   17,  1904. 


Mr.  Davis — Sir  :  We  have  been  appointed  by  a  most  notable  con- 
vention as  a  committee  to  notify  you  of  your  nomination  by  the 
Democracy  as  their  choice  for  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 
We  desire  to  express  the  pleasure  we  feel  in  having  been  selected 
to  perform  this  duty,  and  our  confidence  in  you,  your  faithfulness, 
honesty  and  wisdom.  The  people  see  in  you  one  of  the  best  prod- 
ucts of  the  best  period  of  American  institutions,  a  period  whose 
salient  characteristics  were  local  self-government,  individuality, 
equal  opportunity  and  freedom — freedom  to  work,  freedom  to  buy 
and  sell,  freedom  to  compete  in  industrial  life,  resulting  in  self- 
dependence,  freedom  to  develop  as  one's  own  master — and  not 
merely  as  the  well  trained  and  well  managed  industrial  servant  of 
another.  They  see  in  you  what  Oliver  Wendell  Holmes  said  is  a 
rare  thing,  "a  self-made  man  who  is  yet  not  proud  of  his  maker." 

In  a  certain  way  the  notification  with  which  we  are  charged  is 
perfunctory  and  unnecessary,  and  yet  it  is  well  to  maintain  by  some 
degree  of  formality  that  respectful  observance  which  is  due  to  great 
events.  The  nomination  by  a  great  party  to  the  great  office  to  which 
we  call  you,  the  Vice-Presidency,  carrying  with  it  the  duty  of  pre- 
siding over  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  and  the  possibility  ot 
succession  to  the  Presidency,  is  a  great  event. 

As  soon  as  I  learned  that  I  was,  by  resolution  of  the  convention, 
to  be  the  mouthpiece  of  the  committee  for  the  performance  of  this 
pleasant  task,  I  began  to  look  about  me  in  order  to  see  how  the  duty 
had  been  performed  by  others.  I  found  from  recent  performances 
of  a  similar  character  in  the  Kepublican  camp  that  for  a  notification 
speech  an  historical  essay  is  altogether  the  proper  thing,  absolutely 
necessary  for  the  emergency.  We  shall  therefore  entitle  our  notifica- 
tion address,  "A  Brief  Historical  Disquisition  upon  Some  of  the 
Blunders  of  Our  Ancestors,  as  Viewed  from  the  Standpoint  of  the 
Wisdom  of  Kepublican  Statesmen  Who  Have  Embraced  the  Strenu- 
ous Life."     *     *     * 

BENEVOLENT    ASSIMILATION. 

The  next  great  blunder  in  our  early  history  consisted  in  their 
taking  up  arms  against  King  George  and  his  forces,  when  the  lattei 
were  actuated,  as  they  themselves  confessed,  only  by  the  kindest 
designs  of  "benevolently  assimilating"  to  themselves  our  resources 
and  our  opportunities.  You,  sir,  who  have  a  Republican  son-in- 
law,  and,  therefore,  possess  culture  by  affinity  at  least,  will  hardly 


42     Notification  Address  of  Hon.  John  Sharp  Williams. 

believe  that  our  ancestors  were  stupid  enough  to  fight  against  the 
principles  which  we  so  frankly  recognize  in  the  Philippines,  viz., 
that  it  is  perfectly  right,  self -evidently  proper,  for  a  flag  to  cover 
and  emblemize  two  entirely  different  sorts  of  government,  one  for 
ourselves  "at  home,"  protecting  individual,  civil  and  political  lib- 
erty, and  pretending  to  furnish  full  and  equal  opportunities  for  in- 
dustrial development;  and  another  for  others  "in  the  colonies" — 
absolute  and  discretionary  in  its  character  and  avvvwedly  limiting 
industrial  development  there  by  the  necessities  of  commercial  ex- 
ploitation for  the  benefit  of  the  "home"  merchant  and  the  "home" 
manufacturer. 

We  know  now,  of  course,  that  all  our  ancestors'  talk  about  "in- 
alienable rights"  of  self-government,  "no  taxation  without  repre- 
sentation," habeas  corpus  and  right  of  trial  by  jury,  freedom  of  the 
press,  freedom  of  speech,  and  freedom  of  assembly,  were  only  a  pre- 
text resorted  to  by  ranting  "insurgents"  in  order  to  throw  off  the 
"civilizing  influences"  of  the  best  government  which  the  world  had 
that  far  witnessed.  We  have  not  been  stupid  enough  to  confine  to 
mere  words  of  apology  for  this  mistake  in  our  history;  we  have 
apologized  by  deeds  of  confession;  it  seems  strange  that  we  could, 
as  a  people,  have  prospered,  industrially  and  otherwise,  as  we  have 
prospered,  so  marvelously,  sir,  in  all  our  history,  both  as  colonies 
and  as  States,  in  spite  of  the  monstrous  error — this  unholy  rebel- 
lion.    *     *     * 

CUSTOM    HOUSES    AS    PROMOTERS    OF    COMMERCE. 

The  next  great  historical  blunder,  in  spite  of  which,  strange  to 
say,  we  have,  as  I  cannot  too  often  repeat,  prospered  right  along  in 
every  step  of  our  history,  with  now  and  then  a  temporary  drop- 
back,  was  the  immolation  by  our  ancestors  of  the  nation's  industrial- 
ism upon  the  altar  of  free  trade  within  the  common  domain,  not- 
withstanding .  already  existing  State  lines  furnished  convenient 
place,  opportunity  and  temptation  to  establish  custom  houses — 
those  potent  encouragers  of  commerce.  What  we  ought  to  have 
fought  for  during  colonial  days  was  a  high  protective  tariff  to  keep 
British  products  out  of  the  American  market,  and  another  high 
protective  tariff  to  keep  American  products  out  of  the  British  mar- 
ket; thus  enriching  both  Britain  and  America.  Then,  after  we  had 
accomplished  our  independence  and  each  State  had  become  a  sepa- 
rate sovereignty,  South  Carolina  ought  to  have  protected  herself 
against  Pennsylvania  and  New  England.  Pennsylvania  ought  to 
have  seen  to  it  that  a  line  of  custom  houses  prevented  the  invasion 
of  her  sacred  soil  by  the  products  of  the  Jerseyman,  the  Marylander 
and  the  Delawarean.  We  ought  to  have  encouraged  interstate  trade 
by  stopping  it  as  much  as  possible,  thus  pursuing  in  that  regard  the 
enlightened  policy  which  prevails  in  regard  to  our  international 
trade.  Then,  after  forming  the  present  Union,  the  Constitution 
itself  ought  to  have  prescribed  to  the  States  "mutual  protection,  by 
mutual  taxation,  and  consequent  universal  prosperity." 

What  an  enormously  rich  country  the  little  State  of  Rhode  Island 


Notification  Address  of  Hon.  John  Sharp  Williams.     43 

would  have  been  now  but  for  the  influx  of  the  cotton  raised  by  the 
pauper  labor  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  slave  labor  for  a  long 
time,  and  therefore  worse  than  pauper  labor!  How  rich  Florida 
would  have  been  if,  instead  of  raising  pineapples  and  oranges  and 
such  products  as  an  unreasoning  sun  seems  to  recommend,  she  had 
kept  the  rye  and  barley  and  wheat  and  woollen  goods  of  the  North- 
ern States  out  of  her  confines  and  had  "created,"  at  some  little  ex- 
pense to  her  people,  it  is  true,  but  still,  with  much  pride  and  self- 
gratification,  purely  "Floridian  industries"  of  these  and  all  other 
things !  Each  community  on  the  surface  of  the  earth,  sir,  should 
"raise  everything  and  make  everything  which  it  possibly  can,"  re- 
gardless of  the  cost  to  its  people  of  making  and  raising  it,  and  if 
they  will  not  make  and  raise  everything  of  their  own  accord,  then 
the  people  ought  to  be  taxed,  until  somebody  consents  to  accept  the 
profits  of  newly  created  industries  for  the  altruistic  purpose  of  giv- 
ing them  away  to  American,  Polish,  Hungarian,  and  other  labor. 

I  have  known  people  foolish  enough  to  answer  that  if  New  Jersey 
had  "created"  a  great  New  Jersey  banana  industry,  we  will  say 
(because  bananas  could  be  easily  raised  there  under  glass  and  in 
forcing  beds),  it  would  have  made  bananas  very  much  more  costly 
than  common  people  would  like,  and  that  perhaps  it  is  better  for 
New  Jersey  to  raise  potatoes  and  peaches,  and  manufacture  vari- 
ous things  naturally  profitable,  and,  with  the  profits  of  capital  and 
labor  thus  prebeianly  employed,  buy  bananas.  But  the  men  who 
say  that,  of  course,  are  lacking  in  patriotism — "a  cheap  banana 
makes  a  cheap  man,"  and  we  hurl  foul  scorn  at  those  who  are  so 
lacking  in  self-dependence  as  not  to  be  willing  to  pay  whatever  is 
necessary  to  be  paid  out  of  the  pockets  of  consumers  in  order  to  pre- 
vent the  pauper  banana,  raised  by  pauper  labor,  grown  on  pauper 
soil,  nourished  by  pauper  sunshine — vile  foreigner,  as  it  is — from 
invading  New  Jersey. 

I  know  there  are  a  lot  of  old-fashioned,  out-of-date  people,  prin- 
cipally Democrats,  who  say  that  the  watchword  of  industrial  prog- 
ress among  communities  is  not  isolation  and  independence  of  pro- 
ductivity, but  reciprocity  and  interdependence ;  that  isolation  leads 
to  feelings  of  estrangement  and  enmity  among  the  people ;  that  in- 
dustrial interdependence  constitutes  a  sort  of  world-effective  bond 
to  keep  the  peace.  I  need  not  stop  to  tell  you  that  such  men  are 
"mere  theorists."  One  of  them  might  be  granted  plenary  power 
for  a  thousand  years,  and  at  the  end  of  that  period  would  not  have 
given  any  change  of  occupation  to  such  capitalists  and  workingmen 
in  Maine  as  are,  or  might  be  made  to  be,  desirous  of  raising  sun- 
kissed  plants.  The  base  Cobdenite  would  leave  the  workingmen  of 
Maine  and  New  Jersey  "unprotected,"  to  devote  their  labor  self- 
ishly to  other  things,  merely  because  the  cultivation  or  manufacture 
of  these  other  things  is  naturally  more  profitable.     *     *     * 

THE    EVOLVED    TRUSTS. 

That  reminds  me  of  another  blunder  of  our  ancestors,  both  under 
the  common  law  in  Great  Britain  and  in  the  United  States.     They 


44     Notification  Address  of  Hon.  John  Sharp  Williams. 

seem  to  have  entertained  a  notion  that  combinations  in  restraint  of 
trade,  seeking  monopoly  and  throttling  competition,  are  in  some 
way  adverse  to  the  development  of  individuality,  and  somehow 
poison  the  life  of  trade.  They  went  so  far  as  to  contend  that  the 
highest  object  of  man's  existence  is  not  to  be  well  managed,  even 
at  a  living  money  profit  to  himself,  but  that  it  is  to  learn  to  manage 
himself  well.  We  know  now  that  combinations  of  corporations 
seeking  with  the  power  of  monopoly  the  resultant  power  of  robbing 
consumers  by  raising  prices  to  an  extortionate  figure,  under  the 
shelter  of  tariff  laws,  shutting  out  foreign  competitors,  and  seeking 
the  further  resultant  power  to  bear  down  the  price  to  be  paid  to  the 
farmer  raising  the  raw  material;  and  seeking  the  yet  further  re- 
sultant power  to  regulate  wages,  by  reason  of  the  fact  that  the 
workingman  has  nowhere  else  to  go  to  get  work  except  to  the  con- 
cerns in  the  combination — are,  on  the  whole,  beneficial  institutions 
in  a  free  republic  of  self-governing  men.  They  may  appear  to  be 
doing  some  harm,  may  appear  at  first  blush,  indeed,  to  be  blocking 
that  broad  opportunity  for  individual  effort,  which  you  enjoyed, 
sir,  when  you  advanced  in  a  lifetime  from  the  position  of  a  brake- 
man  on  a  train  to  that  of  a  leader  of  men  as  a  railroad  and  indus- 
trial captain,  and  which  many  a  country  merchant,  become  now  a 
merchant  prince,  also  once  enjoyed.  These  are  only  phenomenal, 
however — mere  outward  seemings. 

Sir,  there  is  hope  for  the  republic  as  long  as  it  continues  to  move 
forward  in  the  tried  ways  of  the  Old  World,  divorcing  itself  from 
outgrown  American  landmarks.  That  we  are  moving  and  divorcing 
there  is  no  doubt.  Standing  now  in  the  dawn  of  the  twentieth 
century;  having  forbidden  the  reading  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence in  a  part  of  the  country's  domain;  with  courts  ready  to 
decide  that  the  Constitution  is  not  a  written  letter  to  be  read  and 
obeyed,  but  a  dancing  panorama,  "changing  itself  to  suit  changing 
conditions;"  having  put  our  foot  down,  wisely  and  firmly,  upon 
freedom  of  speech  and  freedom  of  assembly,  and  freedom  of  the 
press  in  Colorado,  and  those  "appurtenant-appendages,"  where 
freedom  of  speech,  press  and  assembly  might  be  awkward  for  us; 
having  joined  the  holy  alliance  of  land  grabbing  nationalities; 
having  discovered  that  God's  command  against  robbery  and  theft 
does  not  apply  to  men  in  the  aggregate,  acting  as  nationalities, 
when  robbing  communities  of  their  independence  or  "benevolently 
assimilating"  their  resources;  amid  all  these  reversals  of  historical 
blunders  of  our  past,  I  boldly  aver  that  we  need  not  despair  of  the 
republic.    *    *    * 

Remember,  above  all  things,  that  our  chief  duty  as  citizens,  but 
especially  as  rulers,  is  not  to  be  "weaklings"  or  "cowards."  A 
weakling,  sir,  is  a  strangely  domesticated  animal,  who  listens  be- 
fore he  acts,  and  who  wreighs  evidence  before  he  decides,  who 
modestly  venerates  greatness — in  others;  who  habitually  prefers 
"piping  times  and  peace"  to  the  "pomp  and  circumstance  of  glori- 
ous war."  Weaklings  are  "men  who  fear  the  strenuous  life,  the 
only  national  life  that  is   really  worth  the  living" — the  life  of 


Notification  Address  of  Hon.  John  Sharp  Williams.     45 

crown-colony-eonquest,  the  life  militant,  in  a  word.  We  are  getting 
to  be  as  a  people — your  committee  is  glad  to  say — splendidly  mili- 
tary. A  nag,  brass  band,  and  a  choice  collection  of  epaulets, 
escorting  a  secretary  of  war  to  and  from  the  depot  in  Washington 
when  he  augustly  leaves  or  arrives,  appeal  to  the  higher  flights 
of  our  patriotic  imagination  as  nothing  else  does  or  can.    *    *    * 

In  real  conclusion,  Mr.  Davis,  it  is  a  sincere  pleasure  indeed  to 
know  and  to  be  able  to  help  to  place  in  high  position  a  man  of 
your  character  and  sense  and  modesty,  a  man  who,  as  the  result 
of  a  life  of  continence,  temperance,  self -containment  and  useful- 
ness and  honest  industry,  presents  a  picture,  in  virile,  though  ad- 
vanced, age,  of  mens  sana  in  corpore  sano,  which  is  a  delight  to 
the  eye,  a  satisfaction  to  the  soul,  and  was  taught  by  wise  ancients 
to  be  the  summum  bonum  of  individual  earthly  existence. 


MR.  DAVIS'S  SPEECH  OF  ACCEPTANCE. 

AT    WHITE    SULPHUR    SPRINGS,    WEST    VIRGINIA,    ON    AUGUST    17TH. 


"Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Committee  : 

"The  official  notification  which,  you  bring  of  my  nomination 
for  the  Vice-Presidency  of  the  United  States,  by  the  national  De- 
mocracy, gives  me  a  feeling  of  the  sincerest  gratitude  to  my  party 
for  the  honor  conferred.  At  the  same  time  it  brings  to  me  a  deep 
sense  of  my  responsibility  to  my  party  as  a  candidate,  and  to  my 
country  in  case  of  my  election. 

"A  spirit  of  determination  to  succeed  in  the  campaign  before 
us  appears  to  pervade  the  rank  and  file  of  our  party  in  all  sections 
of  the  country.  Of  that  rank  and  file  I  have  for  many  years 
been  a  member,  and  have  at  all  times  devoted  my  humble  powers 
to  party  success,  believing  that  success  to  be  for  the  country's  good. 
Unexpectedly  called  as  I  am  now  to  the  forefront,  I  am  impelled 
to  an  acceptance  of  the  obligation  by  a  sense  of  gratitude  to  my 
fellow-workers,  and  the  hope  that  I  may  be  able  the  better  to  assist 
in  restoring  to  power  that  party  whose  principles  and  past  history 
guarantee  a  safe,  wise,  economical,  and  constitutional  administra- 
tion of  the  Government. 

"I  find  it,  therefore,  a  great  pleasure,  standing  here  upon  the 
borderland  of  the  two  Virginias,  to  receive  and  accept  the  commis- 
sion you  bear,  and  to  send  greetings  through  you  to  the  Democracy 
of  the  entire  country.  Is  it  not  significant  of  a  closer  and  truer 
brotherhood  among  us,  that  for  the  first  time  since  the  Civil  War 
a  nominee  on  the  national  ticket  has  been  taken  from  that  section 
of  our  common  country  that  lies  south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's 
line — a  happy  recognition  of  the  obliteration  of  all  sectional  differ- 
ences which  led  to  and  followed  that  unhappy  struggle  ? 

"As  introductory  to  the  few  remarks  I  shall  make,  I  desire  to 
say  that  I  heartily  endorse  the  platform  upon  which  I  have  been 
nominated,  and  with  the  convention  and  its  nominee  for  Presi- 
dent regard  the  present  monetary  standard  of  value  as  irrevocably 
established. 

UNSATISFACTORY    INDUSTRIAL    CONDITIONS. 

"In  the  campaign  preceding  the  last  election  much  stress  was 
laid  by  Republican  speakers  upon  the  prosperous  condition  of 
the  country,  and  forebodings  were  heard  of  the  ill  results,  especially 
to  the  laboring  man,  which  would  follow  any  change  in  the  political 
complexion  of  the  Government.     It  is  true  that  the  times  then 


Mr.  Davis's  Speech  of  Acceptance.  47 

were  good,  but  it  is  no  less  a  fact  that,  while  there  has  been  no 
change  in  the  party  in  power,  many  of  the  evils  prophesied  have 
come  under  Eepublican  rule.  Four  years  ago  factories,  mills, 
mines  and  furnaces  were  in  active  operation,  unable  to  supply  the 
demand,  but  now  many  are  closed,  and  those  that  are  open  are 
being  operated  with  reduced  force  on  short  hours.  Then  wages 
were  high,  labor  was  scarce,  and  there  was  work  for  all.  Now 
work  is  scarce,  many  wage-earners  unemployed,  and  wages  reduced. 
The  apprehension  which  now  prevails  in  business  circles  and  the 
present  unsatisfactory  industrial  conditions  of  the  country  seem 
to  demand  a  political  change. 

"In  the  language  of  our  platform,  'the  rights  of  labor  are  cer- 
tainly no  less  vested,  no  less  sacred,  and  no  less  inalienable  than 
the  rights  of  capital/  The  time  is  opportune  to  emphasize  the 
truth  of  this  utterance.  The  most  sacred  right  of  property  is  the 
right  to  possess  and  own  one's  self  and  the  labor  of  one's  own 
hands — capital  itself  being  but  stored-up  labor.  For  years  I 
worked  in  the  ranks  as  a  wage-earner,  and  I  know  what  it  is  to 
earn  my  living  in  the  sweat  of  my  brow.  I  have  always  believed, 
and  my  convictions  came  from  the  hard  school  of  experience,  that, 
measured  by  the  character  of  work  he  does,  and  the  cost  of  living, 
a  man  is  entitled  to  full  compensation  for  his  services.  My  experi- 
ence as  a  wage-earner  and  my  association  with  labor  have  alike 
taught  me  the  value  of  Democratic  principles,  for  in  them  the 
humblest  has  the  strongest  security  for  individual  right  and  the 
highest  stimulus  to  that  independence  of  spirit  and  love  of  self- 
help  which  produce  the  finest  private  characters  and  form  the  base 
of  the  best  possible  government. 

COMPARATIVE    FINANCIAL    CONDITIONS. 

"The  receipts  of  the  Government  for  the  year  ending  June  30, 
1902,  the  first  fiscal  year  of  the  present  Administration,  showed 
a  surplus  over  expenditures  of  $91,000,000,  but  for  the  fiscal  year 
ending  June  30,  1904,  instead  of  a  surplus,  there  was  a  deficit 
of  $41,000,000.  From  the  1st  of  July,  1904,  to  August  10,  or 
for  about  a  month  and  a  third  of  the  present  fiscal  year,  the  ex- 
penditures of  the  Government  have  exceeded  the  receipts  by  $21,- 
715,000.  There  could  be  no  stronger  evidence  of  the  extravagance 
into  which  the  Eepublican  party  has  fallen,  and  no  more  potent 
argument  in  behalf  of  a  change  to  the  party  whose  tenets  have 
always  embraced  prudence  and  economy  in  administering  the  peo- 
ple's affairs. 

"Our  Eepublican  friends  are  prone  to  refer  to  the  great  com- 
mercial growth  of  the  country  under  their  rule,  and  yet  the  census 
reports  show  that  from  1850  to  1860,  under  Democratic  rule  and 
the  Walker  tariff,  the  percentage  of  increase  was  greater  in  popula- 
tion, wealth,  manufactures  and  railroad  mileage,  the  factors  which 
affect  most  largely  the  prosperity  of  the  country,  than  in  any  decade 
since. 

"The  cost  of  government  has  largely  increased  under  Eepubli- 


48  Mr.  Davis's  Speech  of  Acceptance. 

can  rule.  The  expenditures  per  capita  for  the  last  years  respec- 
tively of  the  Administrations  given,  taken  from  the  reports  of  the 
secretary  of  the  treasury,  were  as  follows: 

In  1860  under  Buchanan $2  01 

In  1890  under  Harrison 5  77 

In  1897  under  Cleveland 5  10 

In  1901  under  McKinley 6  56 

In  1904  under  Roosevelt 7  10 

"The  Republicans  now  claim  great  consistency  in  their  attitude 
upon  the  currency  question,  and  the  President  in  his  recent  speech 
of  acceptance  said  that  they  know  what  they  mean  when  they  speak 
of  a  stable  currency,  'the 'same  thing  from  year  to  year/  and  yet 
in  the  platforms  of  their  party  in  1884,  1888  and  1892,  they  fa- 
vored the  double  standard  of  value.  In  the  platform  of  1888  they 
said,  'The  Republican  party  is  in  favor  of  the  use  of  both  gold 
and  silver  as  money,  and  condemns  the  policy  of  the  Democratic- 
Administration  in  its  efforts  to  demonetize  silver/ 

PRAISE    OF    JUDGE    PARKER. 

"I  congratulate  your  committee,  and  the  constituency  it  repre- 
sents, on  the  selection  by  the  delegates  to  the  National  Convention 
of  the  nominee  for  the  Presidency.  He  is  a  man  of  courage,  yet 
prudent;  of  high  ideals,  yet  without  pretence;  of  the  most  whole- 
some respect  for  the  Constitution  and  the  majesty  of  the  laws 
under  it,  and  a  sacred  regard  for  their  limitations;  of  the  keenest 
sense  of  justice,  which  would  rebel  against  compounding  a  wrong 
to  an  individual  or  to  a  nation;  positive  in  conviction,  yet  of  few 
words;  strong  in  mental  and  moral  attributes,  and  yet  withal 
modest  and  reserved;  possessed  of  a  sturdy  constitution  and  mag- 
nificent manhood,  and  yet  temperate  in  his  actions  and  dignified 
in  his  demeanor.  It  is  not  the  orator  or  man  of  letters,  but  the 
man  of  reserve  force,  of  sound  judgment,  of  conservative  method 
and  steadiness  of  purpose,  whom  the  people  have  called  to  the 
office  of  the  Presidency;  notably  in  the  contests  between  Jefferson 
and  Burr,  Jackson  and  Clay,  Lincoln  and  Douglas,  Grant  and 
Greeley,  Cleveland  and  Blaine. 

"Dire  predictions  were  made  by  our  political  opponents  of  what 
would  happen  at  the  St.  Louis  Convention,  but  they  misjudged 
the  temper  of  the  party,  and  the  people.  While  there  had  been 
differences  in  preceding  campaigns,  yet  at  St.  Louis  they  were  all 
harmonized  and  a  common  ground  was  found  upon  which  all  could 
stand  and  do  battle  for  Democratic  principles.  A  platform  was 
adopted  by  a  unanimous  vote,  embracing  the  issues  of  the  day, 
and  presenting  to  the  people  a  declaration  of  principles  which,  in 
the  language  of  the  times,  is  sane,  safe  and  sound. 

"With  a  candidate  whose  personality  appeals  to  the  good  sense 
and  sound  judgment  of  the  American  people,  a  platform  whose 
principles  are  for  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number,  and  a 
reunited  party,  earnest  for  the  restoration  of  good  and  economical 


Mr.  Davis's  Speech  of  Acceptance.  49 

government,  we  should  succeed,  and  the  principles  of  Democracy 
again  triumph. 

"1  beg  my  countrymen,  as  they  value  their  liberty,  to  guard  with 
great  care  the  sacred  right  of  local  self-government,  and  to  watch 
with  a  jealous  eye  the  tendency  of  the  times  to  centralize  power 
in  the  hands  of  the  few. 

"Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  an  added  pleasure  to  receive  this  notifica- 
tion at  your  hands.  You  have  been  conservative  and  courageous 
as  the  leader  of  our  party  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  a  posi- 
tion which  few  men  have  filled  with  the  signal  ability  that  you 
have  displayed. 

"It  will  be  my  pleasure  and  duty  at  a  time  not  far  hence  to  ac- 
cept more  formally  in  writing  the  notification  which  you  have 
extended  in  such  graceful  and  complimentary  terms,  and  to  give 
my  views  upon  some  of  the  important  questions  commanding  the 
attention  of  the  country." 


COMMENT   ON   JUDGE   PARKER'S   SPEECH   OF 
ACCEPTANCE. 


(From  "The  Nation,"  August  18,  1904.) 
Ever  since  Judge  Parker's  telegram  declaring  that  the  Presi- 
dency must  come  to  him  right  or  he  would  not  have  it,  his  greatest 
peril  has  been  that  of  an  anti-climax.  Could  he  hold  the  ear  of 
the  country  which  he  had  so  instantaneously  gained?  Or  would 
his  act  of  bold  initiative  be  followed  by  timidities  of  speech?  His 
highly  dramatic  first  appearance  on  the  national  stage  made  it 
the  harder,  yet  the  more  necessary,  to  fix  the  eye  of  the  spectators 
when  he  stepped  forth  a  second  time.  But  all  doubts  of  his  ability 
fittingly  to  follow  up  his  great  stroke  are  solved  by  his  speech  of 
acceptance.  It  is  the  utterance  of  a  man  who  does  his  own  think- 
ing, who  has  something  to  say,  and  who  says  it  with  the  utmost 
frankness.  The  country  will  pronounce  him  a  man  worth  listen- 
ing to,  and  will  gladly  hear  him  further. 

His  speech  is  long,  but  not  rambling,  and  a  single  conception 
runs  through  and  vitalizes  the  whole.  It  is  the  old  American  con- 
ception of  liberty  under  law.  Not  for  nothing  has  this  man  been 
giving  his  mind  to  the  study  and  exposition  of  jurisprudence. 
From  it  he  has  drawn  that  doctrine  of  American  government  which 
never  was  so  much  in  need  of  being  proclaimed  and  enforced  as 
to-day,  and  which  he  expounds  and  illustrates  so  powerfully — the 
doctrine,  namely,  of  a  free  people  decreeing  orderly  liberty  by  law, 
and  determining  the  authority  while  limiting  the  powers  of  those 
set  to  execute  the  law.  Judge  Parker  applies  it  with  vigor  and 
pungency.  He  shows  how  it  cuts  both  ways,  striking  alike  at 
grasping  oppression  and  mob  violence,  protecting  the  working- 
man  against  arbitrary  deportation  at  the  same  time  that  it  inhibits 
his  interference  with  "the  right  to  labor"  which  others  enjoy. 
The  growing  impatience  of  the  restraints  of  law  has  alarmed 
Americans  who  stop  to  think,  and  Judge  Parker  puts  his  finger 
surely  upon  that  ailing  spot.  He  names  no  names.  He  does  not 
say  who  those  executives  are  that  have  rashly  done  what  seemed 
to  them  good,  law  or  no  law.  His  attitude  is  that  of  Chapman, 
who  characterized  an  offender  without  naming  him,  and  added: 
"I  have  stricken ;  single  him  as  you  can." 

This  same  idea  of  law  as  at  once  bulwark  and  weapon,  guaran- 
tee and  remedy,  Judge  Parker  carries  into  his  discussion  of  Trusts 
and  the  tariff.  He  has  no  nostrum  to  offer.  None  of  the  conven- 
tional candidate's  promise  of  a  millennium  after  his  election  fall 
trippingly  from  his  tongue.  He  calls  simply  for  the  enforcement 
of  the  laws  we  have  before  flying  to  others  that  we  know  not  of. 


Comment  on  Judge  Parker's  Speech  of  Acceptance.     51 

To  him  no  way  of  orderly  government  is  conceivable  except  due 
process  of  law.  The  absolutely  honest  way  in  which  Judge  Parker's 
mind  works  is  shown  by  his  words  about  the  tariff.  He  will  not 
promise  what  he  knows  his  party  cannot  perform.  Emphasizing 
the  existence  of  gross  tariff  injustices,  he  frankly  admits  that  the 
Senate  will  remain  for  a  time  an  insuperable  barrier  to  sweeping 
revision,  and  says  that  the  best  a  Democratic  House  and  Execu- 
tive could  do  would  be  to  dash  at  the  doors  of  the  Senate  with  bills 
repealing  the  more  flagrant  tariff  schedules,  in  the  hope  that  an 
aroused  public  opinion  would  compel  even  that  fortress  of 
monopoly  to  surrender.  This  may  be  an  humble  tariff  programme, 
but  it  honestly  faces  the  facts  as  they  are. 

The  money  question  is  treated  most  happily.  Judge  Parker  re- 
affirms his  own  declaration  for  the  irrevocable  gold-  standard,  but 
does  it  incidentally  as  a  part  of  his  acknowledgment  of  the  honor 
done  him  in  nominating  him  with  his  convictions  upon  that  sub- 
ject known.  That  is  all,  but  that  is  enough.  Why  linger  upon 
dead  issues?  The  silver  question  is  defunct.  Let  us  turn  to  sub- 
jects in  which  the  people  take  a  live  interest. 

It  is  a  noble  passage  of  the  speech  which  shows  how  un-Ameri- « 
can  is  the  tawdry  militarism  which  the  Republican  party  has  of 
late  been  flaunting.  And  in  speaking  up  so  emphatically  as  he 
does  in  behalf  of  Philippine  independence,  Judge  Parker  shows 
how  precious  to  him  are  American  traditions.  It  is  the  casting 
away  of  our  ideals,  the  stretching  of  our  Constitution  to  the  break- 
ing-point, the  abhorrent  thought  of  a  free  people  having  subject 
peoples,  which  are  to  Judge  Parker  the  grievous  things  in  our  Phil- 
ippine delusion.  The  ring  of  indignation  in  his  voice  as  he  speaks 
of  that  wandering  away  from  the  true  path  is  unmistakably  honest. 
We  happen  to  know  that  he  was  warned  by  some  timid  Democrats 
against  putting  such  plain-spoken  words  in  his  speech,  but  he 
merely  said :  "Make  votes  or  lose  votes,  those  are  my  honest  views, 
and  I  shall  state  them." 

Sincerity  and  elevation  of  mind  appear  unmistakably  in  Judge 
Parker's  explicit  declaration  of  intention  to  serve  but  one  term,  if 
elected.  Much  may  be  said  for  or  against  making  a  President  in- 
eligible for  a  second  term,  but  nothing  can  be  said  against  the  rea- 
sons which  Judge  Parker  gives  for  his  own  decision.  He  wishes 
to  be  above  suspicion.  To  him,  any  attitude  but  the  judicial  is 
intolerable.  That  he  should  ever  be  approached  as  President  with 
the  argument  that  the  course  he  thought  right  would  lose  delegates, 
is  a  prospect  which  he  will  not  contemplate  for  a  mo- 
ment. Consequently,  he  takes  his  clear  stand.  If  he  is 
chosen  President,  we  shall  not  witness  an  Executive  feverishly 
working  night  and  day  to  perfect  the  machine  for  a  renomination. 
There  will  be  many  cheap  jests  about  Judge  Parker's  putting  aside 
what  may  never  be  his,  but  nothing  of  that  kind  can  obscure  the 
simple  dignity  of  his  announcement  that,  if  his  fellow-citizens  elect 
him  President,  he  will  devote  himself  for  four  years  entirely  to 
their  affairs. 


52      Comment  on  Judge  Parker's  Speech  of  Acceptance. 

Not  that  Judge  Parker  placed  himself  in  a  holier-than-thou  po- 
sition as  regards  his  competitor.  He  was  quick  to  say  that  he  made 
no  criticism  of  any  President  who  had  served  two  terms  or  sought 
to  do  so.  Yet  the  very  reasons  that  he  gave  for  reaching  this  con- 
clusion— which  so  astonished  the  professional  politicians — have 
made  thoughtful  men  run  over  in  their  minds  the  actions  of  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt  within  the  last  year  or  year  and  a  half.  Why  the 
rapprochement  with  Addicks?  Why  the  readiness  to  sign  the  fa- 
mous pension  order  merely  to  save  Congress  the  trouble  of  legis- 
lating? Why  the  installation  of  Senator  Quay's  notorious  son  in 
the  Naval  Office  in  Philadelphia?  And,  since  the  nomination,  why 
the  reconciliation  with  "Lou"  Payn  and  the  appointment  of  Gov. 
OdelFs  white-haired  civilian  neighbor  to  a  majority  in  the  regular 
army  over  the  heads  of  hundreds  of  officers  of  long  and  faithful 
service?  Do  these  and  many  similar  acts  bespeak  the  President 
who  is,  in  Judge  Parker's  words,  "unembarrassed  by  an}'  possible 
thought  of  the  influence  his  decision  may  have  upon  anything  what- 
ever that  may  affect  him  personally"  ? 

The  speech  at  Esopus  makes  it  plain  to  all  that  Judge  Parker 
was  the  right  candidate  with  whom  to  oppose  President  Roosevelt. 
The  two  men  stand  for  antithetic  ideals,  and  it  is  for  the  nation  to 
make  its  choice  between  them.  It  is  Constitutionalism  versus  Im- 
perialism. It  is  law  against  impulse.  It  is  the  man  of  calm  and 
poise  and  judicial  habit  against  the  impetuous  meddler  who  leaps 
first  and  asks  afterwards  what  the  law  is,  who  violates  a  treaty  and 
thinks  it  defence  enough  if  he  says  his  own  "sense  of  honor"  was 
satisfied.  If  Americans  have  got  tired  of  all  the  fret  and  sham 
of  militarism  and  the  meretricious  glitter  of  Imperialism,  they  will 
turn  with  relief  to  Judge  Parker.  But,  whether  they  do  or  not, 
he  has  shown  himself  a  man  worthy  of  their  confidence  and  their 
suffrages,  and  has  already  wrought  a  great  work  for  his  country 
by  pointing  it  to  the  things  which  make  for  peace  and  true 
grandeur. 


BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCHES  OF  THE  CANDIDATES 


ALTON    BROOKS   PARKER. 


WRITTEN    BY    CHARLES   J.    HAILES,  AND   REPRODUCED  BY    PERMISSION 
FROM    "ALBANY    LAW    JOURNAL,"    MAY,    1904- 

Alton  Brooks  Parker  may  well  be  called  New  York's  favorite 
son.  He  has  been  highly  honored  on  many  occasions  by  his  fel- 
low suffragists.  Never  has  he  known  the  bitterness  of  defeat.  The 
crowning  honor  of  his  career  thus  far  has  been  his  elevation  to 
the  chief  judgeship  of  the  Court  of  Appeals,  the  highest  local 
tribunal  in  the  Empire  State,  a  position  for  which  he  is  ideally 
fitted  by  temperament,  training  and  education.  Frequent  and  en- 
ticing have  been  the  opportunities  presented  to  him  for  entry  into 
political  life,  but  they  have  always  been  refused.  He  early  deter- 
mined not  to  be  turned  aside  from  his  chosen  profession,  the  law. 
Even  since  he  has  donned  the  ermine,  men  prominent  in  party 
councils  have  advised,  and  portions  of  the  press  have  suggested, 
his  candidacy  for  high  official  positions,  but  he  has  steadily  declined. 
Nothing  less  than  a  call  to  the  highest  office  within  the  gift  of  the 
nation  could  tempt  Judge  Parker  to  forsake  his  life  work  on  the 
bench. 

Judge  Parker's  career  is  a  strong  incentive  to  every  lawyer 
who  has  an  honorable  ambition  to  rise  in  his  profession.  His 
splendid  success  has  been  wholly  due  to  his  own  efforts.  Favored 
by  no  special  advantages  in  early  life,  but  possessing  health, 
strength,  untiring  industry  and  an  honorable  ambition,  he  made 
his  own  way,  paid  for  his  own  schooling  by  teaching,  and  after 
adopting  the  law  as  a  profession  did  not  shrink  from  the  toil  which 
he  knew  to  be  absolutely  necessary  in  order  to  reach  eminence  in 
it.  All  his  life  Judge  Parker  has  been  a  prodigious  worker. 
Though  now  fifty-two  years  of  age,  his  whole  appearance  is  that  of 
a  strong  man  still  in  his  prime. 

Scarcely  a- tell-tale  wrinkle  is  to  be  seen  in  his  genial,  kindly 
face.  Though  his  appearance  to  the  superficial  observer  is  that  of 
a  man  who  has  taken  life  easily,  the  fact  is  that  few  men  work 
harder  or  more  systematically.  If  the  marks  of  his  toil  have  not 
been  left  on  his  countenance  or  in  his  frame,  the  explanation  is  to  be 
found  in  his  abstemious  mode  of  living  and  the  care  he  has  taken 
to  keep  his  physical  vigor  unimpaired.  Perfect  health  and  wise 
systematization  enable  him  to  dispose  of  an  amount  of  work  which 
otherwise  would  be  impossible.  Since  he  became  chief  judge  of 
the  Court  of  Appeals  that  tribunal  has  shown  an  ability  to  dispone 


54  Biographical  Sketches  of  the  Candidates. 

of  a  much  larger  number  of  cases  than  ever  before  in  its  history. 
The  reason  is  to  be  found  in  the  unwearying  efforts  of  the  chief 
judge,  supplemented  by  the  loyal  and  hearty  co-operation  of  his 
colleagues. 

A    PEN    PORTRAIT. 

Nearly  six  feet  in  stature,  straight  as  an  arrow,  broad-shouldered, 
wiry,  athletic,  Judge  Parker  is  in  the  prime  and  vigor  of  life,  a 
splendid  specimen  of  American  manhood.  His  face  is  singularly 
attractive,  a  smile  continually  playing  about  his  symmetrical 
features.  His  eyes  are  keen  but  kindly,  his  mouth  firm  set,  showing 
determination.  Although  a  great  student,  there  is  not  the  slightest 
suggestion  of  the  bookworm  about  him.  Courtly  in  manner  and 
always  well  dressed,  though  never  conspicuously  so,  he  is  not  par- 
ticularly judicial  in  appearance,  but  would  rather  be  taken  by 
those  not  acquainted  with  him  for  a  prosperous  business  man  or 
a  bank  president.  In  manner  he  is  most  democratic.  Born  in  the 
country,  he  has  never  lost  his  love  for  rural  life,  and  when  the 
pressure  of  his  duties  does  not  require  his  presence  in  Albany  he 
lives  at  Esopus-on-the-Hudson,  near  Kingston,  where  he  has  a 
beautiful  country  home  which  has  borne  the  name  of  Rosemount 
for  half  a  century. 

EARLY  STRUGGLE  FOR  SUCCESS. 

Alton  Brooks  Parker  was  born  at  Cortland,  N.  Y.,  May  14, 
1852,  and  is  the  son  of  John  Brooks  Parker  and  Harriet  F.  Strat- 
ton.  His  ancestors  for  several  generations  were  residents  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, his  great-grandfather,  John  Parker,  having  served  for 
three  years  in  the  War  of  the  Revolution.  His  grandfather,  John 
Parker,  in  1794,  married  Elizabeth  Brooks,  of  Worcester,  Mass., 
from  whom  the  surname  of  the  subject  of  this  sketch  is  derived. 
The  early  education  of  Mr.  Parker  was  obtained  in  the  academy 
and  normal  school  at  Cortland,  where  his  family  resided.  At  the 
age  of  sixteen  he  commenced  teaching  in  order  to  obtain  money  to 
enable  him  to  continue  at  school,  after  which  he  adopted  the  law 
as  a  profession.  His  ambition  to  become  a  lawyer  was  early  formed 
and  came  about  in  an  interesting  way.  His  father  was  summoned 
for  jury  service  in  a  case  which  was  to  be  tried  at  Cortland.  He 
brought  young  Alton  to  court  with  him.  The  case  was  one  of  some 
importance,  and  one  of  the  parties  to  it  had  employed  the  services 
of  a  Syracuse  lawyer  of  some  distinction  as  a  pleader.  This  law- 
yer's address  made  such  an  impression  upon  young  Parker  that 
when  he  and  his  father  were  driving  back  to  the  farm  he  informed 
his  parent  that  he  intended  to  become  a  lawyer  when  he  grew  up. 
Once  having  formed  that  purpose,  he  began  to  bend  all  his  ener- 
gies toward  its  accomplishment.  But  it  was  by  no  means  all  plain 
sailing.  His  family  was  not  in  affluent  circumstances,  and  it  be- 
came necessary  for  him,  besides  working  on  the  farm  during  the 
summer,  to  obtain  other  employment  in  order  to  enable  him  to 
attend  the  academy  and  normal  school  as  well  as  the  law  school. 
This  he  did  not  hesitate  to  do;  any  honorable  employment  was 


Biographical  Sketches  of  the  Candidates.  55 

eagerly  sought.  The  winter  after  he  was  sixteen  he  started  out 
to  secure  his  first  employment  as  a  teacher.  After  a  thirteen-mile 
drive  and  numerous  disappointments,  he  was  engaged  by  the  trus- 
tees of  a  Virgil  township  school.  Meanwhile  his  father  was  "keep- 
ing an  eye*  open"  in  his  son's  interest,  and  at  the  same  time  that 
the  young  man  was  on  his  quest  of  employment  the  father  had  suc- 
ceeded in  securing  him  an  opportunity  for  an  engagement,  which 
from  a  pecuniary  standpoint,  was  more  attractive  than  that  which 
the  young  man  had  concluded  for  himself.  When  young  Parker 
returned  home  that  night  and  related,  with  some  pride,  the  re- 
sult of  his  quest,  his  father,  instead  of  sharing  his  elation,  expressed 
regret,  explaining  that  he  had  secured  for  him  the  promise  of  a 
much  better  place  than  that  at  Virgil.  Bather  crestfallen,  he  pro- 
posed that  he  return  to  Virgil  the  next  morning  and  ask  to  be  re- 
lieved from  the  engagement.  "No,"  replied  his  father,  "you 
have  made  it  and  you  must  keep  it.  I  have  observed  that  when  a 
young  man  once  fails  in  that  way  he  is  pretty  apt  to  fail  all 
through  his  life."  Later  he  entered  the  normal  school,  and  the 
following  winter  taught  a  school  in  the  neighborhood  of  Bingham- 
ton.  The  next  winter  Prof.  J.  H.  Hoose,  the  principal  of  the 
Cortland  Normal  School,  received  an  application  from  a  school 
in  Accord,  Ulster  County,  for  a  principal  of  a  school,  with  wages 
at  three  dollars  a  day,  and  he  asked  young  Parker  to  take  it.  He 
was  only  too  glad  of  the  opportunity,  and  after  teaching  about 
seven  months  he  entered  the  office  of  Schoonmaker  &  Harden- 
burgh,  as  a  law  student,  through  the  favor  of  Augustus  Schoon- 
maker, then  a  prominent  practitioner  at  the  bar  at  Kingston,  who 
took  a  decided  fancy  to  young  Parker.  Thence  he  went  to  the 
Albany  Law  School,  from  which,  after  graduation,  he  returned  to 
the  office  of  Augustus  Schoonmaker  (Hardenburgh  having  died 
in  the  meantime),  who  made  him  his  managing  clerk,  on  a  salary. 

FIRST    ENTRANCE    INTO    POLITICS. 

After  some  months  Mr.  Parker  formed  a  partnership  with  W.  S. 
Kenyon,  Jr.,  which  continued  until  1878.  Soon  after  entering 
Mr.  Schoonmaker's  office,  the  latter,  who  was  then  serving  his 
second  term  as  county  judge,  was  defeated  for  re-election  after 
a  hard  campaign,  and  was  so  disheartened  that  he  decided  to  with- 
draw altogether  from  politics.  Believing  that  his  patron  was  un- 
duly discouraged,  and  that  he  was  still  very  strong  with  the  peo- 
ple, young  Parker  arranged  for  Mr.  Schoonmaker's  nomination 
for  State  senator  in  1875,  and  prevailed  upon  him  to  accept.  The 
young  lawyer  and  politician  so  well  managed  the  campaign  that 
Mr.  Schoonmaker  was  elected  by  a  large  majority,  and  his  prestige 
in  politics  fully  restored,  for  he  was,  in  1877,  elected  attorney  gen- 
eral, renominated  in  1879,  nominated  for  judge  of  the  Court  of 
Appeals  in  1880,  and  subsequently  appointed  interstate  commerce 
commissioner  by  President  Cleveland. 

Parker's  success  in  Ulster  County  politics  thus  brought  him  into 
prominence,  and  in  1877  he  was  nominated  for  surrogate.     He 


56  Biographical  Sketches  of  the  Candidates 

was  the  only  Democrat  on  the  county  ticket  who  was  elected  that 
year.  He  was  then  but  twenty-five  years  of  age.  Parker's  popu- 
larity with  the  voters  was  still  more  strikingly  shown  in  1883  when, 
after  having  served  six  years  as  surrogate,  he  was  re-elected  to  the 
office  by  a  majority  of  1,400  in  a  total  vote  of  15,000,*  against  a 
competitor — Judge  William  Lawton — whose  popularity  as  county 
judge  had  carried  the  county  twice  successively  by  large  majorities, 
and  again  he  was  the  only  candidate  on  the  Democratic  ticket  who 
was  elected.  When  he  had  served  two  years  of  his  second  term, 
David  B.  Hill,  the  Democratic  candidate  for  governor,  who  had 
watched  the  young  lawyer's  successful  political  work  in  Ulster 
County  with  much  interest,  reached  the  conclusion  that  Parker 
was  the  man  he  wranted  to  manage  his  State  campaign,  and  Parker 
was  elected  to  the  Democratic  State  committee  and  made 
its  chairman.  Largely  owing  to  Parker's  masterful  work 
the  entire  Democratic  State  ticket  was  elected  by  pluralities  rang- 
ing between  11,000  and  12,000.  During  the  time  he  held  the  po- 
sition of  surrogate,  Parker  carried  on  a  large  general  law  practice 
and  was  actively  at  work  in  the  trial  of  causes  and  the  argument  of 
appeals.  In  1883  he  declined  to  consider  Daniel  Manning's  sug- 
gestion that  he  accept  the  nomination  for  secretary  of  state,  and 
again  in  1885  he  declined  to  consider  the  nomination  for  the  office 
of  lieutenant-governor  proposed  at  a  session  of  State  party  lead- 
ers, giving  as  his  reason  that  he  did  not  wish  to  abandon  his 
chosen  field — that  of  the  law.  President  Cleveland,  in  1885,  ten- 
dered him  the  office  of  first  assistant  postmaster-general,  but  this 
he  also  declined,  for  the  same  reason.  When  Theodore  "R.  West- 
brook  died,  leaving  the  Supreme  Court  justiceship  for  the  Third 
Judicial  District  vacant,  Governor  Hill  appointed  Parker  to  the 
vacancy.  He  entered  at  once  on  the  duties  of  his  office  of  the 
current  year,  at  the  close  of  which  he  received  the  unanimous  nomi- 
nation of  the  Democratic  party  for  justice  for  the  full  term, 
a  nomination  which  the  Republicans  did  not  oppose.  This  wras  a 
compliment  never  before  or  since  paid  to  a  candidate  for  that  po- 
sition in  the  Third  Judicial  District.  Judge  Parker  was  then  but 
thirty-four  years  of  age.  While  thus  serving  as  a  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  he  refused  to  consider  the  suggestion  made  by 
prominent  men  in  the  party  that  he  be  a  candidate  for  gov- 
ernor in  1891.  He  was  urged  to  be  a  candidate  for  TJnited 
States  senator  while  a  member  of  the  Second  Division  of  the 
Court  of  Appeals,  but  would  not  consent.  In  January,  1889,  the 
Second  Division  of  the  Court  of  Appeals  was  created  for  the  pur- 
pose of  clearing  the  congested  calendar,  and  Judge  Parker  was  ap- 
pointed to  it,  being  the  youngest  man  that  ever  sat  in  the  Court  of 
Appeals  of  New  York.  This  position  he  retained  until  the  disso- 
lution of  the  court  in  1892.  In  consequence  of  a  request  made  in 
that  year  by  members  of  the  judiciary  of  New  York  city,  Governor 
Flower  appointed  Justices  Follett  and  Parker  as  members  of  the 
General  Term  of  the  First  Department,  in  which  important  and 
arduous  judicial  position  Judge  Parker  continued  to  labor  until 


Biographical  Sketches  of  the  Candidates.  57 

the  creation  of  the  Appellate  Division,  when  he  resumed  the  duties 
of  the  trial  terms  in  his  own  district.  When  Mr.  Justice  Barrett 
became  ill,  Judge  Parker  was  designated  by  Governor  Black  to 
take  his  place  temporarily  on  the  Appellate  Division  in  New  York 
city.  As  already  stated,  before  his  elevation  to  the  bench,  Judge 
Parker  took  an  active  part  in  politics,  receiving  many  marks  of 
the  favor  with  which  his  party  regarded  his  influence  and  his  effi- 
cient service,  being  elected  a  delegate  to  every  State  convention, 
and  to  the  national  convention  of  1884,  which  nominated  Mr. 
Cleveland,  whom  he  actively  supported. 

ELECTION    TO    THE    COURT    OF    APPEALS. 

Judge  Parker  was  thirty-three  years  of  age  when  he  became  a 
Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court.  In  1897,  when  he  was  in  his  forty- 
sixth  year,  he  received  the  nomination  of  his  party  for  the  office 
of  Chief  Judge  of  the  Court  of  Appeals.  In  1896  the  Republican 
majority  in  the  State  was  212,000;  two  years  before  the  Demo- 
cratic State  ticket  had  been  defeated  by  more  than  150,000.  At 
such  a  time  Judge  Parker  accepted  the  nomination  of  his  party,  a 
nomination  which  many  of  the  shrewdest  politicians  of  both  par- 
ties agreed  was  probably  an  empty  honor.  He  was  elected  by  a 
plurality  exceeding  60,000. 

AS    A    JURIST. 

Judges  nowadays,  more  than  ever  before,  are  expected  to  eschew 
rhetoric  and  to  repress  any  imaginative  tendency  in  the  writing  of 
their  opinions.  They  are,  perhaps  properly,  held  strictly  to  argu- 
ments and  reasons.  At  the  same  time,  it  is  inevitable  that  a  vigor- 
ous personality  like  that  of  Judge  Parker's  should  find  expression. 
His  opinions  are  noted  for  their  forceful  diction,  comprehensive 
grasp  of  the  fundamental  questions  involved,  unsparing  labor  in 
citing  precedents,  close  reasoning,  and  their  tendency  to  disregard 
mere  technicalities.  Following  his  life-long  habit,  Judge  Parker 
has,  since  his  elevation  to  the  highest  court  in  the  State,  insisted 
upon  giving  every  case  coming  before  him  original  investigation. 
He  never  relies  upon  the  labors  of  the  lawyers,  but  goes  to  the 
books  and  searches  cases  and  precedents  for  himself.  Any  one 
who  takes  pains  to  study  the  records  will  find  that  the  chief  judge 
has  been  a  positive  force  in  the  direction  of  wise  conservatism.  He 
is  a  strict  rather  than  a  liberal  constructionist  of  the  Constitution. 
He  has  set  his  face  firmly  against  the  crying  evil  of  judicial  legis- 
lation. He  has  insisted  that  private  litigants  shall  be  held  strictly 
to  the  letter  of  their  contracts.  He  firmly  believes  that,  however 
serious  are  the  evils  of  vicious  legislation,  the  proper  remedy  is 
not  to  be  found  in  the  judiciary ;  hence  he  has  consistently  adhered 
to  what  he  believes  to  be  the  court's  duties  of  construction  and  in- 
terpretation, and  has  resolutely  refused  to  interfere  with  the  proper 
powers  of  the  legislature.  This  attitude  is  well  illustrated  in 
People  ex  rel.  Rodgers  v.  Coler  (166  N".  Y.  1,  9),  in  which  the 
court  passed  upon  the  constitutionality  of  the  so-called  prevailing 
rate  of  wages  law  which  was  passed  by  the  legislature  of  1897. 


58  Biographical  Sketches  of  the  Candidates. 

This  law  provided  that  workmen  and  mechanics  on  all  public  works 
should  receive  not  less  than  the  prevailing  rate  of  wages,  and  that 
every  contract  thereafter  made  for  public  work  should  contain  a 
clause  binding  the  contractors  to  pay  the  prevailing  rate  of  wages. 
This  law  was  declared  unconstitutional  by  a  vote  of  five  to  two. 
Judge  Parker  was  one  of  the  dissentients  and  read  a  vigorous  opin- 
ion, in  which  he  pointed  out  that  whether  the  statute  was  uncon- 
stitutional or  not,  there  was  nothing  to  prevent  a  contractor  from 
incorporating  the  phraseology  of  the  statute  into  the  contract.  In 
the  dressed  stone  law,  which  required  dressed  stone  for  public 
buildings  in  New  York  city  to  be  dressed  within  the  State  of  New 
York,  Judge  Parker  took  a  similar  position.  Again,  in  the  case 
of  People  v.  Oregon  Eoad  Construction  Co.  (175  N.  Y.  84,  94),  the 
court  held  that  the  law  prohibiting  any  person  contracting  with  the 
State  or  with  a  municipal  corporation  from  requiring  more  than 
eight  hours'  work  for  a  day's  labor  was  unconstitutional,  being  in 
conflict  with  the  fourteenth  amendment  of  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion, because  it  created  an  arbitrary  distinction  between  persons 
contracting  with  the  State  or  with  a  municipality  and  other  em- 
ployers of  labor,  and  thus  denied  to  persons  within  the  State's 
jurisdiction  the  equal  protection  of  its  laws.  Judge  Parker,  in  this 
case,  concurred  in  the  result  on  a  question  of  pleading,  but  took 
pains  to  go  on  record  as  dissenting  "from  even  the  expression  of  a 
doubt  as  to  the  power  of  the  State  to  enforce  its  constitutional 
mandate  by  making  a  violation  thereof  a  crime,  whether  such  vio- 
lation arises  under  contract  with  the  State  or  otherwise."  It  is 
important  to  note  that  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  very  re- 
cently held,  in  the  case  of  Atkin  v.  Kansas  (U.  S.  Supreme  Court 
Opinions  advance  sheets,  p.  124)  that  a  similar  provision  of  the 
Kansas  statute  was  not  in  conflict  with  the  fourteenth  amendment; 
thus  sustaining  entirely  his  position  in  the  prevailing  rate  of 
wages  case. 

Another  notable  case  was  that  of  the  National  Protective  Asso- 
ciation v.  Cummin  (170  N.  Y.  315,  331),  in  which  damages  were 
sought  by  a  labor  union  from  the  walking  delegates  of  a  rival 
union  who,  by  threats  to  strike,  had  caused  the  discharge  of  mem- 
bers of  the  plaintiff's  union.  The  court  denied  the  right  to  relief. 
Judge  Parker,  who  wrote  the  opinion,  held  that  a  man  may  work 
for  another  or  not,  just  as  he  pleases,  and  if  he  pleases  not,  the  law- 
fulness of  his  choice  is  not  diminished  by  the  fact  that  the  reason 
he  pleases  not  to  is  that  his  employer  retains  in  his  employ  some 
other  man  to  whom  he,  the  workman,  objects.  If  he  chooses  not 
to  work,  of  course,  he  may  stop  working,  and  if  he  may  stop  work- 
ing he  may  threaten  to  stop  working.  "A  labor  organization,"  he 
says,  "has  precisely  the  same  right  as  an  individual  to  threaten  to 
do  that  which  it  may  lawfully  do."  Three  judges  dissented,  the 
case  being  decided  by  a  bare  majority  of  the  court. 

The  unbiased  opinions  of  one's  colleagues,  those  opinions  which 
have  been  formed  by  daily  contact  and  close  personal  observation, 
are  always  valuable.     Hence  the  tribute  of  the  Hon.  Irving  G. 


Biographical  Sketches  of  the  Candidates.  59 

Vann  (a  Kepublican  in  politics),  who,  as  an  associate  of  Chief 
Judge  Parker  on  the  bench  of  the  Court  of  Appeals  for  many 
years,  has  had  exceptional  opportunities  to  observe  the  workings 
of  his  mind,  makes  interesting  reading  at  this  time.  "The  strong- 
est characteristic  of  Judge  Parker's  mind,  in  my  opinion,"  says 
Judge  Yann,  "is  its  absolute  fairness  and  impartiality.  He  is  so 
constituted  by  nature  that  his  mind  is  incapable  of  taking  any 
but  a  logical  view  of  a  legal  question,  wholly  divested  of  outside 
consideration.  ...  I  could  never  see  that  his  judgment  was 
influenced  in  the  least  by  his  acquaintance  with  one  of  the  parties 
to  the  action,  or  by  the  effect  of  a  decision  upon  a  political  party, 
where,  for  instance,  election  questions  were  before  us.  He  reasons 
with  reference  to  broad  general  results  rather  than  to  special  and 
particular  effects.  He  seems  to  have  in  mind  what  is  the  best  rule 
for  all,  now  and  for  all  time,  rather  than  the  effect  upon  the  for- 
tunes of  the  parties  before  him.  He  believes  in  a  thorough  sepa- 
ration of  the  functions  of  the  three  great  departments  of  govern- 
ment in  a  free  country — the  executive,  legislative  and  judicial.  He 
appreciates  the  theory  of  the  Constitution  of  1789,  and  that  its 
basic  principle  was  a  strong,  sharp,  well-defined  line  of  demarca- 
tion between  the  powers  of  these  three  great  departments.  He  has 
a  profound  reverence  for  law  and  believes  in  a  strict  obedience  to 
law,  and  that  each  of  these  departments  should  be  compelled  to 
keep  within  its  own  sphere  as  defined  by  the  Constitution ;  that  the 
legislature  should  confine  itself  to  legislation  and  never  trespass 
upon  the  domain  of  the  executive  and  judiciary ;  that,  with  equal 
strictness,  the  judges  should  keep  within  their  own  department 
and  confine  themselves  to  the  construction  of  the  law  and  never 
venture  into  the  region  of  the  legislative  or  executive  departments. 
It  follows,  of  course,  that  he  has  the  same  strictness  of  view  with 
reference  to  the  duties  of  the  executive  department,  and  believes 
that  it  should  be  confined  to  the  execution  of  the  laws  without  in- 
terference with  legislation  or  with  the  action  of  the  judges.  Cour- 
age of  his  convictions  is  another  strong  characteristic  in  Judge 
Parker's  mental  character.  Whether  he  stands  alone  or  represents 
the  views  of  the  entire  court,  he  expresses  his  conclusion  with  abso- 
lute fearlessness  and  without  regard  to  anything  except  his  honest 
conviction  that  that  is  the  right  conclusion.  In  reaching  a  con- 
clusion he  advances  slowly,  and  his  mind  is  open  to  receive  the 
views  and  listen  to  the  arguments  of  others,  but  when  he  has 
weighed  and  considered  them  all  deliberately  and  has  made  up  his 
mind,  no  rock  is  firmer  than  his  position  from  that  time  forward. 
His  mind  is  conservative,  and  the  rights  of  property  and  personal 
rights  are  always  safe  in  his  hands."  Judge  Vann  finds  in  the 
record  of  his  associate  "power,  modesty,  learning,  strength  of  char- 
acter, independence,  conservatism  and  soberness  of  views,"  and 
adds:  "Every  step  in  his  judicial  life,  so  far  as  known  to  me,  has 
reflected  honor  and  dignity  upon  the  position  that  he  fills." 


6o  Biographical  Sketches  of  the  Candidates. 

THE    JUDGE'S    HOME    LIFE. 

Judge  Parker's  home  life  has  been  almost  ideally  happy.  Early 
in  his  career  he  married  Mary  L.  Schoonmaker.  They  have  had  two 
children.  John  M.  Parker,  their  only  son,  died  at  the  age  of 
seven  years.  Bertha,  their  daughter,  married  Charles  Mercer  Hall, 
the  young  rector  of  the  Episcopal  Mission  of  the  Holy  Cross  at 
Kingston.  Two  children  have  been  born  to  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hall — 
Alton  Parker,  four  years  of  age,  and  Mary,  two  years.  Judge 
Parker  takes  great  delight  in  the  company  of  his  grandchildren; 
his  judicial  dignity  is  at  no  time  a  bar  to  a  jolly  romp  with  them. 
A  recent  writer  in  the  New  York  Times  has  thus  described  Judge 
Parker's  home  life:  "Esopus,  where  Judge  Parker  has  his  resi- 
dence, is  a  modest  little  village  consisting  of  about  thirty  houses 
built  scatteringly  along  a  country  crossroad.  The  Hudson,  which 
here  spreads  out  to  surround  the  island  of  Esopus,  stretches  away 
before  the  eye  in  all  its  grandeur.  The  peaks  of  the  Catskills 
form  the  background  of  the  picture.  On  top  of  a  hill,  from  which 
the  eye  can  sweep  the  picturesque  river  and  mountain  scenery, 
stands  Rosemount.  The  house,  which  stands  fully  one  hundred 
feet  above  the  river,  is  a  big,  square  two-and-a-half -story  structure. 
All  about  it  are  giant  trees,  and  the  approach  to  it  is  along  a 
graveled  path  which  divides  a  perfect  lawn  ornamented  with  flower 
beds.  A  trail  leads  down  to  the  river  bank,  and  at  the  end  of  the 
trail  in  the  summer  there  is  moored  a  naphtha  launch,  christened 
the  Niobe,  which  Judge  Parker  has  for  the  use  of  himself  and 
family.  When  the  visitor  stands  upon  Judge  Parker's  porch  and 
takes  in  the  magnificent  scenery  it  is  impossible  to  suppress  a  feel- 
ing of  envy.  The  older  part  of  Rosemount  Hall  was  standing 
when  the  British  fleet  anchored  directly  in  front  of  it  in  1777,  on 
the  night  before  Kingston  was  burned.  Through  the  center  of  the 
house  runs  a  broad  hall  used  as  a  living  room,  the  walls  of  which 
are  lined  with  a  miscellaneous  collection  of  books — the  works  of 
standard  writers  of  prose  and  poetry.  Judge  Parker's  library  oc- 
cupies nearly  the  whole  of  the  southern  part  of  the  first  story. 
The  walls  of  the  room  are  nowhere  visible.  From  the  polished 
bard-wood  floor  to  the  ceiling  mount  row  after  row  of  books.  There 
are  thousands  of  them.  Revolving  cases  support  still  other  books 
to  which  the  judge  has  found  he  needs  to  make  frequent  reference. 
In  the  bow  window  of  the  room  is  a  small  flat-top  table,  while  down 
the  center  of  the  room  stretches  a  big  directors'  table.  On  these 
tables,  upon  which  there  are  more  books  and  usually  piles  of 
documents,  Judge  Parker  does  his  work.  When  at  Rosemount 
Hall  he  rises  at  seven  o'clock,  and  one  of  his  first  acts  during  the 
summer  months  is  to  don  a  bathing  suit,  run  down  the  steep  hill 
to  the  Esopus  landing,  and  take  a  plunge  into  the  Hudson.  He  is 
an  expert  swimmer  and  is  fond  of  that  form  of  exercise  and  recrea- 
tion. After  breakfast  he  usually  mounts  his  saddle  horse  and  takes 
a  ride  around  the  farm,  which  comprises  several  hundred  acres. 
All  of  the  operations  on  the  farm  are  carried  on  under  the  super- 
vision of  the  judge  himself,  who  is  a  practical  farmer.    The  judge's 


Biographical  Sketches  of  the  Candidates.  61 

special  hobby  is  his  blooded  cattle.  The  inspection  of  the  farm 
is  completed  about  eleven  o'clock,  and  returning  to  the  house  Judge 
Parker  reads  his  mail  and  the  morning  papers  until  noon,  Avhen 
the  family  sit  down  to  luncheon.  After  the  mid-day  meal  Judge 
Parker  shuts  himself  up  in  the  library  with  his  private  secretary 
and  the  family  see  nothing  more  of  him,  unless  there  is  urgent 
reason  for  disturbing  him,  until  he  is  called  for  the  evening  meal 
at  six  o'clock.  Even  when  he  is  in  Albany,  presiding  over  the 
sessions  of  the  court,  the  judge  does  not  allow  himself  to  be  robbed 
of  his  daily  exercise.  He  is  up  by  seven  o'clock  every  morning,  and 
no  matter  how  cold  the  weather  may  be,  he  has  a  horseback  ride 
before  breakfast." 


HENRY   GASSAWAY   DAVIS. 


WRITTEN  BY  CHARLES  S.  ALBERT,  AND  REPRODUCED   BY  PERMISSION 
FROM    "REVIEW  OF  REVIEWS.") 

Henry  Gassaway  Davis  was  born  in  the  village  of  Woodstock, 
Maryland,  a  few  miles  from  Baltimore,  November  16,  1823.  He 
comes  of  Scotch- Welsh  stock.  His  father  was  Caleb  Davis,  and 
his  mother,  before  marriage,  was  Louisa  Brown.  His  mother's 
ancestors  served  in  the  Eevolutionary  army.  His  father  was  a 
soldier  in  the  War  of  1812,  after  which  he  retired  as  a  successful 
merchant,  and  lived  on  a  farm  in  Howard  County,  Maryland. 
He  founded  the  village  of  Woodstock,  took  contracts  for  railroad 
construction,  lost  his  fortune,  and  soon  -after  died,  leaving  a  widow 
with  four  sons  and  a  daughter.  Henry  at  once  became  a  bread- 
winner, depriving  himself  of  educational  advantages  in  favor  of  a 
younger  brother,  contenting  himself  with  the  meager  mental  train- 
ing of  a  country  school,  and  beginning  work  on  the  farm  of  former 
Governor  Howard.  The  boy  was  willing,  active,  and  intelligent. 
When  nineteen  years  old,  he  obtained  a  position  as  freight  brake- 
man  on  the  Baltimore  &  Ohio  Eailroad,  which  had  been  extended 
to  Cumberland.  He  was  soon  promoted  to  be  a  conductor.  The 
energetic  manner  in  which  he  cleared  up  a  wreck  secured  him  a 
passenger  run. 

After  five  years  of  railroading,  Mr.  Davis  was  made  master  of 
transportation  and  given  his  first  opportunity  to  display  executive 
ability.  He  was  successful.  He  made  operative  the  plan  of  run- 
ning railroad  trains  at  night.  Prior  to  this  innovation,  all  trains 
would  stop  until  morning  at  the  stations  where  darkness  overtook 
them.  Mr.  Davis  sent  an  experimental  train  through  from  Cum- 
berland to  Baltimore,  and  since  that  time  there  has  been  no  sus- 


62  Biographical  Sketches  of  the  Candidates. 

pension  of  running  schedules  at  nightfall.  At  that  period,  Mr. 
Davis  received  a  salary  of  less  than  one  hundred  dollars  per  month, 
but  he  found  it  ample  to  assist  his  mother  in  supporting  his 
brothers  and  sister,  laying  aside,  in  addition,  sufficient  to  establish 
a  home  for  himself.  In  1853,  he  married  Miss  Kate,  daughter  of 
Judge  Gideon  Bantz,  of  Frederick,  Maryland.  Her  death,  in  1902, 
after  almost  half  a  century  of  domestic  happiness,  proved  a  severe 
blow. 

BEGINNINGS    IN    BUSINESS. 

Mr.  Davis  was  appointed  agent  for  the  Baltimore  &  Ohio  Rail- 
road at  Piedmont,  W.  Va.,  in  1854.  He  promptly  realized  the 
business  opportunities  presented  in  that  new  country,  and  assisted 
his  brother,  William  R.  Davis,  to  become  a  shipper  of  coal  and 
lumber.  In  1858,  he  resigned  from  railroad  service  and  formed 
the  firm  of  Davis  &  Brothers.  In  addition  to  handling  natural 
products,  a  general  merchandise  business  was  conducted.  In  that 
year  Mr.  Davis  organized  the  Piedmont  Savings  Bank  and  was 
elected  its  president.  At  the  close  of  the  Civil  War,  the  founda- 
tions of  a  fortune  were  rapidly  and  securely  established.  In  1867, 
Davis  &  Brothers  purchased  several  thousand  acres  of  land  in 
Garrett  County,  Maryland.  Timber  for  ties,  bridges,  and  other 
purposes  was  supplied  to  the  railroad  company.  Mr.  Davis  laid 
out  on  this  tract  the  mountain  resort  of  Deer  Park,  and  con- 
structed an  elegant  summer  residence,  where  simple  hospitality 
was  extended  all  visitors. 

The  Deer  Park  investment  having  furnished  him  with  sufficient 
funds,  Mr.  Davis  began  obtaining  extensive  tracts  of  land  in  the 
Cheat  River  and  Upper  Potomac  regions.  Prior  to  that  time,  he 
had  carefully  examined  that  territory,  desiring  to  procure  infor- 
mation at  first  hand.  All  his  investigations  were  made  in  person. 
He  thoroughly  explored  the  sections  in  which  he  sought  to  acquire 
property,  traveled  on  foot,  and  frequently  slept  at  night  in  the 
woods.  He  was  conversant  with  every  acre  of  that  undeveloped 
country,  and  knew  that  its  forests  and  hills  contained  fabulous 
wealth.  The  only  requisite  was  a  railroad.  It  was  years  before 
Mr.  Davis  could  combine  the  needed  capital  to  make  his  plans 
effective,  but  when  the  money  was  available,  he  began  building  the 
West  Virginia  Central  &  Pittsburg  Railroad. 

Mr.  Davis  became  a  student  of  political  economy  while  serving 
as  a  passenger  conductor.  He  was  a  Whig.  Henry  Clay  often 
traveled  over  the  road  with  him,  and  the  great  Com- 
moner received  his  vote  when  a  Presidential  candidate. 
Mr.  Davis  aided  the  Union  cause  during  the  Civil  War.  He  fur- 
nished the  Government  with  supplies,  and  naturally  became  a 
Conservative  Unionist  at  the  termination  of  the  struggle.  The 
Democratic  party  in  West  Virginia  was  the  outgrowth  of  that 
political  organization.  Mr.  Davis  actively  participated  in  public 
affairs,  was  elected  to  the  Assembly  in  1866,  and  was  a  member 
of  the  Committee  on  Commerce  and  Finance.     Two  years  later, 


Biographical  Sketches  of  the  Candidates.  63 

he  was  chosen  a  State  Senator,  and  was  re-elected.  As  chairman 
of  the  joint  committee  on  finance,  his  efforts  were  successful  in 
placing  the  State  on  a  firm  monetary  basis. 

After  refusing  a  nomination  as  Representative  from  the  Con- 
gressional district  in  which  he  lived,  in  1870,  Mr.  Davis  was  the 
ensuing  winter  elected  United  States  Senator,  with  the  aid  of  Re- 
publican votes,  and  took  his  seat  as  a  Democrat  on  March  4, 
1871.  He  was  prominent  in  all  the  bitter  debates  of  that  period. 
As  a  Senator,  Mr.  Davis  antagonized  the  civil  rights  bill,  which 
was  passed  despite  opposition  and  subsequently  pronounced  un- 
constitutional. 

A    DEVELOPER    OF    WEST    VIRGINIA. 

In  order  to  protect  his  enormous  property  interests,  Mr.  Davis 
declined  re-election  after  serving  twelve  years  in  the  Senate.  He 
then  devoted  his  entire  time  to  developing  the  coal  and  lumber  re- 
gions of  West  Virginia,  completed  the  construction  of  additional 
railroads,  opened  up  new  mines,  became  locally  identified  with 
every  section  of  the  State,  and  built  himself  a  residence  of  stone — 
Graceland — on  a  hill  north  of  Elkins,  West  Virginia,  where  he 
now  spends  the  summers.  His  winter  home  in  Washington  was 
closed  after  the  death  of  his  wife.  When  in  the  national  capita!,  he 
lives  with  his  son-in-law,  Arthur  Lee. 

Mr.  Davis  was  a  delegate  to  the  Pan-American  Congress.  He  is 
a  member  of  the  United  States  Inter- Continental  Railway  Com- 
mission. 

No  man  can  surpass  Mr.  Davis  in  amiability.  His  clear  brown 
eyes  are  always  laughing.  He  is  invariably  pleasant  and  approach- 
able. He  is  democratic  by  profession  and  practice.  His  voice  is 
ordinarily  keyed  to  a  low,  soft,  musical  pitch,  but  when  occasion 
requires  he  can  give  it  the  most  surprising  force  and  volume.  The 
vehemence  of  these  infrequent  utterances  belie  the  surface  indica- 
tions of  under-strength.  He  is  in  no  sense  a  rugged-looking  man. 
His  step  is  not  firm  or  elastic.  It  never  was  either.  He  walks 
with  an  easy,  sliding  motion.  He  is  never  garrulous,  but  always 
conversational..  He  can  talk  much  but  say  little.  He  will  dis- 
cuss any  subject  in  the  most  entertaining  manner  for  two  hours 
and  convey  no  information  that  he  does  not  care  to  impart.  It 
can  readily  be  seen  where  Senator  Gorman,  the  first  cousin  of  Mr. 
Davis,  found  his  model  for  silence  or  pleasant  utterances  devoid 
of  harmful  results.  The  tender-heartedness  of  Mr.  Davis  is  pro- 
verbial. The  affection  manifested  for  his  dead  wife  is  pathetic. 
Tears  come  into  his  eyes  whenever  her  name  is  mentioned  in  his 
presence. 

The  physical  endurance  of  Mr.  Davis  is  surprising,  and  almost 
irritating  to  younger  men  who  do  not  possess  his  untiring  vitality. 
He  seems  never  to  become  tired.  He  is  always  fresh  and  vigorous. 
His  capacity  for  hard  work  is  unlimited.  Neither  loss  of  sleep 
nor  hardship  impairs  his  energy.  A  striking  illustration  of  this 
characteristic  was  given  at  the  St.  Louis  convention.     Mr.  Davis 


64  Biographical  Sketches  of  the  Candidates. 

sat  in  a  not  over-large  room,  as  a  member  of  the  committee  on 
resolutions,  from  8  o'clock  Thursday  evening  to  11.30  o'clock 
Friday  morning — fifteen  and  a  half  hours, — and  emerged  with  his 
usual  brightness  of  eye  and  composedness  of  manner.  Men  of  but 
little  more  than  half  his  age  were  haggard  and  weary.  Mr.  Bryan 
appeared  to  be  on  the  verge  of  exhaustion.  Senator  Tillman  was 
near  the  point  of  collapsing.  Others  were  all  more  or  less  affected 
by  the  all-night  committee  meeting,  but  Mr.  Davis  appeared  to 
have  been  freshened  and  invigorated  by  the  long  and  arduous  ses- 
sion. 

Mr.  Davis  regards  horseback  riding  as  the  best  possible  form  of 
exercise.  He  may  be  seen  on  every  pleasant  day  cantering  along 
the  mountain  roads,  sitting  erect,  and  managing  his  animal  with 
ease  and  skill.  It  is  less  than  a  year  since  he  rode  on  horseback 
from  Elkins  to  Charleston,  a  distance  of  more  than  two  hundred 
miles,  in  five  days.  The  road  passes  through  an  unbroken  and 
mountainous  country,  and  his  friends  and  neighbors  still  marvel 
at  this  exhibition  of  unimpaired  vigor.  Long  hours  of  almost 
incessant  activity  constitute  the  daily  routine  of  Mr.  Davis  in  his 
summer  home.  He  allots  the  same  period  to  labor  now  as  when 
serving  as  a  brakeman. 

PHILANTHROPY    AND    PUBLIC    SPIRIT. 

Mr.  Davis's  fortune  was  realized  from  the  original  purchases 
of  hills  and  forests  in  Maryland  and  West  Virginia.  His  philan- 
thropy has  kept  pace  with  his  prosperity.  While  Presbyterianism 
is  his  predilection,  he  has  made  regular  and  liberal  gifts  to  all  de- 
nominations. He  is  a  close  personal  friend  of  Cardinal  Gibbons, 
and  has  given  much  aid  to  the  church  represented  in  the  United 
States  by  his  eminence.  He  gave  a  new  high  school  to  the  city 
of  Piedmont  in  1886.  In  1893,  he  gave  a  nine-acre  park  to  the 
town  of  Elkins.  He  and  his  brother,  Thomas  Davis,  erected  the 
Davis  Memorial  Church,  at  Elkins,  as  a  tribute  to  their  mother. 
He  gave  eleven  thousand  dollars  to  the  State  for  a  Children's  Home 
at  Charleston,  West  Virginia,  endowing  it  with  an  annuity  of  one 
thousand  dollars  for  maintenance.  He  erected  the  Davis  Memorial 
Hospital,  at  Elkins,  in  memory  of  his  eldest  son,  Henry  G.  Davis, 
Jr.,  who  was  drowned  off  the  coast  of  South  Africa  in  1896.  He 
recently  gave  a  large  sum  for  the  establishment  of  a  Presbyterian 
school,  now  under  construction,  on  one  of  the  hills  adjacent  to 
Elkins.  He  built  a  church  for  colored  people.  He  regularly  con- 
tributes freely  to  churches,  hospitals,  and  schools,  in  his  own  State 
and  in  other  sections  of  the  country. 

Mr.  Davis  probably  holds  the  record  for  consecutive  attendance  at 
national  conventions  of  his  party.  He  had  been  a  delegate  to  six 
such  gatherings  prior  to  the  one  which  made  him  the  nominee  for 
Vice-President. 

In  the  Democratic  convention  of  1884,  Mr.  Davis  was  requested 
to  accept  the  nomination  for  Vice-President,  but  declined  to  per- 
mit the  use  of  his  name  in  that  connection.    He  threw  his  strength 


Biographical  Sketches  of  the  Candidates.  65 

and  influence  to  Mr.  Hendricks.  The  Senator  was  called  into  con- 
sultation by  President-elect  Cleveland  when  the  formation  of 
a  cabinet  was  under  consideration.  He  was  offered  the  position 
of  Postmaster-General,  but  declined  on  account  of  his  business 
affairs.  He  was  subsequently  considered  by  Mr.  Cleveland  for  a 
cabinet  place  upon  the  retirement  of  Mr.  Manning,  as  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  and  Mr.  Lamar,  as  Secretary  of  the  Interior.  In 
both  instances  he  refused  to  accept  office.  He  has  repeatedly  been 
urged  to  become  a  candidate  for  governor  of  West  Virginia,  but 
without  success.  Democratic  leaders  have  always  insisted  that  Mr. 
Davis  as  a  gubernatorial  candidate  could  redeem  the  State  from 
Republican  domination.  The  fact  that  many  thousand  employees 
engaged  in  railroad  and  mining  operations  are  either  directly  or 
indirectly  in  the  service  of  Mr.  Davis  has  strengthened  the  impres- 
sion that  his  acceptance  of  the  nomination  would  be  equivalent  to 
-an  election. 


.ATTITUDE    ON    LABOR. 

Mr.  Davis's  career  eminently  qualifies  him  to  judge  fairly  be- 
tween the  rights  of  laborer  and  employer.  A  fairer  declaration 
on  the  labor  question  could  not  be  asked  than  his  letter  dated 
August  15th,  last,  to  Mr.  I.  V.  Johnson,  of  Roanoke,  Virginia, 
which  was  as  follows : 

"I  think  I  can  well  claim  that  I  belong  to  the  laboring  class,  as  for 
many  years  I  worked  in  the  ranks  as  a  wage-earner,  and  I  know  what 
it  is  to  earn  my  living  by  the  sweat  of  my  brow.  On  the  other  hand, 
I  have  been  a  large  employer  of  labor,  in  railroads,  coal  mines,  lum- 
ber mills,  etc.,  and  have  never  had  any  serious  trouble  with  our  men. 
I  can  recall  but  two  instances  in  which  there  were  strikes,  and  these 
were  of  short  duration  and  peaceably  settled. 

"No  man  has  ever  been  discharged  from  our  service  because  he  was 
a  union  man,  or  been  evicted  from  a  company's  house  for  any  reason. 
I  think  you  will  find  that  the  conditions  of  the  railroad  man  and  the 
miner  in  connection  with  the  enterprises  I  have  directed  will  compare 
most  favorably  with  those  in  other  localities  of  the  country. 

"I  always  have  believed,  and  my  conviction  came  from  the  hard  school 
of  experience,  that  measured  by  the  character  of  the  work  he  does  and 
the  cost  of  living,  every  man  is  entitled  to  full  compensation  for  his 
services. 

"I  am  charged  with  having  instituted  proceedings  which  led  to  an 
injunction  against  strikers  by  Judge  Jackson  of  this  state.  The  fact 
is,  I  had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  case  and  knew  nothing  about 
the  matter  until  I  read  of  it  in  the  newspapers.  The  injunction  did 
not  apply  to  the  men  in  our  employ  or  pertain  to  them  in  any  way. 

"On  the  contrary,  I  remember  on  one  occasion,  one  of  our  superin- 
tendents suggested  an  injunction  against  our  men,  and  I  declined  to  con- 
sider it.  H.  G.  Davis." 


THEODORE   ROOSEVELT. 


FALSE   AND    DEAD    ISSUES  AGAINST   TRUE   AND    LIVING  ISSUES. 

(From  the  New  York  World,  July  30,  1904.) 

"We  are  content  to  stand  or  fall  by  the  record  which  we  have 
made  and  are  making."— PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELT'S 
SPEECH  OF  ACCEPTANCE. 

The  paramount  issue  of  this  campaign  is  not,  as  you  would  have 
it,  free  trade  or  free  silver,  but  YOU  yourself — Theodore  Roose- 
velt. 

This  issue  is  forced  upon  the  country  by  your  unusual  tempera- 
ment and  talents — your  own  strong,  able,  ambitious,  resourceful, 
militant,  passionate  personality,  your  versatile  and  surprising 
genius.  As  the  French  king  said  of  the  state,  you  can  with  greater 
truth  say  of  the  Republican  party,  "It  is  II"  More  absolutely 
than  any  of  your  predecessors  in  office  ever  did,  you  procured  your 
own  nomination.  You  dictated  the  platform.  You  edited  the  nom- 
inating speeches.  You  appointed  the  campaign  manager.  You 
moved  your  Cabinet  officers  like  pawns  to  meet  the  exigencies  of 
your  game  of  politics.  By  an  act  of  Executive  usurpation  you 
added  many  thousands  of  pensioners  to  a  roll  already  containing  a 
million  names,  in  order  to  makes  votes  for  yourself — the  first  open 
use  ever  made  of  the  National  Treasury  as  a  party's  campaign 
chest. 

You  have  glorified  war  and  threatened  the  future  peace  of  the 
country  by  proposing  a  bullying  over-lordship  of  the  other  coun- 
tries in  this  hemisphere,  and  offering  to  constitute  the  United 
States  the  Constable  and  Collector  for  Europe  in  the  rotten  and 
irresponsible^tates  of  Central  and  South  America. 

You  have,%y  your  recommendations  to  Congress  and  your  signa- 
ture to  its  extravagances,  increased  the  national  expenditures  dur- 
ing your  term  to  more  than  $2,500,000,000 — an  excess  of  $211,- 
000,000  over  the  expenditures  during  President  McKinle/s  term 
(which  included  the  expenses  of  the  war  with  Spain),  and  exceed- 
ing the  cost  of  President  Cleveland's  second  term  by  $880,000,000. 

You  and  the  Congress  of  your  party  have  converted  a  surplus  of 
$80,000,000  in  1900  into  a  deficit  of  more  than  $40,000,000  for  the 
fiscal  year  just  closed1. 

This  extravagance  is  encouraged,  and  in  fact  made  inevitable, 
by  the  high  tariff  and  policies  of  war  and  imperialism  of  which  you 
are  the  most  strenuous  champion.  The  greater  the  revenue  from 
customs  the  greater  the  temptation  for  lavish  expenditures.  The 
more  colonies  and  dependencies  we  have  the  greater  the  need  of 


False  and  Dead  Issues.  67 

more  warships,  more  fortifications,  more  coaling  stations,  more 
soldiers.  Every  high  protectionist  is  a  jingo,  and  every  jingo  a 
high  protectionist.  These  cardinal  (features  of  the  [Republican 
policy  are  interrelated  and  interdependent.  They  stand  to  each 
other  in  the  relation  of  cause  and  effect. 

In  view  of  this  surpassing  record  of  extravagance,  it  is  perhaps 
not  strange,  but  will  be  regarded  by  the  taxpayers  as  significant, 
that  the  words  "economy,"  "retrenchment"  and  "reform,"  once 
the  rule  of  the  nation  and  the  shibboleth  of  statesmen,  do  not  once 
appear  in  your  entire  speech  of  acceptance — NOT  ONCE ! 

You  say  in  your  speech  of  acceptance  that  "prosperity  has  come 
at  home."  Are  there  not  many  thousands  of  workingmen  who 
have  great  reason  to  feel  that  prosperity  is  departing?  Does  the 
army  of  striking  cotton  operatives,  whose  wages  have  been  reduced 
22 J  per  cent,  since  1900,  find  that  "wages  are  higher  than  ever  be- 
fore"? Do  the  tens  of  thousands  of  employees  dismissed  by  our 
great  railway  systems  share  your  roseate  view?  Are  the  partici- 
pants in  or  the  victims  of  the  strike  against  the  exactions  of  the 
Beef  Trust  throwing  up  their  hats  over  the  "full  dinner-pail"? 

Deserting  your  early  convictions  in  favor  of  a  freer  trade,  you 
cultivate  the  monopolistic  campaign  contributors  of  your  party  by 
"standing  pat"  for  a  tariff  higher  in  its  average  duty  than  the 
highest  schedules  of  the  war  time — a  tariff  which  the  Republicans 
of  Iowa  have  declared  to  be  a  "shelter  to  monopoly,"  which  the 
Republicans  of  Wisconsin  demand  shall  be  revised  in  the  interest 
of  consumers,  and  which  tens  of  thousands  of  Republicans  in  Mas- 
sachusetts and  elsewhere  insist  shall  be  modified  by  a  reciprocity 
treaty  with  Canada. 

The  principle  of  protection  has  been  maintained  by  every  party 
that  has  held  power  in  this  country  since  the  adoption  of  the  Con- 
stitution, including  the  administrations  of  eight  Democratic  Presi- 
dents. Representative  Clark,  Chairman  of  the  St.  Louis  Conven- 
tion, truly  said  that  "the  Democratic  party  is  not  a  free-trade 
party."  Protection,  however  necessary  under  some  conditions,  is 
both  needless  and  unjust  when  infant  industries  have  become  hoary 
monopolies.  It  is  especially  oppressive  and  exasperating  when  per- 
verted to  enable  favored  manufacturers  to  maintain  arbitrary  high 
prices  in  the  home  market  while  underselling  foreign  competitors 
in  the  markets  of  the  world. 

The  free  coinage  of  silver,  which  was  the  decisive  issue  in  the 
last  two  elections,  is  no  longer  a  living  question,  though  there  are 
indications  in  your  speech  that  you  will  seek  to  revive  it.  The 
overwhelming  verdict  of  the  people,  regardless  of  party,  in  the  last 
two  elections;  the  law  of  1900  re-establishing  the  gold  standard; 
the  enormous  increase  in  the  world's  production  of  gold ;  the  fact 
that  no  party  and  no  public  man  of  importance,  not  even  Mr. 
Bryan,  is  now  advocating  free  silver;  and,  beyond  all,  the  declara- 
tion of  your  opponent,  Judge  Parker,  that  he  regards  the  ?old 
standard  as  "firmly  and  irrevocably  established"— a  declaration 
unreservedly  accepted  by  the  St.  Louis  Convention  by  a  vote  of 


68  False  and  Dead  Issues. 

774  to  191 — afford  cumulative  proof  that  the  silver  issue  is  dead 
and  buried  past  resurrection. 

You  boast  that  your  policy  is  "to  do  fair  and  equal  justice  to 
all  men,  paying  no  heed  to  whether  a  man  is  rich  or  poor."  Can 
it  be  maintained  that  a  tariff  law  which  enables  favored  manu- 
facturers, in  return  for  big  campaign  contributions,  to  levy  tribute 
on  the  whole  body  of  the  people  is  an  example  of  "fair  and  equal 
justice"?  Who  represents  anti-monopoly  and  the  rights  of  labor 
in  your  Cabinet  ?  Is  it  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  Shaw,  the  banker, 
who  preaches  that  high  prices  are  a  blessing  ? — or  Attorney-General 
Moody,  who  has  not  lifted  a  finger  to  enforce  the  anti-trust  laws  ? — 
or  Secretary  of  the  Navy  Morton,  lately  a  Vice-President  of  the 
Santa  Fe  Eailroad,  an  ally  of  the  Beef  Trust? — or  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  Metcalf,  a  political  representative  of  the  Southern  Pa- 
cific Eailroad? — or  Postmaster-G-eneral  Payne,  long  the  legislative 
and  lobby  agent  of  railroad  and  other  corporations? 

Do  these  acts  of  yours  give  very  strong  backing  to  your  words 
asserting  equal  regard  for  all  classes? 

You  say  of  the  "great  organizations  known  as  trusts,"  that  "we 
do  not  have  to  explain  why  the  laws  against  them  were  not  en- 
forced, but  to  point  out  that  they  actually  have  been  enforced." 
This  will  be  news  indeed  to  the  victims  of  the  unpunished  and 
unhampered  Beef  Trust  and  the  other  "conspiracies  in  restraint 
of  trade"  which  continue  to  stifle  competition  and  to  rob  con- 
sumers in  defiance  of  law. 

Far  worse  than  this  political  partnership  with  trusts  under  the 
tariff  is  the  blow  which  you  dealt  to  public  confidence  in  the  sin- 
cerity of  your  opposition  to  monopoly  by  the  changes  in  your 
Cabinet  on  the  eve  of  your  personal  campaign  for  election  to  the 
Presidency. 

The  politic  removal  of  Attorney- General  Knox  just  as  he  had 
demonstrated  in  one  notable  instance  his  ability  to  enforce  the 
law  against  combining  corporations,  after  all  previous  Attorneys- 
General  of  both  parties  had  failed,  was  a  shocking  submission  to 
the  plutocratic  power  which  with  admirable  courage  you  success- 
fully challenged  in  the  Northern  Securities  case.  But  the  trans- 
fer of  Secretary  Cortelyou  from  the  head  of  the  Department  of 
Commerce — created,  as  the  law  declares,  to  make  "diligent  investi- 
gation" of  the  affairs  of  corporations,  and,  as  your  platform  says, 
to  secure  "reasonable  publicity  to  their  operations" — to  the  Chair- 
manship of  your  Campaign  Committee,  has  all  the  appearance  of 
deliberate  preparation  for  partisan  blackmail  of  the  very  corpora- 
tions that  were  to  be  investigated. 

Mr.  Cortelyou,  formerly  your  private  secretary,  was  at  the  head 
of  the  Department  of  Commerce  just  long  enough  to  acquire  by 
"diligent  investigation"  such  information  as  would  be  useful  to 
the  filler  of  your  campaign  chest.  The  public  does  not  share  this 
information.  There  is  no  evidence  that  the  law  officers  of  the 
Government  are  making  use  of  it  to  suppress  and  punish  such 
odious  and  oppressive  monopolies  as  the  Beef  Trust—which  con- 


False  and  Dead  Issues.  69 

trols  the  greater  portion  of  the  meat  supply  of  80,000,000  people. 
But  ex-private  and  ex-public  Secretary  Cortelyou — Chairman  Cor- 
telyou  of  your  Campaign  Committee — no  doubt  knows  all  that  the 
law  enabled  him  to  learn  of  the  inner  workings  of  the  potential 
campaign  contributors. 

What  save  a  consuming  ambition  to  be  elected  President  in  your 
own  right  could  have  led  you  to  shift  your  successful  trust  prose- 
cutor to  Quay's  place  as  a  trust  agent  in  the  Senate,  and  to  con- 
vert your  confidential  private  secretary  and  trust  investigator  into 
a  campaign  trust  fat-fryer,  in  place  of  Mark  Hanna,  deceased? 

You  boast  that  "never  has  the  administration  of  the  Govern- 
ment been  on  a  cleaner  and  higher  level/'  We  appeal  to  all  honest 
men  whether  in  the  annals  of  our  Government  there  was  ever  a 
grosser  abuse  of  power,  a  greater  public  scandal  or  a  more  un- 
principled defiance  of  decent  public  opinion  than  is  this  transfer 
of  an  official  investigator  and  curber  of  great  corporations  to  be  a 
collector  of  campaign  funds  from  them ! 

You  say  that  you  "earnestly  desire  friendship  with  all  the  na- 
tions of  the  New  and  Old  Worlds,"  and  that  you  think  "peace  is 
right  as  well  as  advantageous."  Can  you  wonder  that  the  people 
find  it  hard  to  recognize  in  these  pacific  utterances  the  Roose- 
velt they  have  known  hitherto?  A  short  time  ago,  in  urging  the 
creation  of  an  ever  larger  navy,  the  advice  you  gave  for  the  guid- 
ance of  the  nation  was :  "Speak  softly,  but  carry  a  big  stick."  Is 
the  man  who  habitually  does  this  generally  "seeking  peace"?  Do 
you  think  that  the  other  nations  of -the  New  World  thought  that 
you,  as  President  of  this  Republic,  really  "desired  peace  and  friend- 
ship" with  them  when  you  wrote  in  your  letter  to  the  Cuban 
dinner : 

"Any  country  whose  people  conduct  themselves  well  can  count 
upon  our  hearty  friendliness.  If  a  nation  shows  that  it  knows  how 
to  act  with  decency  in  industrial  and  political  matters,  if  it  keeps 
order  and  pays  its  obligations,  then  it  need  fear  no  interference 
from  the  United  States.  Brutal  wrong-doing  or  an  impotence 
which  results  in  the  general  loosening  of  the  ties  of  civilized  so- 
ciety may  finally  require  intervention  by  some  civilized  nation,  and 
in  the  Western  Hemisphere  the  United  States  cannot  ignore  its 
duty/' 

Is  not  this  unmistakably  a  threat  that  if  any  of  the  republics 
of  Central  or  South  America  fails  to  "act  with  decency" — you 
being  the  judge — or  if  it  fails  to  "keep  order  and  pay  its  obliga- 
tions" (as  some  of  the  States  of  our  Union  have  failed  to  pay), 
it  "need  fear  no  interference  from  the  United  States";  but  that 
if  any  or  all  of  these  States  fail  to  live  up  to  your  standard  of 
order  and  morality,  "civilized  society  may  finally  require  inter- 
vention/' and  that  then  "the  United  States  cannot  ignore  its 
duty"? 

In  other  words,  you  propose  that  you,  as  President  of  the  United 
States,  shall  constitute  yourself  the  Supervisor  and  Sponsor  of  all 
the  turbulent,  chronically  revolutionary,  bankrupt  sham  republics 


JO  False  and  Dead  Issues. 

of  the  Western  Hemisphere,  and  will  undertake  to  make  them  "act 
with  decency"  and  pay  their  debts  to  the  bondholders,  speculators 
and  usurers  of  Europe! 

Can  even  the  wildest  imagination  conceive  a  more  grotesque, 
preposterous  and  dangerous  perversion  of  the  Monroe  doctrine 
than  is  contained  in  this  extraordinary  proposition?  It  combines 
the  humbug  of  Barnum  with  the  hypocrisy  of  Uriah  Heep — and 
all  to  prove,  as  you  say  in  your  speech,  that  the  non-interference 
doctrine  of  James  Monroe  is  "a  living  reality" ! 

If  there  could  be  devised  a  more  effective  perpetual  invitation 
to  war  and  trouble  than  this  policy  holds  out,  the  imagination  of 
diplomatists  and  the  combative  instinct  of  soldiers  looking  for  a 
fight  have  not  yet  conceived  it. 

Can  you  wonder  that  the  conservative  business  men  of  the  coun- 
try, who  above  all  need  stability  and  security  in  their  affairs, 
want  a  President  in  the  White  House  whose  temperament,  train- 
ing and  character  will  enable  them  to  go  to  sleep  at  night  without 
fear  of  waking  on  any  morning  and  learning  from  startling  head- 
lines in  the  newspapers  that  the  President  has  despatched  war- 
ships to  Turkey,  Morocco,  Venezuela,  China  or  where  not,  on  in- 
sufficient information  or  with  impossible  demands — or  has  been 
cabling  buncombe  messages  that  he  wants  "Perdicaris  alive  or 
Raissuli  dead,"  or  ordering  some  of  our  Southern  neighbors  to  "act 
decently"  and  "pay  their  debts"  ? 

These  being  the  results,  the  tendencies  and  the  dangers  of  your 
Administration  and  your  policy,  are  we  not  right  in  saying  that  the 
paramount  issue  of  the  election  is  whether  you,  Mr.  President, 
shall  have  a  vote  of  approval,  confidence  and  encouragement  to 
go  on  in  the  course  you  have  marked  out?  You  would  have  the 
right  to  accept  your  election  as  a  warrant  from  the  people  to  con- 
tinue, to  increase  and  to  intensify  the  Executive  acts  which  have 
amazed  and  alarmed  the  friends  of  peaceful,  lawful  and  safe  ad- 
ministration. 

Our  faith  in  the  intelligence,  the  common  sense  and  the  con- 
science of  the  American  people  is  too  great  to  believe  that  they  will 
give  a  commission  for  four  years  in  his  own  name  to  the  chance 
pilot  who  is  now  heading  the  ship  of  state  toward  the  rocks  upon 
which  other  republics  have  been  wrecked — tolerated  usurpations 
by  the  Executive ;  warlike  adventures  for  gain  and  glory ;  contempt 
for  law;  privileged  classes  sustained  by  election  bribes;  corruption 
in  high  places  and  extravagant  expenditures  from  unjust  taxes. 
Honor  and  prudence  alike  require  a  change  of  pilots  and  a  return 
to  the  chart  of  the  Constitution,  to  the  rule  of  law  and  the  flag 
of  a  peace-loving  republic. 

Not  for  the  Democratic  party  but  for  democratic  institutions 
is  this  written.  Not  against  the  Eepublican  party,  but  for  the 
Republic.  Not  in  the  interest  of  office-seekers  against  office- 
holders, but  in  that  spirit  of  independent  thought  and  action,  in- 
spired by  a  common  desire  for  the  public  good,  which  has  led  to 
the  extraordinary  and  most  significant  union  in  opposition  to  your 


A  "War  Lord"  for  President.  yi 

candidacy  of  all  the  independent  journals  of  the  metropolis  that 
advocated  the  election  of  Mr.  McKinley  in  1896. 


A  "WAR  LORD"  FOR   PRESIDENT. 

Former  Governor  Black's  nominating  speech  at  the  Chicago  con- 
vention was  as  much  devoted  to  glorifying  war  as  to  eulogizing  the 
candidacy  of  President  Roosevelt.  It  adds  to  the  significance  of 
these  utterances  that  this  speech  was,  according  to  report,  first  sub- 
mitted to  and  approved  by  Mr.  Roosevelt  himself.  It  is  a  little 
singular  that  the  President's  friends  think  of  him  in  connection 
with  the  roar  of  cannon  and  the  carnage  of  the  battle  field.  In 
the  present  situation  of  the  United  States,  it  is  remarkable  that 
Governor  Black  should  suggest  that  the  fate  of  this  nation  is  yet 
to  be  "decided  by  war,"  and  that  the  danger  of  such  a  war  is  so 
imminent  asjx)  make  it  important  that  a  warlike  President  should 
occupy  the  White  House  during  the  next  four  years.  Appended  is 
an  .extract  from  Governor  Black's  speech : 

NEED    OF    GRANITE    AND    IRON. 

The  fate  of  nations  is  still  decided  by  their  wars.  You  may  talk 
of  orderly  tribunals  and  learned  referees;  you  may  sing  in  your  schools 
the  gentle  praises  of  the  quiet  life;  you  may  strike  from  your  books  the 
last  note  of  every  martial  anthem,  and  yet  out  in  the  smoke  and  thun- 
der will  always  be  the  tramp  of  horses  and  the  silent,  rigid,  upturned 
face.  Men  may  prophesy  and  women  pray,  but  peace  will  come  here 
to  abide  forever  on  this  earth  only  when  the  dreams  of  childhood  are 
the  accepted  charts  to  guide  the  destinies  of  men. 

Events  are  numberless  and  mighty,  and  no  man  can  tell  which  wire 
runs  around  the  world.  The  nation  basking  to-day  in  quiet  con- 
tentment and  repose  may  still  be  on  the  deadly  circuit  and  to-morrow 
writhing  in  the  toils  of  war.  This  is  the  time  when  great  figures  must 
be  kept  in  front.  If  the  pressure  is  great  the  material  to  resist  it  must 
be  granite  and  iron. 

The  "great  figure"  Governor  Black  has  in  mind  is,  of  course, 
that  of  a  military  hero,  rather  than  that  of  a  peaceful  statesman; 
the  figure  of  a  man  who  shares  his  own  views  as  to  the  futility  of 
all  the  dreams  of  advancing  the  progress  of  mankind  except  through 
bloodshed,  and  especially  his  view  that  the  fate  of  this  nation  is 
yet  to  be  decided  by  war. 

As  to  the  President's  fitness  to  deal  with  such  dire  emergencies 
as  Governor  Black  describes,  the  candid  and  intelligent  student  of 
his  career  will  find  but  scanty  materials  from  which  to  make  up 
his  judgment.  Mr.  Roosevelt  obviously  possesses  what  he  considers 
the  most  necessary  quality  of  a  good  soldier — the  love  of  war.  In  a 
speech  at  Sea  Girt,  in  July,  1902,  he  said  that  the  only  trouble  with 
the  Spanish -American  war  was  that  "there  was  not  enough  of  it 
to  go  round,"  and  spoke  of  himself  as  one  of  the  "lucky  ones." 
From  this  point  of  view  it  would  seem  to  be  a  matter  of  regret  that 
the  war  was  not  more  bloody  and  protracted  so  as  to  give  every  man 


72  Roosevelt  on  Former  Presidents. 

a  chance  to  get  killed.  In  another  speech  he  said :  "No  soldier  is 
worth  his  salt  if  he  has  not  got  the 'fighting  desire.  A  good  soldier 
must  not  only  be  willing  to  fight,  but  he  must  be  anxious  to  fight. 
I  do  not  want  to  have  anything  to  do  with  him  if  he  is  not." 

President  Roosevelt,  no  doubt,  thinks  himself  a  good  soldier, 
filled  with  the  "fighting  desire,"  not  only  "willing  to  fight,"  if 
necessity  arises,  but  so  "anxious  to  fight"  that  he  would  welcome 
the  opportunity.  The  people  of  the  great  American  Republic  think 
that  a  man  may  say  "let  us  have  peace"  and  yet  be  a  good  soldier; 
they  assuredly  are  not  eager  to  put  themselves  under  the  protection 
of  one  who  has  developed  no  genius  for  war,  but  only  a  distaste 
for  peace,  and  a  contempt  for  the  settlement  of  disturbing  inter- 
national questions  "by  orderly  tribunals  and  learned  referees." 
President  Hayes  once  said  that  while  the  power  to  declare  war 
was  given  to  Congress  alone,  any  President  by  a  rash  and  reckless 
exercise  of  his  powers  could  make  war  inevitable.  Do  we  need  a 
President  with  the  "fighting  desire"  in  the  White  House,  rather 
than  a  successor  of  the  line  of  peaceful  statesmen  who  have  oc- 
cupied it? 


ROOSEVELT    ON    FORMER   PRESIDENTS. 

Theodore  Roosevelt  employed  his  books,  "Winning  of  the  West," 
"Life  of  Thomas  H.  Benton,"  and  "Naval  War  of  1812,"  published 
a  few  years  since,  as  vehicles  for  characterizing  without  restraint 
many  former  Presidents  of  the  United  States.  Here  is  his  ex- 
pressed opinion  of  eight  predecessors  in  the  White  House : 

Jefferson : 

"Timid  and  shifty  doctrinaire.  *  *  *  The  most  incapable  execu- 
tive to  ever  fill  the  President's  chair." 

Madison : 

"Incapable.  Results  of  his  administration  brought  shame  and  dis- 
grace to  America  in  the  war  of  1812." 

Monroe : 

"He  was  a  courteous,  high-bred  gentleman  of  no  especial  ability,  but 
well  fitted  to  act  as  Presidential  figurehead  during  the  politically  quiet 
years  of  that  era  of  good  feeling  which  lasted  from  1816  till  1824." 

Jackson : 

"Ignorant,  headstrong,  and  straightforward  soldier." 

Van  Buren: 

"The  first  product  of  what  are  now  called  machine  politics  that  was 
put  into  the  Presidential  chair.  He  owed  his  elevation  solely  to  his  own 
dexterous  political  manipulation,  and  to  the  fact  that  for  his  own  selfish 
ends,  and  knowing  perfectly  well  their  folly,  he  had  yet  favored  or  con- 
nived at  all  the  actions  into  which  the  Administration  had  been  led, 
either  through  Jackson's  ignorance  and  violence,  or  by  the  crafty  un- 
Bcrupulousness  and  limited  knowledge  of  the  kitchen  cabinet.     Van  Buren 


On  What  Does  the  Republican  Party  "Stand  Pat  ?"       73 

faithfully  served  the  mammon  of  unrighteousness,  both  in  his  own  State 
and  later  on  at  Washington,  and  he  had  his  reward,  for  he  was  ad- 
vanced to  the  highest  offices  in  the  gift  of  the  nation.  He  had  no  reason 
to  blame  his  own  conduct  for  his  own  downfall.  He  got  along  just  as 
far  as  he  could  possibly  get.  He  succeeded  because  of  and  not  in  spite  of 
his  moral  shortcomings." 

Tyler: 

"Tyler  has  been  called  a  mediocre  man;  but  this  is  unwarranted  flat- 
tery. He  was  a  politician  of  monumental  littleness.  Owing  to  the  nicely 
divided  condition  of  parties  and  to  the  sheer  accident  which  threw  him 
into  a  position  of  such  prominence  that  it  allowed  him  to  hold  the  balance 
of  power  between  them  he  was  enabled  to  turn  politics  completely  topsy- 
turvy; but  his  chief  mental  and  moral  attributes  were  peevishness,  fretful 
obstinacy,  inconsistency,  incapacity  to  make  up  his  own  mind,  and  the 
ability  to  quibble  indefinitely  over  the  most  microscopic  and  hair-splitting 
plays  upon  words,  together  with  an  inordinate  vanity  that  so  blinded  him 
to  all  outside  feeling  as  to  make  him  really  think  that  he  stood  a  chance 
to  be  renominated  for  the  Presidency." 

Polk: 

«  #  ♦  *  These  three  men,  Calhoun,  Birney,  and  Isaiah  Rynders,  may 
be  taken  as  types  of  the  classes  that  were  chiefly  instrumental  in  the  elec- 
tion of  Polk,  and  that  must,  therefore,  bear  the  responsibility  for  all  the 
evils  attendant  thereon,  including  among  them  the  bloody  and  unrighteous 
war  with  Mexico.  With  the  purpose  of  advancing  the  cause  of  abstract 
right,  but  with  the  result  of  sacrificing  all  that  was  best,  most  honest, 
and  most  high'-principled  in  national  politics,  the  Abolitionists  joined 
hands  with  the  northern  roughs  and  southern  slavocrats  to  elect  the  man 
who  was,  excepting  Tyler,  the  very  smallest  of  the  line  of  small  Presi- 
dents who  came  in  between  Jackson  and  Lincoln." 

Buchanan : 

"Polk's  Administration  was  neither  capable  nor  warlike,  however  well 
disposed  to  bluster,  and  the  Secrtary  of  State,  the  timid,  shifty,  and  selfish 
politician  Buchanan,  naturally  fond  of  facing  both  ways,  was  the  last  man 
to  wish  to  force  a  quarrel  on  a  high-spirited  and  determined  antagonist  like 
England." 


ON  WHAT  DOES  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  "STAND  PAT?" 

(Editorial  from  "New  York  American  and  Journal,"  June  29, 

1904.) 

The  Republican  party  commits  itself  unreservedly  to  the  policy 
of  "stand  pat"  and  appeals  to  the  country  to  support  it  in  its  hos- 
tility to  all  change.  In  its  National  Convention  last  week  it  adopted 
with  cheers  a  platform  declaring  everything  to  be  as  it  should  be, 
and  with  further  cheers  nominated  "stand  pat"  candidates.  Such 
Republicans  as  are  not  for  the  "stand  pat"  idea  had  no  influence 
at  the  convention,  and  have  none  in  shaping  the  course  of  the 
party. 

Since  the  Republican  party  has  gone  to  the  poker  table  for  its 
slogan,  it  is  pertinent  to  say  that  wise  gamblers  "stand  pat"  only 
on  a  hand  so  good  that  it  cannot  be  improved,  or  on  a  poor  hand 
for  the  purpose  of  "bluffing"  other  players  into  the  belief  that 
it  is  a  first-class  one. 


74      On  What  Does  the  Republican  Party  "Stand  Pat  ?" 

Consider  seriously,  are  the  national  conditions  so  good  that 
they  cannot  be  improved  ?  Is  that  the  reason  why  the  Republican 
party  "stands  pat"  on  them? 

Is  the  country  so  prosperous  that  it  is  either  foolish  or  wicked 
to  think  it  might  be  made  more  so  by  intelligent  legislation  ? 

Conditions  are  upon  us  which  have  thrown  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  workingmen  out  of  employment  and  reduced  the  earnings 
of  millions. 

Does  the  Republican  party  "stand  pat"  on  that  state  of  things? 

Idleness  for  an  army  of  workers  and  the  lowering  of  wages  have 
caused  a  widespread  lessening  of  the  people's  purchasing  power, 
and  a  consequent  decrease  in  sales  and  profits  among  manufacturers 
and  merchants.  Thus  has  been  brought  on  a  general  lethargy  in 
business. 

Does  the  Republican  party  "stand  pat"  on  that? 

While  wages  and  profits  have  gone  down,  the  cost  of  living  has 
gone  up  through  the  arbitrary  demands  of  extortionate  trusts. 

Does  the  Republican  party  "stand  pat"  on  that? 

Exports  and  imports  have  fallen  off  enormously. 

Does  the  Republican  party  "stand  pat"  on  that? 

For  the  current  fiscal  year  the  Treasury  statement  shows  an 
excess  in  expenditures  over  receipts  of  about  $45,000,000. 

Does  the  Republican  party  "stand  pat"  on  that  ? 

Monopolistic  trusts  continue  to  charge  what  they  please  for  the 
prime  necessaries  of  life,  and  speculative  trusts  to  overcapitalize 
combined  properties,  swindling  honest  investors  and  transferring 
the  hard-earned  dollars  of  the  people  from  banks  and  legitimate 
investments  into  worthless  watered  stocks. 

Does  the  Republican  party  "stand  pat"  on  that? 

Trusts,  protected  by  the  tariff,  sell  cheaper  to  foreigners  than  they 
do  to  Americans. 

Does  the  Republican  party  "stand  pat"  on  that? 

In  Colorado  men  are  denied  the  constitutional  rights  of  American 
citizens,  imprisoned  without  process  of  law  and  banished  from  the 
State  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet  for  the  crime  of  belonging  to  a 
labor  union. 

Does  the  Republican  party  "stand  pat"  on  that  ? 

Confederated  predatory  trusts,  affecting  to  represent  the  country's 
honest  business  interests,  whose  worst  enemy  they  are,  dictate 
legislation  in  Washington  and  have  the  Administration's  promise 
that  it  will  not  "run  amuck"  against  banded  trust  magnates  who 
break  the  laws  but  make  heavy  campaign  contributions. 

Does  the  Republican  party  "stand  pat"  on  that  ? 

Instead  of  enjoying  government  by  and  for  the  people,  we  are 
suffering  under  government  by  and  for  the  trusts. 

Does  the  Republican  party  "stand  pat"  on  that? 

The  answers  to  all  of  these  questions  are  obvious. 

The  Republican  party  "stands  pat"  on  conditions  which  MUST 
BE  CHANGED  if  we  are  to  have  republican  government  and  not 


On  What  Does  the  Republican  Party  "Stand  Pat?"       75 

government  by  a  plutocracy  that  is  insensible  to  everything  save  its 
own  immediate  financial  interests. 

The  Republican  party  as  an  organization  "stands  pat"  on  the 
trusts,  and  it  is  the  most  remarkable  organization  the  Republic 
has  ever  known.  Nationally  the  party  has  become  as  compact, 
as  obedient  to  orders,  as  easily  "bossed"  as  any  city  "machine." 

But  the  Republican  organization  is  not  the  whole  of  the  Repub- 
lican party. 

The  organization  consists  of  politicians,  and  to  carry  out  the 
policy  of  "stand  pat"  they  must  get  the  votes  of  millions  who  are 
not  politicians. 

Every  party  carries  with  it  the  bulk  of  its  adherents,  no  matter 
whether  its  policy  be  one  of  "stand  pat"  or  change  and  reform. 
But  in  all  parties  there  is  an  element  which  will  not  follow  when 
the  leaders  give  the  word  of  command  if  the  direction  of  the  march 
does  not  seem  to  it  right. 

So  there  is  Republican  rebellion  in  Wisconsin,  Republican  dis- 
affection in  Iowa,  in  North  Dakota  and  throughout  the  Northwest. 
Governor  La  Follette  refuses  to  submit  to  a  national  machine 
which  he  denounces  as  plutocratic,  and  the  farmers  are  restive  under 
a  tariff  which  fosters  and  protects  monopoly,  making  dear  all  that 
they  are  compelled  to  buy. 

Among  the  rank  and  file  of  the  Republican  party  everywhere 
are  men  who  are  patriots  first  and  partisans  afterward.  They  do 
not  believe  that  their  party  is  in  no  need  of  cleansing,  or  thai  its 
tendencies  and  associations  and  policies  are  all  so  admirable  that 
it  should  "stand  pat,"  boast  of  its  outlived  past,  brag  of  its  trust- 
controlled  present  and  promise  no  advance  in  time  to  come.  These 
Republicans  are  Americans  who  hold  to  the  American  doctrine  of 
equal  rights  and  no  privileges,  and  object  alike  to  servitude  and  rob- 
bery under  government  by  the  trusts.  They  have  been  faithful 
to  their  party  in  the  hope  that  it  would  shake  off  the  influences 
that  have  corrupted  it  into  sordidness  and  become  again  what  it 
once  was — a  party  of  moral  ideas,  of  aspiration,  of  progress. 

To  such  Republicans — the  cynical  and  defiant  announcement  by 
the  plutocracy-ridden  Chicago  Convention  of  the  policy  of  "stand 
pat"  has  been  a  blow  in  the  face. 

The  Republican  party,  as  represented  by  the  machine,  is  satis- 
fied to  "stand  pat."  The  trusts  are  satisfied  to  "stand  pat."  All 
the  "interests"  that  go  into  politics  for  what  they  get  in  the  way 
of  governmental  favors  are  satisfied  to  "stand  pat." 

But  how  about  the  PEOPLE,  the  plain  American  people — the 
manufacturers,  the  storekeepers,  the  clerks,  the  mechanics,  the  pro- 
fessional  men,  the  laborers,  who  are  neither  politicians  nor  bene- 
ficiaries of  the  trusts  nor  of  trust- government — are  THEY  satisfied 
to  " stand  pat"? 

Patriotic  and  thinking  Republicans,  no  less  than  patriotic  and 
thinking  Democrats,  know  very  well  what  is  the  matter  with  their 
country;  they  know  very  well  why  prosperity  is  departing. 

There  is  no  lack  of  wealth  in  these  United  States.    We  have  a 


j6  The  Silver  Record  of  the  Republican  Party. 

new  continent  of  limitless  natural  resources  and  a  people  industri- 
ous and  enterprising  beyond  any  other. 

But  monopoly  has  got  its  grip  upon  the  resources,  and  that  grip 
has  been  steadily  strengthened  by  favoring  legislation — legislation 
that  arms  the  combination  against  the  individual  and  aids  power- 
fully in  concentrating  wealth  in  few  hands. 

If  we  are  to  have  prosperity,  wealth  must  be  distributed  as  well 
as  accumulated. 

There  is  no  more  reason  why  we  should  have  periods  of  hard 
times  in  this  young  and  rich  republic  than  that  we  should  be 
periodically  afflicted  with,  the  black  plague  which  centuries  ago 
paid  recurrent  desolating  visits  to  Europe. 

Medical  and  sanitary  science  has  banished  the  plague  forever, 
and  honest  government — legislation  designed  for  the  good  of  the 
whole  American  people  and  not  for  a  class — together  with  an  im- 
partial administration  of  the  laws  would  banish  hard  times  from 
America.' 

It  is  class  legislation,  legislation  for  the  class  that  dominates 
the  party  in  power,  that  is  cursing  the  country. 

Will  patriotic  and  thinking  Republicans  remain  with  their  party, 
or-  will  they  join  with  their  patriotic  and  thinking  Democratic 
fellow-citizens  in  overthrowing  government  for  private  interests, 
in  restoring  government  for  the  public  interest,  and  in  making  an 
end  of  trust-rule — of  the  ossified,  soulless,  hard-times-inviting  and 
wholly  plutocratic  policy  of  "stand  pat"  ? 


THE  SILVER  RECORD  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

The  comparison  which  President  Roosevelt  makes  in  his  speech 
of  acceptance  between  the  Democratic  and  Republican  positions 
on  the  money  question  is  hardly  ingenuous,  either  in  its  arguments 
or  in  its  statement  of  facts.  "We  mean  the  same  thing  from  year 
to  year,"  he  boasts,  echoing  in  this  respect  the  felicitations  of 
Speaker  Cannon  as  to  the  staunchness  and  steadiness  of  Repub- 
lican loyalty  to  the  gold  standard.  Surely  these  two  recently 
converted  bimetallists  must  have  winked  at  each  other  during 
this  interchange  of  oratorical  false  history !  The  President  says, 
substantially,  that  the  Republican  party  can  be  trusted  to  maintain 
the  gold  standard  because  it  has  alwa3's  been  for  the  gold  standard ; 
and  he  concludes  with  the  remarkable  statement  that  its  position 
on  this  question  is  not  affected  by  conditions  affecting  the  pro- 
duction of  gold.  Whether  gold  becomes  as  scarce  as  radium  or  as 
common  as  tin  it  will  not,  according  to  the  President's  logic,  affect 
the  "fundamental  principles  of  national  honor  and  morality."  Such 
a  statement  removes  the  gold  standard  from  the  realm  of  economic 
science.  Silver,  long  universally  regarded  as  an  ideal  money 
metal,  was  demonetized  solely  on  the  plea  that  it  had  become  too 


The  Silver  Record  of  the  Republican  Party.  77 

cheap  and  abundant.  In  the  early  fifties  a  formidable  movement, 
supported  by  leading  economists  and  financiers,  was  begun  for  the 
demonetization  of  gold  for  a  like  reason.  Those  Democrats  and 
Republicans  who  opposed  the  gold  standard  in  the  past  because  of 
what  they  considered  the  excessive  scarcity  of  gold,  cannot  be  justly 
accused  of  either  insincerity  or  inconsistency  because  they  have 
ceased  their  opposition  since  the  enormous  and  unexpected  increase 
in  its  production.  Their  attitude  in  this  matter  is  not  singular. 
Leading  bimetallists  all  over  the  world  have  ceased  to  agitate  the 
question  for  the  same  reason. 

But  our  present  concern  is  with  the  accuracy  of  the  President's 
historv  rather  than  with  his  economic  wisdom. 


REPUBLICAN    PARTY    HISTORICALLY  A  BIMETALLIC    PARTY. 

The  truth  is  that  both  political  parties  were  for  many  years 
pledged  to  the  double  standard  and  both  equally  opposed  to  the 
gold  standard  as  how  established  by  law.  So  far  from  the  Repub- 
lican party  having  been  a  continuous  and  unfailing  champion  of 
the  gold  standard  it  now  appears  in  that  role  for  the  very  first  time, 
just  as  President  Roosevelt,  himself,  appears  as  a  new  convert  to 
that  doctrine. 


PRESIDENT    M'KINLEY    A    FREE    SILVER    ADVOCATE. 

The  leaders  of  the  Republican  party,  including  President  McKin- 
ley  himself,  were  for  many  years  advocates  of  free  silver  or 
bimetallism.  Prior  to  1896  it  was  quite  the  fashion  in  Republican 
platforms  and  party  speeches  to  "denounce"  President  Cleveland 
and  other  wicked  Democrats  for  trying  to  fasten  the  gold  standard 
upon  the  country.  In  1891  Mr.  McKinley  made  a  speech  at  Toledo, 
Ohio,  in  which  he  excoriated  President  Cleveland  for  being  hostile 
to  bimetallism  and  said  "during  all  of  his  years  at  the  head  of  the 
Government  he  was  dishonoring  one  of  our  precious  metals,  one  of 
our  own  great  products,  dishonoring  silver  and  enhancing  the  price 
of  gold.  He  was  determined  to  contract  the  circulating  medium 
and  demonetize  one  of  the  coins  of  commerce,  limit  the  volume  of 
money  among  the  people,  make  money  scarce  and  therefore  dear. 
He  would  have  increased  the  value  of  money  and  diminished  the 
value  of  everything  else." 

In  1890  he  had  said  in  Congress :  "I  am  for  the  largest  use  of 
silver  in  the  currency  of  the  country.  I  would  not  dishonor  it; 
I  would  give  it  equal  credit  and  honor  with  gold.  I  would  make  no 
discrimination;  I  would  utilize  both  metals  as  money  and  dis- 
credit neither.   I  want  the  double  standard." 

Quotations  might  be  made  at  length  from  the  speeches  of  Speaker 
Cannon,  Representatives  Grosvenor  and  Hepburn,  the  late  Mr. 
Dingley  of  Maine,  Senators  Allison,  Dolliver,  and  many  others 
along  the  same  line. 


78  The  Silver  Record  of  the  Republican  Party. 

THE    REPUBLICAN    PLATFORMS    ON    SILVER. 

The  national  Republican  platform  of  1888,  which  was  reported 
by  Mr.  McKinley  as  chairman  of  the  committee,  contained  the 
following  plank: 

"The  Republican  party  is  in  favor  of  the  use  of  both  gold  and 
silver  as  money  and  condemns  the  policy  of  the  Democratic  ad- 
ministration in  its  efforts  to  demonetize  silver." 

In  1892  the  Republican  money  platform  was  as  follows: 

"The  American  people,  from  tradition  and  interest,  favor  bi- 
metallism and  the  Republican  party  demands  the  use  of  both 
gold  and  silver  as  standard  money  with  such  restrictions  and  un- 
der such  provisions  to  be  determined  by  legislation  as  will  secure 
the  maintenance  and  the  parity,"  etc. 

In  1896  the  platform  of  the  Republican  party  was  as  follows : 

"We  are  opposed  to  free  coinage  of  silver  except  by  international 
agreement,  which  we  pledge  ourselves  to  promote,  and  until  such 
agreement  can  be  obtained,  the  existing  gold  standard  must  be 
preserved." 

In  1892  the  Republican  party  was  for  bimetallism  to  be  se- 
cured by  legislation  without  reference  to  international  agreement. 
In  1896,  it  was  still  for  bimetallism  and  favored  the  gold  stand- 
ard as  a  "matter  of  temporary  expediency,"  until  it  could  be  got 
rid  of  by  "agreement  with  foreign  countries." 

THE    OHIO    PLATFORM    IN    1896. 

Mr.  McKinley  was  the  nominee  of  the  Republican  party  in 
1896,  but  the  declaration  of  the  national  Republican  platform  was 
not  such  a  declaration  as  he  himseslf  would  have  made.  There 
can  be  little  doubt  that  the  Republican  Convention  in  his  own  state 
of  Ohio  more  accurately  defined  his  individual  views.  The  state 
which  was  then  pressing  his  candidacy  for  the  presidential  nomina- 
tion would  not  have  adopted  a  platform  which  was  not  thoroughly 
satisfactory  to  him.  The  Ohio  Republican  platform  in  1896  con- 
tained the  following  plank: 

"We  favor  bimetallism  and  demand  the  use  of  both  gold  and 
silver  as  standard  money,  either  in  accordance  with  a  ratio  to 
be  fixed  by  international  agreement,  if  that  can  be  obtained,  or 
under  such  restrictions  and  such  provisions  to  be  determined  by 
legislation  as  will  secure  the  maintenance  of  the  parity  values 
of  the  two  metals."  It  will  be  seen  that  the  platform  adopted 
in  McKinley's  state  in  1896  declared  in  favor  of  international 
bimetallism,  if  that  could  be  obtained,  or  if  it  could  not,  it  was 
to  be  had  by  independent  legislation  of  the  United  States. 

Such  were  the  views  of  President  McKinley  in  the  very  year 
in  which  he  was  first  nominated  against  William  J.  Bryan.  The 
Republican  platform  of  1900  says: 

"We  renew  our  allegiance  to  the  principle  of  the  gold  stand- 
ard. *  *  *  We  declare  our  steadfast  opposition  to  the  free 
and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver.  *  *  *  No  measure  to  that 
end  could  be  considered  which  was  without  the  support  of  the 


The  Silver  Record  of  the  Republican  Party.  79 

leading  commercial  countries  of  the  world."  Though  growing 
weaker  and  weaker,  there  is  still  the  suggestion  of  bimetallism  in 
the  Republican  platform. 

The  Republican  platform  of  1904  is  the  first  unequivocal  declara- 
tion of  that  party  in  favor  of  the  gold  standard. 

Thus  it  appears  that  only  by  slow  and  stealthy  steps  did  the 
Republican  party  at  last  reach  the  gold  standard.  It  has  never 
made  an  approach  to  the  gold  standard  except  with  the  promise 
of  bimetallism  upon  its  lips.  It  never  proclaimed  itself  the  friend  of 
the  gold  standard  until  after  it  had  obtained  power  as  the  friend 
of  bimetallism.  Soon  after  it  had  won  the  great  battle  of  1896, 
its  leaders  resented  with  indignation  the  charge  that  it  was  a  gold 
standard  party.  Congress  authorized  and  Mr.  McKinley  appointed 
a  commission  to  beg  the  co-operation  of  the  European  nations  for 
the  establishment  of  bimetallism.  When  Mr.  Quigg,  of  New  York, 
declared  in  debate  in  1897,  that  the  Republican  party  was  for  the 
gold  standard  he  was  bitterly  assailed  by  Mr.  Hepburn,  of  Iowa, 
and  Mr.  Grosvenor,  of  Ohio,  as  an  "apostate"  from  Republican- 
ism. Mr.  Grosvenor  denied  that  the  Republican  party  was  a  sin- 
gle gold  standard  party,  and  said  that  more  than  one  hundred 
Republicans  had  been  elected  to  Congress  in  1896,  who  would  have 
been  defeated  if  the  Republican  party  had  declared  for  the  gold 
standard. 

This  is  hardly  a  record  upon  which  one  can  stand  and  chal- 
lenge the  sincerity  of  another.  Might  not  one  with  at  least  equal 
justice  apply  to  the  Republican  party  the  language  of  Mr.  Roose- 
velt that  "they  appeal  for  confidence  on  the  ground  that  if  tri- 
umphant they  may  be  trusted  to  prove  false  to  every  principle" 
they  have  advocated  for  the  last  sixteen  years  ? 

PRES.  ROOSEVELT  ON  THE  QUESTION  OF  "DEFINITE  COMMITTALS." 

President  Roosevelt  charges  the  Democratic  party  with  avoid- 
ing a  "definite  and  conclusive  committal"  for  the  gold  standard. 
But  in  1896,  he  did  not  think  it  at  all  important  that  his  own 
party  should  declare  against  16  to  1,  claiming  that  silence  would 
in  that  case  be  equal  to  denunciation.  In  an  article  in  the  "Cen- 
tury Magazine,"  in  1896,  before  the  assembling  of  the  Republican 
Convention,  he  undertook  to  outline  the  Republican  platform,  and 
said: 

"Refusal  to  be  for  free  silver  means,  of  course,  that  the  party  is  reso- 
lutely against  it;  and  the  majority  may  rest  content  with  this  state  of 
affairs  and  spare  the  minority  humiliation  by  .refraining  from  denouncing 
in  so  many  words  the  free  coinage  of  silver.  I  should  prefer  that  they  did 
denounce  it;  but  the  denunciation  is  really  a  matter  of  small  consequence 
when  the  attitude  of  the  party  is  so  clear." 

This  is  plain  and  rational.  The  Republican  Convention  of 
1892  had  declared  for  bimetallism,  with  proper  restrictions  to 
insure  parity,  indeed,  but  by  the  legislative  action  of  the  United 
States  alone.  Mr.  Roosevelt  argued  that  under  the  circumstances 
a  mere  failure  to  declare  for  free  silver  would  be  equivalent  to 


80  The  Silver  Record  of  the  Republican  Party. 

an  abandonment  of  that  policy  and  would  at  the  same  time  spare 
the  feelings  of  the  free  silver  Republicans.  Even  so  there  were 
Democrats  at  St.  Louis  who  felt  in  1904,  as  Mr.  Roosevelt  did 
in  1896,  that  a  refusal  to  include  a  free  silver  plank  was  tanta- 
mount to  saying  that  the  party  was  "resolutely  against  it,"  and 
that  it  was  a  matter  of  "small  consequence"  whether  this  opposi- 
tion was  expressed  in  words  or  by  silence.  Mr.  Roosevelt,  at  least, 
is  not  in  a  position  to  dispute  the  soundness  of  this  view. 

As  a  plain  matter  of  fact,  practically  all  Democrats  agree  that 
for  an  indefinite  time  the  question  of  the  money  standard  has  been 
settled  by  the  great  and  unexpected  increase  in  the  production  of 
gold.  The  President  is  doing  no  good  service  either  to  his  party 
or  his  country  by  attempting  to  raise  that  issue. 

MR.    ROOSEVELT    AS    A    BIMETALLISM 

In  the  "Century"  article  referred  to  Mr.  Roosevelt  took  strong 
grounds  in  favor  of  international  bimetallism,  and  said: 

"There  is  grave  doubt  as  to  whether  the  agreement  can  be  reached;  but 
the  end  is  of  such  importance  as  to  justify  an  effort  to  attain  it.  The 
people  who  oppose  the  move  are,  as  a  rule,  men  whom  the  insane  folly  of 
the  ultra  free  silver  men  has  worked  into  a  panic  of  folly  only  less  acute." 

To  the  mind  of  President  Roosevelt  in  1896,  an  out  and  out  gold 
standard  man,  such  as  he  has  since  become,  was  only  little  less  of  a 
lunatic  than  a  "Bryanite."  Yet  he  and  the  followers  of  Mr.  Bryan 
were  alike  trying  to  reach  by  different  methods  the  same  end — that 
of  replacing  the  gold  standard  with  a  double  standard  of  gold  and 
silver. 

Now  why  did  Mr.  Roosevelt  regard  it  as  "so  important"  to  get 
rid  of  the  gold  standard  in  1896  by  international  agreement,  while 
in  1904  he  regards  it  as  vital  to  preserve  it  at  all  hazards?  He 
sneers  at  Democrats  who  offer  rational  explanations  for  their 
change  of  position  and  claims  a  monopoly  of  sincerity  for  his 
own  party  because  it  has  abandoned  its  principles  without  telling 
us  why.  Why  does  he  say  that  those  who  can  give  solid  reasons 
for  a  change  of  attitude  toward  a  public  question  are  any  less  to 
be  trusted  than  the  man  or  party  who  abandons  a  long  cherished 
policy  for  no  reason  whatever? 


REPUBLICAN      EXTRAVAGANCE. 

THE  DEFICIT  IN  THE  TREASURY. 

The  expenditures  actual  and  estimated  for  the  four  years  of 
President  Roosevelt's  incumbency  aggregate  $2,641,724,019.18, 
which  is  $211,407,628.89  greater  than  the  four  years  of  McKinley's 
although  he  conducted  the  Spanish  War,  and  $883,024,802.75 
greater  than  the  last  four  years  of  Cleveland. 

REMARKS  OF  SENATOR  CULBERSON,  OF  TEXAS,  IN  THE  SENATE, 
APRIL  28,    1904. 

Mr.  Culberson.  Mr.  President,  the  statement  which  has  just  been 
presented  by  the  Senator  from  Iowa  (Mr.  Allison)  is  a  useful  and 
valuable  one.  Among  other  matters,  he  has  made  a  comparison  of 
the  expenditures  during  the  past  two  or  three  years.  I  desire,  Mr. 
President,  to  go  somewhat  further  back  in  a  comparison  of  the  ex- 
penditures of  the  Government,  covering,  in  fact,  the  past  twelve 
years,  beginning  with  the  first  full  year  of  the  last  Administration 
of  Mr.  Cleveland.  For  that  purpose  I  present  at  this  point  a  table, 
which  I  have  myself  copied  from  the  reports  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  showing  the  total  revenues  and  the  total  expenses  of 
each  year.  I  present  the  table  now,  but  without  reading  it,  so  as 
not  to  occupy  unnecessarily  the  time  of  the  Senate.  I  ask  that  the 
table  may  be  printed  in  the  Eecord. 

The  President  pro  tempore.  In  the  absence  of  objection,  it  is  so 
ordered. 

The  table  referred  to  is  as  follows : 

TOTAL  REVENUES  AND  EXPENDITURES  FOR  THE  PAST  TWELVE  YEARS  AS  SHOWN 

BY  THE  REPORTS   OF  THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  TREASURY. 

CLEVELAND. 

Year.  Revenues.  Expenditures.  Deficit. 

1894 $372,802,498.29  $442,605,758.87  $69,803,260.58 

1895 390,373,203.30  433,178.426.48  42,805,223.18 

1896 409,475,408.78  434,678,654.48  25,203,245.70 

1897 430,387,167.89  448,439,622.30  18,052,454.41 

m'kinley. 

1 898 $494,333,953.75           $532,381,201.35  $38,047,247.60 

1899 610,982,004.35             700,093,564.02  89,111,559.67 

1900 669,595,431.18             590,068,371.00  *79,527,060.18 

1901 699,316,530.92             621,598,546.54  *77,717,984.38 

ROOSEVELT. 

1902 $684,326,280.47  $593,038,904.90  *$91,287,375.57 

1903 694,621,117.64  640,323,450.28  *54,297,667.36 

1904  (estimated)  ..  674,767,664.00  660,767,664.00  *  14,000,000.00 

1905  (estimated)  ..  704,472,060.72  747,694,001.44  43,121,939.28 
*  Surplus. 

Mr.  Culberson.  In  the  first  full  fiscal  year  of  McKinley  (1898) 
the  expenditures,  as  shown  by  the  foregoing  table,  exceeded  those 


82  Republican  Extravagance. 

of  the  first  full  fiscal  year  of  Cleveland  (1894)  by  $89,775,442.48. 
In  the  last  full  fiscal  year  of  McKinley  (1901)  the  expenditures 
exceeded  those  of  the  last  full  fiscal  year  of  Cleveland  (1897)  by 
$159,333,631.62.  The  last  year  of  Cleveland  exceeded  his  first  year 
by  only  $5,833,863.43 ;  while  the  last  year  of  McKinley  exceeded 
his  first  year  by  $75,392,052.57.  During  the  four  years  of  Cleve- 
land the  total  expenditures  amounted  to  $1,758,699,216.43,  while 
during  the  four  years  of  McKinley  the  total  expenditures  were 
$2,430,316,390.29,  and  increase  in  four  years  under  McKinley  of 
$671,617,173.86. 

Taking  from  this  the  deficit  of  $18,052,454.41,  coming  over  from 
Cleveland  in  1897,  there  will  be  left  a  net  increase  of  $653,564,- 
719.45,  or  about  38  per  cent.  The  notable  increase  of  expenditures 
in  1898  over  1894  was  $6,275,083.65  for  pensions,  $8,743,650.59 
interest  on  the  public  debt,  $27,122,691.01  in  the  naval  establish- 
ment, and  $37,424,070.44  in  the  military  establishment.  The 
notable  increase  in  1901  over  1897  was  $25,438,453.71  in  the  naval 
establishment,  $35,747,938.31  in  the  civil  establishment,  and  $91,- 
049,732.11  in  the  military  establishment. 

Of  the  total  net  increase  of  $653,564,719.45  for  the  four  years, 
the  notable  increase,  in  round  numbers,  exclusive  of  the  postal 
service,  was  $19,000,000  interest  on  the  public  debt,  $29,000,000 
in  the  civil  establishment,  $116,000,000  in  the  naval  establishment, 
and  $391,000,000  in  the  military  establishment. 

President  Roosevelt  assumed  office  September  14,  1901,  and  as 
soon  as  he  became  firmly  established  in  power  and  control,  it  will 
be  observed,  increased  expenditures  began.  The  total  expenditures, 
actual  and  estimated,  for  the  four  years  of  his  incumbency  aggre- 
gated $2,641,728,019.18,  which  is  $211,407,628.89  greater  than  the 
four  years  of  McKinley,  though  he  conducted  the  Spanish  war,  and 
$883,024,802.75  greater  than  the  four  years  of  Cleveland.  In  the 
first  full  fiscal  year  of  Roosevelt  (J903)  expenditures  exceeded  those 
of  the  first  full  fiscal  year  of  McKinley  (1898)  by  $107,942,248.83, 
and  in  the  last  full  fiscal  year  of  Roosevelt  (1905)  expenditures,  as 
estimated  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  will  exceed  those  of  the 
last  full  fiscal  year  of  McKinley  (1901)  by  $105,875,660.25. 

Mr.  Aldrich.  Will  the  Senator  give  me  the  figures  for  the  first 
fiscal  year  of  the  present  Administration,  if  he  has  them  ? 

Mr.  Culberson.  After  I  read  this  consecutively  I  will.  The  last 
year  of  McKinley  exceeded  his  first  by  $75,392,052.57,  while  the 
last  year  of  Roosevelt  will  exceed  his  first  year  by  $134,435,301.89. 
Of  the  total  increase  of  $883,024,802.75  for  the  four  years  of  Roose- 
velt as  compared  with  the  four  years  of  Cleveland,  the  notable  in- 
crease, exclusive  of  the  postal  service,  is,  in  round  numbers,  $160,- 
000,000  in  the  civil  establishment,  $231,000,000  in  the  naval  estab- 
lishment, and  $284,000,000  in  the  military  establishment.  The 
total  cost  of  the  military  establishment,  exclusive  of  pensions, 
during  the  four  years  of  Roosevelt,  exceeds  that  of  Cleveland  by 
$515,000,000. 

The  War  Department  has  furnished  me  a  statement  of  the  war 


Republican  Extravagance.  83 

budget  of  Great  Britain,  France  and  Germany  for  the  year  1903, 
including  pensions,  and  I  desire  to  insert  at  this  point  in  the  brief 
statement  I  am  making  these  budgets  from  the  War  Department, 
to  which  I  have  added  those  of  the  United  States  for  1903  and  the 
estimated  expenses  of  the  military  establishment  for  1905. 

STATEMENT    OF    BUDGETS    OF    GREAT    BRITAIN,    FRANCE    AND 
GERMANY    DURING    1903. 

GREAT  BRITAIN. » 

Army:   Ordinary  budget $168,709,355.00 

Navy:  Ordinary  budget  172,287,500.00 

Total $340,996,855.00 

FRANCE.O 

Army: 

Ordinary  budget $131,348,048.00 

Extraordinary  budget  1 6,212,000.00 

Navy:   Ordinary  budget  62,694,905.00 

Total $200,254,953.00 

GERMANY. 

Armv : 

Ordinary  budget $143,401,436.00 

Extraordinary  budget 16,082,267.00 

Navy: 

Ordinary  budget 23,367,048.00 

Extraordinary  budget 35,344,467.00 

Total $218,195,218.00 

GREAT    BRITAIN. 

Ordinarv  total  budget   (1903): 

Army   $135,424,355.00 

Navy    172,287,500.00 

Total    $307,711,855.00 

UNITED  STATES  FOR  1903. 

War    $118,619,520.15 

Navy    82,618,034.18 

Pensions    138,425,646.07 

Total    $339,662,200.40 

UNITED  STATES  FOR  1905.0 

War    $142,294,000.00 

Navy    106,841,000.00 

Pensions    138,152,600.00 

Total $387,287,600.00 

a  The  Budget  for  Great  Britain  includes  extraordinary  credits  for  the 
Transvaal  war,  the  expedition  to  China  and  to  Somaliland,  etc.  The  or- 
dinary budget  amounts  to  $135,424,355. 

6  The  war  budget  includes  $7,658,269  for  the  gendarmerie  and  $5,551,441 
for  colonial  troops. 

o  Estimated.  War  Department, 

Office  of  the  Adjutant-General, 

Washington,  April  25,  1904. 
Hon.  Charles  A.  Culberson, 

The  Normandie,  Washington. 
Dear   Senator   Culberson:     Complying  with  your  request   over   the 
'phone  this  afternoon,  I  beg  to  hand  you  herewith  a  memorandum  show- 
ing the  costs  of  the  military  establishments  of  England,  France,  and  Ger- 


84  Republican  Extravagance. 

many,  including  pensions,  so  far  as  can  be  shown  from  the  data  on  file 
in  the  military  information  division  of  this  Department. 

Trusting  the  memorandum  contains  the  information  you  desire,  I  am, 
Very  truly  yours,  W.  P.  Hall, 

Brigadier-General,  Assistant  Adjutant-General. 
Mr.  Culberson.  The  total  war  budget  of  Great  Britain  for  1903 
was  $340,996,855;  for  Germany,  $218,195,218,  and  for  France, 
$200,254,953.  The  total  expenses  of  the  military  establishment 
of  the  United  States  for  1903  was,  in  round  numbers,  $339,000,000. 
If  the  expenses  of  the  British  operations  in  South  Africa  are  ex- 
cluded, the  war  budget  of  the  United  States  for  1903  exceeded  that 
of  Great  Britain  by  $32,000,000;  Germany  by  $121,000,000,  and 
France  by  $139,000,000.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  estimates 
that  the  total  cost  of  the  military  establishment  of  the  United  States 
for  1905,  including  pensions,  will  approximate  $387,287,600,  which 
it  will  be  observed  still  further  increases  this  character  of  expendi- 
tures in  the  United  States  over  those  of  Great  Britain,  France  and 
Germany. 

Mr.  Culberson.  I  also  ask  leave  to  insert  as  a  part  of  this  state- 
ment the  letter  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  dated  April  25, 
1904,  in  which  he  gives  me  the  estimates  of  expenditures  for  1905, 
which  I  have  used  in  the  statement,  that  I  will  now  send  to  the 
desk  to  have  printed. 

The  Presiding1  Officer.  Without  objection,  the  statement  pre- 
sented by  the  Senator  from  Texas  will  be  ordered  printed  in  the 
Eecord. 

The  letter  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  referred  to  is  as  fol- 
lows: 

Treasury  Department,  Office  of  the  Secretary, 

Washington,  April  25,   1904. 
Hon.  C.  A.  Culberson, 

United  States  Senate. 
Sir:  In  reply  to  your  request  of  to-day  I  have  the  honor  to  inform 
you  that  the  estimates  of  appropriations  for  the  year  1905,  as  submitted 
by  the  several  Executive  Departments  and  offices  and  transmitted  to 
Congress  at  the  beginning  of  and  during  the  present  session,  aggregate, 
in  round  numbers,  as  follows: 

For  the  civil  establishment,  including  foreign  intercourse, 
public  buildings,  collecting  the  revenues,  District  of  Co- 
lumbia,  and   miscellaneous   expenses $165,697,000 

For  the  military  establishment,  including  rivers  and  har- 
bors,   forts,   arsenals,   seacoast    defenses,   etc 142,294,000 

For  the  naval  establishment,  including  construction  of  new 
vessels,  machinery,  armament,  equipment,  improve- 
ments   at   navy-yards,    etc 106,841,000 

For  Indian    affairs     10,888,000 

For  pensions     138,152,000 

For  postal  service,  payable  from  postal  revenues 159,472,000 

(Deficiency,    $8,600,000,    payable    from    Treasury    and 
charged  in  civil  establishment.) 
For  interest  on   the  public  debt 24,250,000 

Total,  exclusive  of  the  sinking  fund $747,594,000 

As  the  appropriations  for  the  year  1905  have  not  all  been  made,  it 
is  impossible  for  the  Department  to  estimate  the  expenditures  falling 
within  the  ensuing  fiscal  year. 

Respectfully,  L.  M.  Shaw,  Secretary. 


SPEECH  OF   HON.  LEONIDAS  F.  LIVINGSTON,  OF   GEOR- 
GIA, IN   THE   HOUSE   OF   REPRESENTATIVES, 
THURSDAY,  APRIL  28,  1904. 

The  House  having  under  consideration  the  subject  of  appropria- 
tions— 

Mr.  Livingston  said: 

Mr.  Speaker:  I  submit  a  statement  showing  the  appropriations 
made  at  each  of  the  sessions  of  the  Fifty-third  Congress,  which  was 
controlled  in  both  branches  by  the  Democratic  party,  for  the  fiscal 
years  1895  and  1896,  the  estimates  submitted  by  the  Executive 
Departments  to  Congress  at  this  session,  and  the  appropriations 
made  thereunder  for  the  ensuing  fiscal  year  1905. 

The  appropriations  for  each  of  the  fiscal  years  1895  and  1896,  as 
made  by  a  Democratic  Congress,  do  not  materially  vary,  as  will  be 
seen,  one  from  the  other,  and  average  only  $494,619,602.84  for  each 
year. 

The  table  also  shows  that  appropriations  for  Federal  expenditures 
made  under  a  Republican  Administration,  by  a  Eepublican  Con- 
gress, for  the  next  fiscal  year  have  reached  the  startling  sum  of 
$781,574,629.99,  or  an  increase  of  $286,955,027.15  over  the  average 
of  the  last  two  years  under  Democratic  control  and  within  a  period 
of  less  than  ten  years. 

I  do  not  question  the  honesty  of  these  vast  appropriations,  either 
in  their  aggregate  amount  or  in  their  details ;  but  I  challenge  the 
wisdom  of  the  policy  of  the  dominant  party  that  has  made  these 
enormous  expenditures  necessary  through  the  increase  of  the  mili- 
tary and  naval  establishments,  the  maintenance  of  which  is  at  the 
expense  of  needed  internal  improvements,  such  as  river  and  harbor 
works  and  public  buildings.  During  the  session  which  is  just  about 
to  close  the  Representatives  of  the  people  have  been  denied  consid- 
eration of  the  demands  of  their  constituents  all  along  this  line,  and 
yet  the  appropriations  for  the  Army  show  an  increase  over  what 
it  cost  in  1896  of  $54,000,000  and  the  Navy  the  still  greater  increase 
of  $69,000,000. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  sins  of  commission  of  this  Congress, 
they  are  as  nothing  compared  to  its  sins  of  omission  in  denying 
consideration  to  all  legislation  looking  to  the  welfare  of  the  great 
masses"  of  the  people. 

The  following  editorial  in  the  Washington  Post  of  yesterday,  an 
influential  and  non-partisan  journal  published  here  in  the  national 
capital,  voices,  I  believe,  an  almost  universal  criticism  against  the 
session  of  Congress  just  closing: 

"POSTPONED    TILL    AFTER    ELECTION." 

A  number  of  Republican  organs,  of  varying  caliber,  are  pointing 
with  pride  that  must  be  affected  to  the  work  that  will  have  been 
accomplished  by  the  Fifty-eighth  Congress  at  the  end  of  its  first 


86  Speech  of  Hon.  Leonidas  F.  Livingston. 

regular  session.  If  to  have  refrained  from  doing  irreparable  mis- 
chief be  worthy  of  glorification,  the  laudation  of  those  organs  is 
in  order.  If  to  have  put  off  to  the  more  convenient  season  that  will 
probably  never  come  most  of  the  business  that  belonged  to  this 
session  be  commendable,  let  the  organs  go  on  piping  their  praise. 
It  can  not  justly  be  said  that  the  Fifty-eighth  Congress  has  done 
many  things  that  it  ought  not  to  have  done;  but  it  has  assuredly 
left  undone  much  work  that  it  ought  to  have  done.  And  the  pen- 
dency of  a  national  election  is  the  only  excuse  vouchsafed. 

If  this  Congress  at  this  session  was  under  any  obligation  to  the 
country  to  do  anything  at  all  beyond  passing  appropriation  bills 
to  keep  the  machinery  of  Government  in  operation  for  the  next  fiscal 
year,  it  was  bound  to  mature  and  enact  legislation  for  the  reform 
of  our  wretched  hodgepodge  of  currency  laws.  Postponement  of 
that  duty  had  been  carried  far  beyond  the  safety  limit,  and  equally 
beyond  excuse,  long  before  this  Congress  met.  That  is  the  opinion 
of  the  ablest  financiers,  irrespective  of  party.  That  was  the  opinion 
expressed  by  the  chairman  of  the  Senate  Finance  Committee  before 
the  end  of  the  Fifty-seventh  Congress. 

This  Congress  came  in  pledged  to  tariff  revision.  The  session 
will  close  with  that  duty  untouched.  It  is  a  clear  violation  of  good 
faith,  a  surrender  to  the  standpatters  in  the  interest  of  the  few 
against  the  many.  There  can  be  no  tariff  legislation  at  the  next  ses- 
sion, for  no  time  will  be  available  for  that  purpose. 

Besides  those  two  great  subjects,  on  which  legislative  action  was 
due  and  expected  from  this  session,  there  are  many  other  matters  of 
moment  laid  over  "till  after  the  election."  That  phrase  records  the 
situation  of  the  ship-subsidy  bill,  statehood,  rivers  and  harbors, 
immigration,  the  Smoot  case,  impeachment  of  Swayne,  labor  bills, 
land  leases,  and  other  propositions — all  put  off  for  political  reasons, 
all  evaded,  not  for  lack  of  time,  but  for  want  of  courage. 

If  this  sort  of  thing  goes  on — if  it  becomes,  as  bids  fair  to  be 
the  case,  the  unwritten  law  to  postpone  all  but  unavoidable  legisla- 
tion "until  after  election'' — what  will  be  the  result  ?  That  question 
is  worth  considering.  Under  our  Constitution  and  statutes  every 
House  of  Eepresentatives  is  on  the  eve  of  an  election  when  the  first 
session  of  a  new  Congress  convenes.  At  the  time  the  Eepresenta- 
tives have  been  elected  from  thirteen  to  eighteen  months,  and  the 
next  election  is  staring  them  in  the  face.  They  have  even  more 
reason  for  timidity  in  the  years  between  than  in  the  Presidential 
years.  Suppose  timidity  should  continue  to  grow  until  "after  the 
election"  became  the  only  time  for  Congress  to  do  business,  what 
would  the  country  do  ? 

We  can  see  but  one  ray  of  hope.  Executive  legislation  looms  up 
as  the  last  resort ;  either  that  or  chaos. 


Speech  of  Hon.  Leonidas  F.  Livingston. 


87 


Table  Showing   Appropriations  Made   by  the  Last  Democratic  Congress,  the 

Fifty-third,  and  by  the  First  Session  of  the  Fifty-eighth  Congress. 

Fifty-eighth 

Congress, 
First  Session. 

fiscal  year 
1905. 


« Fifty-third  Congress » 

First  session,  Second  session, 

for  fiscal  year  for  fiscal  year 

1894-95  1895-% 


Agriculture $3,223,623.06  $3,303,750.00 

Army 23.592,884.68  23,252,608.09 

Diplomatic  and  consular 1,563,918.76  1,574,458.76 

District  of  Columbia 5,545,678.57  5,745,443.25 

Fortification 2,427,004.00  1.904,557.50 

Indian 10,659,565.16  8,762,751.24 

Legislative,  executive  and  judicial-     21,305,583.29  21,891,718.08 

Military  Academy 406,535.08  464,261.66 

Navy 25,327,126.72  29,416,245.31 

Pension 151,581,570.00  141,381.570.00 

Post-office 87,236,599.55  89,545,997.86 

River  and  Harbor 11,643,180.00  

Sundry  civil 34,253,775,55  46.568,160.40 

Totals $378,767,044.42  $373,811,552.15 

Deficiencies 11,811,004.06  9,825,374.82 

Totals $390,578,048.48  $383,636,896.97 

Miscellaneous 577,956,55  297,667.37 

Total    regular    annual    ap- 
propriations   $391,156,005.03  $383,934,564.34 

Permanent  annual  appropriations.    101,074,680.00  113,073,956.32 

Grand  total  regular  &  perma- 
nent annual  appropriations  •  •  $492,230,685.03  $497,008,520.66 

Total $989,239,205.69 


$5,902, 

77,070, 

2,020, 

11,021, 

7,518, 

9.447, 

28,556, 

975, 

98.005, 

138.360 

172.574, 

3,000, 

57,846, 


040.00 
300.88 
100.69 
740.00 
192.00 
961.40 
913.22 
966.84 
140.94 
700.00 
998.75 
000.00 
,911.34 


$612,300,966.06 
26,801,843.93 


$639,102,809.99 
1,000,000.00 


$640,102,809.99 
141.471,820.00 


$781,574,629.99 


STATEMENT  OF  EDWARD  ATKINSON  ON  COST  OF  WAR 

AND  WARFARE— THE   PENALTY  INCURRED  IN    EIGHT 

FISCAL  YEARS  ENDING  JUNE  30,  1898,  TO  JUNE 

30,     1905,    INCLUSIVE,  $1,200,000,000. 

During  the  twenty  years  preceding  the  Spanish  War  covering 
the  fiscal  years  ending  June  30,  1878,  to  June  30,  1897,  under  five 
administrations — three  Republican  and  two  Democratic — the  cost 
of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  for  the  support  of  the  Civil 
and  Judicial  service,  for  the  support  of  the  Army,  and  for  the 
support  of  the  Navy,  including  the  construction  of  the  "new  navy" 
so-called,  varied  but  a  slight  fraction  over  two  dollars  and  a  half 
($2.50)  per  head  of  the  population  in  each  year.  The  revenue  de- 
rived from  liquors  and  tobacco,  domestic  and  foreign,  also  averaged 
two  dollars  and  a  half  ($2.50)  per  head  and  met  those  charges.  The 
cost  of  pensions  and  interest  on  the  public  debt  per  head  also  varied 
but  a  fraction  over  two  dollars  and  a  half  ($2.50)  each  year.  The 
cost  of  interest  and  pensions  is  now  one  dollar  and  ninety  cents 
($1.90)  per  head  and  is  steadily  diminishing.  The  total  cost  of 
supporting  the  Government  of  the  United  States  during  the  twenty 
years  of  peace,  order  and  industrial  progress,  was  five  dollars  ($5.00) 
per  head  of  the  population. 

The  cost  of  supporting  the  Government  for  the  eight  fiscal  years 
ending  June  30,  1882,  to  June  30,  1889,  inclusive,  under  the  sane, 
safe  and  prudent  administrations  of  Presidents  Arthur  and  Cleve- 
land (first  term)  including  a  part  of  the  cost  of  the  "new  navy" 
begun  under  President  Cleveland,  was  four  dollars  and  a  half 
($4.50)  per  head  of  the  population. 

At  this  standard  the  rate  would  now  be  four  dollars  ($4.00), 
but  since  a  somewhat  larger  Army  and  Navy  are  now  said  to  be 
needed  purely  for  defensive  purposes  and  for  home  service,  the  sum 
gained  by  the  reduction  in  pensions  and  interest  expended  on  Army 
and  Navy  would  maintain  the  rate  per  head  at  four  dollars  and  a 
half  ($4.50). 

The  taxation  required  for  the  cost  of  sustaining  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  economically  administered  may  be  established 
at  the  standard  of  four  dollars  and  a  half  ($4.50)  per  head. 

During  the  eight  years  of  war  and  warfare  under  Presidents  Mc- 
Kinley  and  Roosevelt  the  cost  of  the  Government  has  been  two  dol- 
lars ($2.00)  per  head  per  year  in  excess  of  what  it  would  have 
been  at  the  rate  of  the  previous  twenty  years,  and  two  dollars  and 
a  half  ($2.50)  per  head  on  the  average  per  year  in  excess  of  what 
it  would  have  been  at  the  standard  of  four  dollars  and  a  half 
($4.50)  per  head. 
The  excess  of  expenditure  on  War  and  Warfare 

over  1878  to  1897,  during  the  eight  years  named 

has  been  over $1,200,000,000 

The  excess  of  expenditure  on  War  and  Warfare  over 

the  standard  $4.50  per  head  during  the  eight 

years  named,  has  been  over 1,500,000,000 


Cost  of  War  and  Warfare.  89 

WHO    PAYS    THIS    TAX?-THE    CONSUMER    OF    FOOD, 
CLOTHING    AND    SHELTER. 

A  small  part  of  the  taxes  are  derived  from  duties  on  the  import 
of  articles  of  luxury  and  voluntary  use;  the  greater  part  of  the 
taxes  collected  under  the  Internal  Eevenue  Act  and  under  the  tariff 
are  imposed  upon  articles  of  common  consumption  by  the  whole 
body  of  consumers.  They  are  imposed  on  coal,  iron,  steel,  copper, 
lumber,  sugar,  beef,  potatoes,  hay,  leather,  fish,  oats,  oatmeal  and 
other  of  the  necessaries  and  comforts  of  life.  In'  addition  to  the 
taxes  on  these  articles  of  necessary  consumption  which  the  people 
pay  and  which  the  Government  receives,  a  heavy  additional  tax  is 
imposed  through  the  duties  on  imports  which  the  consumers  pay, 
but  which  the  Government  does  not  receive.  This  tax  imposed  for 
the  declared  purpose  of  "protection  with  incidental  revenue"  in- 
creases the  cost  of  a  large  portion  of  the  necessary  articles  of  con- 
sumption, both  domestic  and  foreign.  It  is  collected  indirectly 
by  the  owners  and  managers  of  the  works  in  which  are  manufac- 
tured oil,  steel,  sugar,  tobacco,  matches,  or  in  which  beef  and  pork 
are  packed,  or  crude  timber  converted  into  lumber.  These  taxes 
are  also  collected  indirectly  by  the  owners  of  the  ore  deposits,  of 
the  timber  land,  of  the  borax  deposits,  of  the  "hoofed  locusts"  (as 
the  Territorial  sheep  are  called),  of  the  fishing  smacks  on  the  sea- 
board, and  the  like.  Under  this  act  they  have  been  and  are  now 
enabled  to  put  high  prices  on  their  products  which  are  sold  for  home 
consumption,  and  to  sell  for  export  to  foreign  countries  at  much 
lower  prices. 

It  now  becomes  fit  to  measure  these  taxes.  What  does  war  and 
warfare,  imperialism,  over-sea  expansion  and  protection  with  inci- 
dental revenue,  cost  each  person  or  each  family,  and  how  is  this 
penalty  distributed?  Eelative  cost  in  figures  and  appropriations 
to  each  person. 
In  excess  of  the  standard  of  four  dollars  and  a  half 

($4.50)  per  head,  each  person  has  paid $20 

Penalty  paid  by  the  head  of  each  family  of  five  or  by 
each  two  persons    who    sustain    themselves    and 

three  others 100 

Had  these  sums  not  been  taken  from  consumers  for 
the  purposes  of  War  and  Warfare  they  might  have 
been  deposited  in  a  savings  bank  at  an  average 
of  4  per  cent,  interest  year  by  year  for  eight  years. 
The  saving  would  have  been  four  years'  interest 

at  4  per  cent 16 

The  consumption  of  the  people  of  the  North  and  West 
is  much  larger  than  that  of  the  people  of  the 
South,  where  eight  millions  (8,000,000)  negroes  of 
low  purchasing  power  constitute  so  large  a  part 
of  the  population. 

Additional  penalty  paid  by  the  consumers  in  the 
North  and  West  added  on  an  estimate  of  20  per 
cent,  in  excess  in  consumption 20 


90  Cost  of  War  and  Warfare. 

A  very  low  estimate  of  the  tax  which  the  people  have 
paid,  but  which  the  Government  has  not  received, 
secured  by  the  privileged  classes  under  the  tariff 
for  "protection  with  incidental  revenue,"  would  be  40 

At  these  estimates  the  total  penalty  paid  by  each 
group  of  five  persons  during  eight  years  of  War 
and  Warfare  up  to  June  30,  1905,  by  actual  ex- 
penditures and  appropriations  in  excess  of  the 
standard  of  four  dollars  and  a  half  ($4.50)  per 
head  has  been 176 

The  head  of  a  family,  consisting  of  five  persons,  liv- 
ing in  the  North  or  West,  in  receipt  of  an  annual 
income  of  from  one  thousand  to  fifteen  hundred 
dollars  ($1,000  to  $1,500),  with  expenditures 
corresponding  to  the  average  expenditures  of 
artisans,  craftsmen,  bookkeepers,  clerks  and  others, 
may  reasonably  compute  his  share  of  this  assess- 
ment of  taxes,  direct  and  indirect,  under  the  fore- 
going conditions  for  the  past  eight  years  at 200 

The  expenditures  of  the  United  States  in  the  fiscal 
years  ending  June  30,  1862,  to  June  30,  1869, 
eight  years  of  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction,  were 
$4,900,000,000,  at  high  prices  in  depreciated 
paper  money  for  all  supplies.  At  a  very  moderate 
reduction  for  depreciation  the  cost  of  eight  years 
of  Civil  War  and  Reconstruction  on  a  gold  basis 
was  not  over 4,200,000,000 

The  expenditures  in  eight  years  of  War,  Warfare 
and  Over-sea  Expansion  under  McKinley  and 
Roosevelt,  to  June  30,  1905,  will  have  been  over.  .   4,200,000,000 

From  the  Annual  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30, 
1903,  and  the  official  statement  of  the  expendi- 
tures of  the  last  fiscal  year  and  the  appropria- 
tions for  the  present  year,  it  proves  that  the  ex- 
penditures in  the  War  and  Navy  Departments 
under  the  administration  of  Presidents  McKinley 
and  Roosevelt  for  eight  years  of  War  and  War- 
fare and  Over-sea  Expansion  will  have  been  six- 
teen hundred  and  twenty-five  million 1,625,000,000 

The  expenditures  under  the  sane  and  safe  admin- 
istration of  Presidents  Arthur  and  Cleveland,  1882 
to  1889,  for  Army  and  Navy  fully  developed  for 
purposes  of  national  defense  and  for  beginning 
the  construction  of  the  "new  navy,"  amounted 
to  four  hundred  and  sixty-two  million 462,000,000 

The  difference  of  eleven  hundred  and  sixty-three 
($1,163,000,000)  constitutes  the  greater  part  of 
the  excessive  expenditures  of  War  and  Warfare 
which  are  tending  to  increase  rather  than  dimin- 
ish       1,163,000,000 


Speech  of  Hon.  Gilbert  M.  Hitchcock.  91 

The  revenue  to  pay  the  penalty  measured  as  above  has  been 
derived  wholly  from  taxes  on  the  necessaries  and  comforts  of  life 
and  on  the  crude  materials  of  foreign  origin  which  are  necessary 
in  the  process  of  domestic  industry. 

All  the  facts  and  figures  which  are  given  in  this  condensed  state- 
ment have  been  derived  from  the  official  reports  of  the  Govern- 
ment and  have  all  been  justified  and  proved.  The  citations  from 
the  reports  and  the  detailed  figures  of  each  year  will  be  found 
in  my  book  about  to  be  published  by  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Com- 
pany, Boston,  entitled  "Facts  and  Figures,"  and  in  my  treatises 
of  the  Cost  of  War  and  Warfare  which  are  in  nearly  every  pub- 
lic library  in  the  United  States.  Edward  Atkinson,  LL.D. 

Brookline,  Mass.,  U.  S.  A.,  July,  1904. 


SPEECH    OF    HON.    GILBERT    M.    HITCHCOCK,    OF    NE- 
BRASKA,   IN    THE    HOUSE    OF    REPRESENTA- 
TIVES, SATURDAY,  FEBRUARY  20,  1904. 

We  have  before  us  a  bill  appropriating  over  $96,000,000  for  the 
Navy,  and  in  addition  authorizing  an  increase  in  naval  plans  which 
involves  $29,000,000  more  to  be  appropriated  at  a  future  time.  It 
seems  to  me  that  a  man  may  favor  a  navy,  may  favor  its  reasonable 
development,  and  still  denounce  this  gigantic  and  excessive  appro- 
priation. 

It  is  now  more  than  one  hundred  years  ago  that  our  forefathers 
established  this  Eepublic  with  the  idea  that  we  could  improve  not 
only  on  monarchical  forms  but  on  monarchical  methods.  Ours  was 
to  be  a  government  of  consent,  a  government  to  promote  peace,  es- 
tablish justice,  and  to  insure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  the  people. 
It  was  to  permit  them  to  work  out  in  their  own  way  the  natural 
development  of  their  interests,  only  possible  in  times  of  peace,  free 
from  the  exactions  of  exorbitant  taxation. 

And  so,  Mr.  Chairman,  we  continued  in  our  course  for  over  a  cen- 
tury, a  nation  of  peace,  in  marked  contrast  to  the  war-cursed  coun- 
tries of  Europe  and  the  tax-burdened  monarchies  of  the  Old  World. 
Suddenly,  within  the  last  few  years,  the  rage  for  militarism  and  em- 
pire, for  so-called  expansion,  has  come  upon  us,  and  we  are  beset 
with  that  old  spirit  of  conquest  and  war  that  has  dominated  every 
monarchy.  I  say  it  without  danger  of  contradiction  from  any  in- 
telligent source  that  our  Eepublic,  in  its  use  of  its  national  revenues, 
is  more  wasteful  and  extravagant  than  any  empire  in  the  world. 

This  Eepublic,  founded  on  the  idea  of  consent,  founded  on  the 
idea  of  a  government  by  a  people,  is  becoming  the  imitator  of  mon- 
archies. Our  forefathers  sought  to  give  the  people  relief  from  tax- 
ation, but  our  Eepublic  is  becoming  the  most  tax-burdened  nation 
of  the  world.    We  were  formerly  taught  that  as  little  money  as  pos- 


92  Speech  of  Hon.  Gilbert  M.  Hitchcock. 

sible  should  be  taken  each  year  by  the  Government  from  the  income 
of  the  business  men  and  from  the  wages  of  the  laborers.  Now  we  are 
told  that  patriotism  must  be  measured  by  appropriations. 

Whether  we  judge  our  present  national  expenditure  by  our  former 
history  or  by  the  national  expenditure  of  other  nations,  we  appear 
in  a  most  unenviable  position. 

The  great  Eussian  Empire,  with  two  and  a  half  times  the  area 
of  the  United  States  and  nearly  twice  the  population,  is  the  only 
nation  in  the  world  that  regularly  raises  as  large  an  amount  of 
money  by  national  taxation  as  the  United  States.  The  total  annual 
revenue  of  Eussia  is  about  $1,100,000,000.  But  from  that  must  be 
deducted  nearly  $400,000,000  not  raised  by  taxation,  but  flowing 
from  state  monopolies  and  government  property,  so  that  the  actual 
amount  which  Eussia  raises  by  taxation  is  only  about  $700,000,000 
a  year.  In  proportion  to  the  size  and  population  that  is  a  smaller 
sum  than  the  United  States  annually  raises  by  taxation  from  its 
citizens. 

We  can  hardly  compare  our  annual  expenditures  with  those  of 
Great  Britain  at  the  present  time,  because  Great  Britain  has  only 
just  emerged  from  a  most  expensive  and  destructive  war.  In  times 
of  peace  Great  Britain's  national  expenditures  are  less  than  those 
of  the  United  States.  Nor  will  it  do  to  explain  this  by  saying  that 
Great  Britain  has  less  population  than  the  United  States,  because 
the  national  expenditures  of  Great  Britain  are  the  expenditures  for 
an  empire  employing  a  navy  three  or  four  times  as  large  as  ours 
and  an  army  exceeding  ours  in  at  least  that  proportion.  While  the 
United  Kingdom  is  smaller  in  area  and  less  in  population  than  the 
United  States,  it  must  be  remembered  that  it  is  the  seat  of  power 
and  expenditure  for  ten  times  the  population  and  forty  times  the 
area  of  the  United  Kingdom.  It  must  also  be  remembered  that 
Great  Britain  as  the  result  of  countless  wars  in  the  past,  has  a 
national  debt  whose  interest  charge  is  $100,000,000  a  year  greater 
than  the  interest  charge  with  which  the  United  States  is  burdened. 

If  we  compare  our  national  revenues  and  expenditures  with  those 
of  France,  we  find  that  each  nation  has  total  revenues  of  about 
$700,000,000  a  year.  Each  nation  derives  nearly  $200,000,000  a 
year  of  this  revenue  from  sources  which  are  not  due  to  taxation. 
In  the  United  States  the  chief  of  these  is  the  Post-office  receipts, 
land  sales,  and  other  miscellaneous  income  of  that  sort.  In  France 
the  following  items  of  revenue  are  not  the  production  of  taxation : 

France's  revenue  not  the  product  of  taxation. 

Francs. 

From  State  monopolies 734,836,000 

From  public  domains 28,932,000 

From  public  forests 32,368,000 

Miscellaneous  revenues  from  fees,  etc 63,184,000 

Eecettes  d'ordre 143,855,000 

Total   1,003,175,000 


Speech  of  Hon.  Gilbert  M.  Hitchcock.  93 

Deducting  above  revenues  from  total  receipts  we  have  the  fol- 
lowing showing  of  net  amount  derived  from  national  taxation  in 
France  : 

Gross  revenues  of  France. 

Francs. 

Gross  receipts 3,675,661,000 

Sundry  receipts  not  taxes 1,003,175,000 

Net  amount  from  taxation 2,672,486,000 

Equal  to  $534,497,200. 

Nor  does  the  above  showing  correctly  represent  the  amount  of 
"national"  taxation  in  France,  for  the  reason  that  the  French 
Government,  unlike  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  ex- 
pends a  part  of  the  national  revenue  for  local  purposes.  In  this 
way,  of  the  above  $534,000,000,  more  than  $50,000,000  are  expended 
for  public  schools  and  other  purely  local  matters  which  are  paid 
for  in  America  by  local  taxation.  This  brings  the  French  total 
of  national  taxation  down  to  $483,000,000  a  year,  which  is  mate- 
rially less  than  that  of  the  United  States.  And  yet  France  main- 
tains a  standing  army  of  over  half  a  million  men  and  a  navy  larger 
than  ours.  France  also  pays  five  times  as  much  interest  on  her 
public  debt  every  year  as  we  do.  This  one  item  alone  costs  France 
$120,000,000  a  year  more  than  it  costs  the  United  States.  She  has 
an  enormous  inheritance  of  debt  from  her  bloody  centuries  of  war 
and  revolution. 

But  perhaps  the  most  instructive  comparison  is  the  comparison 
between  the  expenditures  of  the  United  States  with  those  of  Ger- 
many, that  Empire  designated  by  the  gentleman  who  preceded  me  as 
a  land/ of  "blood  and  iron."  We  might  expect  to  find  in  this  Em- 
pire of  60,000,000  people,  ruled  by  the  iron  hand  of  an  ambitious 
and  dominating  Kaiser,  maintaining  a  standing  army  of  600,000 
men  and  a  navy  ranking  third  among  the  naval  powers  of  the  world 
— we  might  expect  to  find  here,  I  say,  a  burden  of  national  tax 
heavier  than  in  the  American  Eepublic.    But  the  fact  is  otherwise. 

Our  national  taxation  exceeds  the  national  taxation  of  the  Ger- 
man Empire  by  more  than  $200,000,000  a  year.  '  The  German 
Kaiser,  with  all  his  ambition  and  all  his  lust  for  empire,  inflicts 
on  the  German  people  less  taxation  than  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  upon  its  citizens.  Let  us  look  at  the  figures.  The 
following  is  a  statement  which  shows  the  total  income  of  the  Ger- 
man Empire  for  the  year  1903.  With  the  classification  of  those 
items  not  due  to  taxation  and  those  items  of  revenue  not  used  for 
national  purposes,  the  table  is  as  follows: 


94  Speech  of  Hon.  Gilbert  M.  Hitchcock. 

German  Government  income. 

(Expressed  in  marks.) 

Gross  income,  Items  not      for  national 

all  sources.  taxation.         purposes. 

Post  and  telegraph   456,220,100     456,220,100         

Railroads    87,879,600       87,879,600         

State  banks    15,866,200       15,866,200  

Administration  bureaus  41,658,300  

Disabled  pension  funds    49,003,800 

States  matricular  contribution   . . .     565,856,200         565,856,200 

Customs  and  internal  revenue. . . .       810,252,900         

Stamp  duties   93,028,000         

Public  printing    7,906,000         7,906,000         

Sundry  other  sources 17,406,600         


Total   ordinary   receipts 2,145,077,700     567,871,900     565,856,200 

Extraordinary     199,848,800         


Grand   total    2,344,926,500 

Less  items  not  raised  by  tax 567,871,900 


Balance    1,777,054,600 

Less  assignments  to  States 565,856,200 


Net  national   taxation *1,211,198,400         

*Equal  to  $302,799,600. 

The  reason  for  deducting  the  items  of  income  from  post  and 
telegraph,  railways,  State  banks,  and  public  printing  from  the  gross 
income  is  manifest.  These  items  are  not  taxation.  The  reason  for 
deducting  the  items  entitled  "Matricular  contribution  of  the 
States"  perhaps  demands  an  explanation.  The  German  Empire 
is  composed  of  a  number  of  States.  Under  the  law  of  1879  it  was 
decreed  that  certain  national  revenues  drawn  from  all  parts  of  the 
Empire  should  be  assigned  back  to  the  States  in  proportion  to  their 
population.  These  revenues,  as  above  shown,  now  amount  to  565,- 
856,200  marks  per  year,  and  being  assigned  back  to  the  States  and 
used  by  them  for  local  taxation,  they  must  of  course  be  deducted 
from  the  national  expenditures,  as  they  are  not  a  part  of  the 
national  but  are  purely  local  expenditures. 

Without  going  into  detail  in  the  United  States,  the  figures  of 
which  are  very  much  more  familiar  to  us,  it  may  be  said  that  our 
total  gross  income  is  $694,621,117.  Of  this  amount  the  receipts 
from  the  post-office,  land  sales,  and  other  sources  should  not  be 
counted  in  national  taxation.  Deducting  these  items  as  we  have 
deducted  these  items  from  the  German  revenues,  and  converting 
the  whole  into  American  money,  we  have  the  following  comparative 
table,  showing  taxation  in  Germany  and  the  United  States: 

Germany.  United  States. 

Total  gross  income $586,231,625        $694,621,117 

Income  not  national  taxation 283,432,025  179,331,411 


Amount  raised  by  taxation..   $302,799,600         $515,289,706 


Speech  of  Hon.  Gilbert  M.  Hitchcock.  95 

It  thus  appears,  as  I  have  stated  above,  that  our  national  taxa- 
tion exceeds  the  national  taxation  of  the  German  Empire  by  $212,- 
000,000  a  year.  Nor  can  it  be  said  that  this  is  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  American  Republic  has  80,000,000  population,  while  the  Ger- 
man Empire  has  less  than  60,000,000,  because  the  per  capita  of 
the  taxation  is  greater  in  the  United  States  than  it  is  in  Ger- 
many, and  if  we  equalize  the  populations  we  would  still  be  tax- 
ing ourselves  $85,000,000  a  year  more  than  the  Germans  tax  them- 
selves. 

Now,  what  becomes  of  the  vast  amount  of  money  which  we  raise 
by  national  taxation  in  the  United  States  ? 

More  than  two  dollars  out  of  every  five  that  we  now  raise  in  na- 
tional taxation  go  for  purposes  of  war — for  our  Army  and  our 
Navy.  This  time  of  profound  peace  is  a  time  of  enormous  taxation. 

The  gentleman  who  just  preceded  me,  and  who  pleads  so  elo- 
quently for  the  contractors  who  build  our  ships  and  furnish  the 
armor,  stated  that  the  wealth  of  this  country  is  so  enormous  that 
our  national  expenditures  are  insignificant.  But  he  forgets,  Mr. 
Chairman,  that  the  wealth  of  this  country  does  not  contribute  these 
millions  of  dollars  which  go  to  make  up  this  enormous  amount  of 
money  that  we  gather  in  from  the  people  every  year.  The  wealth 
of  the  country  does  not  pay  that  money.  We  do  not  tax  wealth; 
in  raising  our  national  revenues  we  merely  tax  consumption,  and, 
plainly  speaking,  such  taxation  is  practically  nothing  but  a  per 
capita  tax  on  the  population  of  the  United  States.  The  head  of 
every  family  pays  that  tax  not  only  for  himself  and  his  wife,  but 
for  his  children.  The  daily  living  expenses  of  every  man,  woman 
and  child  are  increased  by  the  manner  in  which  we  raise  this 
money.  Our  system  of  indirect  taxation  increases  the  cost  of  food, 
clothing,  and  most  of  the  other  necessaries  of  life.  If  the  wealth  of 
the  country  were  contributing  to  these  enormous  expenditures,  which 
go  into  armor  plate  and  war  ships,  I  think  we  would  hear  more 
voices  raised  here  in  this  House  for  economy  and  limited  expendi- 
ture. The  fact  is  that  the  money  is  taken  from  the  masses  of  the  peo- 
ple, regardless  of  their  ability  to  pay,  and  is  turned  over  to  armor 
trusts,  beef  trusts,  railroads,  and  shipbuilding  trusts.  These  and 
other  trusts  and  great  corporations  are  the  ones  who  get  the  great 
chunks  out  of  these  gigantic  annual  appropriations,  and  we  all 
know  it. 

The  growth  of  these  war  expenditures  has  been  simply  prodigious 
in  twenty  years. 

Do  gentlemen  ever  stop  to  think  that  we  may  deplete  if  not  ex- 
haust the  resources  of  a  nation  in  the  time  of  peace  by  excessive 
preparations  for  war.  We  have  heard  of  the  man  who,  in  preparing 
to  leap  a  ditch,  took  such  a  long  running  start  that  he  used  up  his 
strength  before  he  reached  the  ditch  and  fell  into  it.  Nations  have 
done  the  same  thing  with  war  preparations. 

The  following  table  shows  the  strength  of  the  navies  of  the  four 
great  countries  of  the  world,  both  present  and  prospective,  revealing 
the  fact  that  we  are  making  an  increase  of  our  Navy  under  present 


q6  Speech  of  Hon.  Theodore  E.  Burton. 

laws  equal  to  the  increase  being  made  by  Germany  and  France 
combined : 

Strength  of  navies,  present  and  prospective. 

Tonnage  in  Total  future 
Country.  Men.  Tonnage,  construction,    tonnage. 

Great    Britain    114,430         1,516,000         351,000         1,867,000 

Germany    37,900  388,000         1 18,000  506,000 

France    44,312  576,000         180,000  756,000 

United  States    31,000  295,000        322,000  616,000 

The  following  table  of  naval  expenditures  for  four  years  of  four 
great  countries  of  the  world  shows  how  rapidly  our  expenditures 
have  increased,  compared  with  those  of  other  nations,  and  the  mad 
race  is  only  just  begun : 

Naval  expenditures. 

1900                      1901                    1902  1903 

Great  Britain $130,000,000      $146,600,000      $155,000,000  $155,850,000 

France 74,590,000          73,10°,000          62,419,000  68,000,000 

Germany 42,000,000          52,000,000          54,259,500  56,000,000 

United  States  ... .     55,953,078          60,506,978          67,803,128  82,613,034 

Amount  proposed  by  new  bill,  $96,338,000. 


SPEECH    OF    HON.    THEODORE    E.    BURTON,    OF    OHIO 
(REPUBLICAN),  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF   REPRESENTA- 
TIVES, TUESDAY,  MARCH  15,  1904. 

Mr.  Burton  said: 

Mr.  Chairman:  It  is  my  desire  to  address  the  House  upon  the 
increase  of  national  expenditures.  It  will  be  profitable  to  examine 
into  the  history  and  causes  of  this  increase,  to  investigate  whether 
any  dangerous  tendencies  arise  from  it,  and  to  attempt  to  point  out 
a  proper  policy  to  be  pursued.  The  average  annual  expenditures 
of  the  United  States  Government  in  the  last  decade  of  the  eighteenth 
century  were  $6,835,000.  They  were  greatly  increased  by  the  war 
of  1812,  in  the  decade  from  1811  to  1820,  but  the  following  decade 
showed  a  decrease,  and  the  annual  average  in  the  decade  ending  in 
1860  was  only  $60,000,000.  This  was  followed  by  the  enormous 
expense  of  the  Civil  War,  and  an  average  annual  expenditure  ap- 
proaching ten  times  as  much,  or  amounting  to  $530,000,000. 

The  closing  decade  of  the  last  century  showed  an  annual  average 
of  $407,000,000.  If  we  deduct  from  the  expenditures  of  the  first 
decade  of  the  Republic,  interest  charges,  which  were  large  because 
of  the  assumption  of  State  debts  and  other  expenses  growing  out 
of  the  War  for  Independence,  the  annual  average  in  the  last  decade 
of  the  nineteenth  century  was  very  nearly  100  times  as  great  as  in 
the  decade  from  1791  to  1800,  and  if  we  take  the  last  two  years  for 


Speech  of  Hon.  Theodore  E.   Burton.  97 

comparison — 1902  and  1903 — we  find  them  more  than  100  times 
as  great. 

There  may  be  said  to  be  two  general  causes  for  the  increase  of 
national  expenditures.  One  works  automatically  without  the  inter- 
position of  the  legislature.  It  arises  from  the  necessary  enlargement 
of  existing  public  functions  due  to  the  growth  of  population,  to  the 
expansion  of  territory,  and  to  the  higher  range  of  salaries,  which 
is  correlative  with  the  diminishing  purchasing  power  of  money,  and 
contemporaneous  with  improved  standards  of  living. 

The  second  may  be  said  to  be  under  the  control  of  the  legislature. 
Chief  among  those  of  this  class  is  the  ever-swelling  demand  for 
the  enlargement  of  military  establishments,  the  army  and  the  navy. 
It  is  to  be  noticed  that  this  increase  exists  contemporaneously  with 
a  general  condition  of  peace,  interrupted  by  occasional  war.  The 
greater  cost  is  due  in  some  degree  to  improved  varieties  of  arma- 
ment and  equipment  employed  in  war,  and  in  a  measure  to  different 
political  ideals.  It  can  not  be  said  that  expenses  for  the  army  and 
navy  are  entirely  under  the  control  of  the  political  power,  though 
in  a  large  degree  they  are.  They  depend  in  part  upon  the  position 
of  a  state  among  nations,  but  more  upon  the  general  policy  which 
the  dominant  influences  in  each  government  may  choose  to  adopt. 

In  no  country  has  the  increase  in  military  expenses  been  so 
marked  as  in  our  own.  In  the  year  1880  the  total  expenses  for  the 
Army  and  Navy  were  $42,000,000 — twenty-eight  millions  for  the 
Army  and  fourteen  millions  for  the  Navy.  In  1902  more  than 
five  times  as  much  as  in  1880,  and  under  the  appropriation  bill 
passed  for  1905  it  will  cost  more  than  seven  times  as  much.  The 
increase  between  1902  and  1905  will  be  more  than  twice  as  much 
as  the  total  cost  in  1880. 


THE  TARIFF  AND  TRUSTS. 

EXPORT  PRICES  OF  THE  TRUSTS— HOW  THE  DINGLEY  TARIFF  ENABLES 
TRUSTS     TO     CHARGE     AMERICANS     MORE    FOR    AMERICAN 
GOODS    THAN    FOREIGNERS    ARE    CHARGED.      PITTS- 
BURG STEEL  RAILS  SOLD  IN  JAPAN  FOR   #18 
OR    $22    A   TON;     FOR     SAME    RAILS 
AMERICAN  RAILROADS  HAVE  TO 
PAY  $28  A  TON. 

During  the  year  ending  June  30,  1904,  the  sale  of  American 
manufactured  products  to  foreigners  amounted  to  $452,000,000, 
of  which  fully  85  per  cent.,  according  to  the  estimates  of  well  in- 
formed exporters,  was  sold  at  cheaper  prices  than  are  charged  for 
precisely  the  same  goods  when  sold  to  Americans.  The  average 
price  of  these  goods  in  the  foreign  market  is  20  per  cent,  less  than 
the  selling  price  in  the  home  market.  On  some  goods,  such  as 
paints  and  varnishes,  the  difference  between  the  price  to  foreigners 
and  to  Americans  is  only  5  per  cent.,  but  on  agricultural  imple- 
ments, tools,  machines  and  hardware  the  difference  in  the  price  to 
the  foreigner  and  to  the  American  varies  from  10  to  50  per  cent. 
On  wire,  cartridges,  playing  cards,  etc.,  the  difference  is  more  than 
100  per  cent.,  and  on  such  articles  as  wire  rope  and  borax  the  dif- 
ference exceeds  200  per  cent.  Were  there  nothing  else  to  condemn 
the  Republican  policy  of  high  tariff  taxes,  this  one  fact  ought  to 
be  sufficient  to  cause  the  American  people  to  repudiate  it,  for 
surely  nothing  can  be  more  unjust  than  for  the  American  Govern- 
ment to  tax  its  own  people  to  the  end  that  American  steel  rails, 
plows,  shoes  and.  other  articles  of  prime  necessity  may  be  sold 
cheaper  to  the  people  of  Japan,  Europe  and  foreign  countries  gen- 
erally than  they  are  sold  at  home  to  Americans.  It  is  absurd  to 
speak  of  "infant  industries"  like  the  steel  trust,  which  is  able  to 
compete  with  the  so-called  pauper  labor  of  foreign  countries  and 
which  makes  enough  profit  on  its  export  sales,  even  at  prices  far 
below  its  domestic  prices,  to  enable  it  to  pay  dividends  upon  mil- 
lions of  dollars  of  watered  capital.  During  the  first  thirty-three 
months  of  its  existence  the  steel  trust  made  net  profits  of 
$327,000,000,  an  average  of  $119,000,000  a  year,  or  $10,000,000  a 
month,  $300,000  a  day  and  $30,000  an  hour  for  a  day  of  ten  hours. 
But  for  the  unjust  tariff  on  steel  products  there  would  have  been  no 
temptation  to  manufacturers  and  trust  promoters  to  organize  this 
gigantic  monopoly,  with  its  thousand  million  dollars  of  watered 
stock.  When  the  voters  of  America,  the  farmers,  mechanics,  clerks 
and  professional  men,  realize  the  extent  of  the  difference  between 
export  and  home  prices,  they  will  speedily  withdraw  "protection" 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  99 

from  such  "infants"  as  the  steel  and  other  giant  trusts  of  this 
country.  As  long  ago  as  1890  the  attention  of  the  American  people 
was  called  to  this  injustice  of  the  Republican  tariff  policy  which 
permits  trusts  to  sell  goods  cheaper  to  foreigners  than  to  Ameri- 
cans. In  a  pamphlet  entitled  "Protection's  Home  Market,"  pub- 
lished in  1890  by  the  Reform  Club,  we  find  quoted  the  domestic 
and  export  prices  of  a  number  of  American  goods.  The  domestic 
prices  usually  exceed  the  foreign  prices  by  10  to  25  per  cent.,  and 
in  some  cases  by  100  per  cent.  Here  are  a  few  extracts  from  the 
table : 

Articles  Domestic.  Foreign 

Price.  Price. 

Cultivators $11.00  $8.40 

Plows 14.00  12.60 

Axes,  per  dozen  8.25  7.20 

Kettles     1.40  .85 

Yvire  nails,  per  hundred  pounds 2.25  1.35 

Table  knives,  per  gross 15.00  12.00 

Horse-nails,  per  pound .17  .14 

Barbed  wire,  per  hundred  pounds 3.00  2.00 

Rivets,  per  hundred  pounds   10.00  5.55 

Typewriters    100.00  60.00 

Sewing  machines,  fine     27.50  20.75 

Sewing  machines,  medium    22.00  17.50 

Sewing  machines,  cheap    18.00  12.00 

THE  TRUSTS  SEEK  TO  CONCEAL  FROM  THE  AMERICAN 
PEOPLE  THE  PRICES  AT  WHICH  TRUST-MADE  GOODS  ARE 
SOLD  TO  FOREIGNERS. 

To  obtain  foreign  trade  it  is,  of  course, .  necessary  for  the  trusts 
to  advertise  their  export  prices  in  journals  with  strictly  foreign 
circulation.  So  unwilling  are  the  trusts  to  have  this  feature  of 
their  business  known  to  the  public  that  they  use  every  means  to 
prevent  their  export  trade  journals,  which  circulate  only  in 
foreign  countries,  containing  their  lists  of  export  prices, 
from  falling  into  the  hands  of  American  buyers.  In  1902 
the  Democratic  Congressional  Committee  offered  a  reward  of  $100 
for  one  of  these  export  price  journals,  and  endeavored  to  insert  an 
advertisement  to  this  effect  in  several  prominent  New  York  papers. 
Fearing  to  offend  the  trusts,  these  papers  refused  to  publish  the  ad- 
vertisement. The  New  York  World,  however,  published  the  offer, 
and  the  committee  at  last  succeeded  in  obtaining  several  copies 
of  export  journals.  In  the  present  year  the  National  Democratic 
Committee  has  not  only  procured  several  copies  of  export  jour- 
nals published  in  America  for  exclusive  circulation  abroad,  but 
it  has  also  employed  an  expert  familiar  with  all  the  ins  and  outs 
of  the  export  business  who  has  visited  the  selling  offices  of  exporting 
manufacturers  and  obtained  from  them,  in  their  own  handwriting, 
many  of  the  export  prices  given  below.  The  list  of  these  prices 
could  be  extended  almost  indefinitely  if  space  permitted.  The 
specimens  given,  however,  are  amply  sufficient  to  illustrate  the 


IOO 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 


manner  in  which  the  Eepublican  tariff  system  enables  the  trusts 
to  charge  Americans  higher  prices  for  their  goods  than  they,  charge 
foreigners.  The  first  list  is  from  the  American  Export  Monthly 
of  June  18,  1904,  published  by  Arkell  &  Douglas,  5  to  11  Broad- 
way, New  York  City,  N.  Y.  The  Douglas  of  this  firm  is  the  Hon. 
William  Harris  Douglas,  Republican  Representative  from  the  Fif- 
teenth Congressional  District  of  New  York. 


COMPARISON    OF    EXPORT    AND    HOME    PRICES. 

FIRST  TABLE. 

Showing  differences  in  discounts  from  price  lists  for  foreign  and  home 
consumers,  and  the  per  cent,  of  difference  between  export  and  home  prices; 
many  varieties  and  sizes  are  often  included  under  one  discount. 

Note.— Where  several  discounts  are  quoted,  the  first  figure  is  the  dis- 
count from  list  price,  the  second  figure  is  the  discount  from  the  remainder, 
the  third  figure  is  the  discount  from  that  remainder,  and  so  on.  Thus  in 
the  line  for  "Augers"  below,  the  home  discount  is  given  as  "50,  10,  5."— 
If  the  list  price  was  $1  these  discounts  would  mean  50  per  cent,  off  from 
$1  (50c),  less  10  per  cent,  of  remainder  (5c),  less  5  per  cent,  of  that  re- 
mainder (2>ic),  leaving  42%c.  as  net  price  to  buyer. 


Firm  or  Corporation.  count  fr< 

Articles— Description.  List. 

i 

Russell  &  Erwin  Mfg.   Co. 

Auger  bits,  Swan's  Jennings 60 

Locks,  door 50 

Bells,   cow    50,  15 

Snell  Mfg.  Co. 
Augers     75 

John  S.  Fray  &  Co. 
Braces    70 

Enterprise  Mfg.  Co. 
Coffee  and  spice  mills 40,  10 

A.  M.  Hayden  &  Russell,  Burdsall 
and  Ward  Bolt  and  Nut  Co. 

Bolts,  tire     80,  10 

Bolts,  carriage     80,  10 

Bridgeport  Chain  Co. 
Chains,  halter    70,  10,    7 

Covert  Mfg.  Co. 

Halters,  jute    50,  10,  10 

Halters,  sisal    40,  10 

Handles,  fork,  rake,  hoe  and  shovel..  50 

Beamis  &  Call  Hardware  Co. 
Pipe  wrenches,  adjustable  "S" 50 

Pike  Mfg.  Co. 
Scythe  and  oil  stones 50 

Henry  Disston's   Sons. 

Saws,  hand 40  &    5 

Saws,  crosscut     60  &  10 

Stanley  Rule  &  Level  Co. 
Rules,  boxwood  50, 10,  10,  10 


Home  Dis- 
count from 
List. 
t 

Per 
Cent.  Dif- 
ference. 

50 
40 
50 

25 
20 
19 

50,  10,    5 

72 

60 

33 

25  to  30 

30 

72,10 
75 

28 
39 

60,  10 

44 

40,    5,    5 
30 
45 

33 
30 
10 

40 

20 

33 

50 

25 
45 

43, 
53 

60  to  60.10 

35 

The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  id: 

SECOND  TABLE. 

Showing  difference  between  export  and  home  prices  on  sample  specified 

articles. 

Finn  or  Corporation.  Export  Home       Differ- 

Articles,  Description  and  Quantity.  Price.  Price.         ence. 

Russell  &  Erwin  Mfg.  Co. 

Auger  bits,  Swan's  Jenning  No.  3,  dozen $1.60  $2.00  25% 

Snell  Mfg.  Co. 

Auger  bits,  solid  cast  steel  car  No.  7,  dozen 2.70  3.60  33% 

A.  &  M.  Haydon. 

Bolts,  tire,  1-in.,  per  hundred 27  .30  10% 

Bolts,  carriage,  2-in.,  per  hundred 98  1.35  34% 

John  S.  Fray  &  Co. 

Braces,  Spofford  No.  7,  per  dozen 4.80  6.40  30% 

Braces,  Woodhead  No.  117,  per  dozen 10.80  14.40  30% 

Braces,  ratchet  No.  141,  per  dozen 12.60  16.80  30% 

Enterprise  Mfg.  Co. 

Coffee  and  spice  mills,  wall,  each    .67  .88  30% 

Coffee  and  spice  mills,  counter,  No.  4,  each 4.32  5.60  30% 

Coffee  and  spice  mills,  counter,  No.  212,  each....  16.20  21.00  30% 

Bridgeport  Chain  Co. 

Chains,  halter  Brown,  No.  4-6  ft.,  doz 2.00  2.80  40% 

Beamis  &  Call  Hdw.  Co. 

Wrenches,  "S,"adj.  pipe,  8  inches,  dozen 7.50  9.00  20% 

Wrenches,   "S,"   adj.    pipe,    8    inches,   dozen    ....  4.50  5.55  22% 

Wrenches,  Combination,  10  inches,  dozen 13.75  14.25  6% 

List  from  Exporters  and  Importers'  Journal  of  June  18,  1904, 
published  by  Henry  W.  Pea-body,  17  State  St.,  N"ew  York  City,  N".  Y. 

FIRST  TABLE. 
Showing  differences   in   discounts. 

Firm  or  Corporation.  SSKfS? 

Articles-Description.  List 

Henry  Disston's   Sons. 

Levels   and   plumbs    70,  10,  10,  10 

Saws,  band    60,  10,  10 

Saws,  hand     45,    5 

Saws,  compass    45,    5 

Shears     50 

Squares,  try    70,  10,  10,  10 

Andrew  B.  Hendrix  &  Co. 
Birdcages,  brass    50  40,  10  8 

Enterprise  Mfg.  Co. 
Fruit  Seeders,  Nos.  36  and  38 40  30  16 

Collins  &  Co. 

Hinges,  Japanned    spring    25, 20,  10  25,  10  24 

Hinges,  Acme,   brass    40,  10  30  30 

Springs,  door,  Gem  coil .' . . .  35  30  16 

Covert  Mfg.  Co. 

Harness  snaps   50  35  42 

Breast  chains    50,  10  40  30 

Cleveland  Twist  Drill  Co. 
Bit  stocks  and  drills 65,  10         60,  10  &    5  8 

Boston  &  Lockport  Block  Co. 
Tackle   Blocks    75  70,  10  8 

Charles  Parker  Co. 
Vises    25,  10,    5  25  17 

Miller's  Falls  Co. 
Wrenches,    Coes    40,  10,  5,  5,  7     40,    5,    5,    7  13 


Home  Dis- 

Per 

count  from 

Cent.  Dif- 

List. 

ference. 

70 

36 

60 

23 

25 

43 

25 

43 

30 

40 

70 

36 

102  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

SECOND  TABLE. 


'     4 


Showing  samples  of  differences  between  Export  and  Home  Prices 
in  specific  articles. 

a_^.  ,     Firm  or  Corporation.  Export  Home  Differ- 

Articles,  Description  and  Quantity.  Price.  Price.  ence. 

Andrew  B.  Hendrix  Co. 

Bird  cages,  No.  301,  fancy,  with  R.  mats,  doz $15.00  $16.20  11% 

Henry  Disston's  Sons. 

Hardware,  saws,  band,  3  to  14,  per  ft 1.00  1.22  22% 

Hardware,  saws,  band,  2  to  3,  per  ft 75  .92  24% 

Hardware,  saws,  hand,  18  in.,  per  dozen 6.00  8.36  43% 

Hardware,  saws,  hand,  Acme,  16  in.,  per  dozen.  ...  11.51  16.50  43% 

Hardware,  saws,  hand,  No.  7,  14  in.,  per  dozen. . . .  6.37  8.40  16% 

Hardware,  saws,  compass,  No.  2,  16  in.,  per  doz. .  2.61  3.65  43% 

Hardware,  saws,  back,  No.  4,  12  in.,  per  dozen 6.00  8.36  43% 

Hardware,  saws,  butcher,  No.  7,  18  in.,  per  dozen  7.00  8.70  24% 

Hardware,  saws,  wood,  No.  69,  per  dozen 6.00  7.80  30% 

Hardware,  Trysquare,  No.  1,  5  in.,  per  dozen 1.06  1.43  40% 

Hardware,  trowels,  No.   12y  per  dozen 10.00  12.95  29% 

Hardware,  bunghole  borers  No.  2,  each 1.00  1.25  25% 

Hardware,  levels  and  plumbs,  No.  8,  per  dozen.  .  .  4.60  6.30  37% 

Smith  &  Egge  Mfg.  Co. 

Hardware,    shears,    Eureka   No.    2 10.00  14.00  40% 

Ames  Mfg.  Co. 

Hardware,  shovels,  spades,  D.  H.,  sq.  pt.,  doz 4.68  5.10  9% 

Hardware,  shovels,  spades,  R.  D.,  sq.  pt.,  doz 4.95  5.40  9% 

Hardware,  shovels,  spades,  Long  H.,  sq.  pt.,  doz..  4.81  5.25  9% 

Columbian  Hardware  Co. 

Hardware,  hinges,  Acme,  2  I.,  No.  2,  dozen  pairs. .  .75  .98  17% 

Hardware,  hinges,  Acme,  W.  B.,  No.  2,  doz.  pairs.  1.08  1.40  30% 

Hardware,  hinges,  door  springs,  Gem  coil,  gross.  .  7.80  8.40  7% 

Boston  &  Lockport  Block  Co. 

Hardware,  tackle  block,  14  in.,  single,  each 1.75  2.00  11% 

Hardware,  tackle  block,  14  in.,  double,  each 2.63  2.83  8% 

Collins  &  Co. 

Hardware,  wrenches,  Coes,  10  in.,  per  dozen....  5.46  5.86  7% 

L.  S.  Starrett  Co. 

Hardware,  hack-saw  blades,  9  in.,  per  dozen 48  .53  10% 

Enterprise  Mfg.  Co. 

Fruit  presses,   No.  3,  each 1.80  2.40  33% 

Raisin  Seeder,  No.  36,  per  dozen 7.20  9.00  25% 

Covert  Mfg.  Co. 

Hardware,  snaps,  har.  Derby,  gross 3.20  4.25  30% 

Hardware,  snaps,  har.  Jockey,  gross 2.39  3.00  25% 

Hardware,  snaps,  har.  Trojan,  gross 1.84  2.63  42% 

Hardware,  snaps,  har.  Yankee,  gross 2.40  3.12  30% 

Hardware,  jacks,  carriage,  per  dozen 5.00  6.88  36% 

Hardware,  jacks,  wagon,  per  dozen 6.40  8.80  33% 

Hardware,  jacks,  automobile,  per  dozen 7.60  10.45  33% 

Hardware,  jacks,  automobile,  screw,  per  dozen.  .  18.00  23.95  33% 

Sampson  Cordage  Works. 

Hardware,  sash  cord,  No.  7,  per  pound 24  .33  34% 

Hardware,   sash   cord,   Mass.,   per   pound 20  .28  40% 

M.  S.  Benedict  Mfg.  Co. 

Hardware,  teaspoons,  gross   1.00  1.10  10% 

Hardware,  dessert  spoons,  gross   1.50  1.65  10% 

Hardware,  table  spoons,  gross    2.00  2.20  10% 

Hardware,  forks,  gross    2.30  2.53  10% 

Cleveland  Twist  Drill  Co. 

Hardware,  twist  drill,  bit  stock,  1  in.,  per  dozen..  8.86  10.13  14% 

Hardware,  twist  drill,  taper  sh.,  1  in.,  each 94  1.08  12% 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  103 

Firm  or  Corporation.  Export  Home        Differ- 

Articles,  Description  and  Quantity.  Price.  Price.  ence. 

Charles  Parker  Co. 

Hardware,  vises,  No.  5,  X,  each    16.40  19.20  25% 

Hardware,  coffee  mills,  box,  No.  401,  per  dozen.  1.44  1.80  25% 

Hardware,  coffee  mills,  side,  No.  90,  per  dozen. .  .  2.88  3.60  25% 

Columbian  Hardware  Co. 

Hardware,  vises,  solid  box,  No.  90,  each 6.40  8.00  25% 

Hardware,  vises,  parallel,  5  in.,  each 2.25  3.00  30% 

Malin  &  Company. 

Hardware,  wire  ann.  tin,  1-lb.  spools,  per  dozen..  .70  .80  14% 

Hardware,  wire  ann.  tin,  1-lb.  spools,  per  dozen..  .90  .98  9% 

Hardware,  wire,  barb  pr.  hd.,  lbs 2.20  2.70  23% 

Hardware,  wire,  black  fencing,  p.  hd.,  lbs 1.25  2.00  60% 

Geo.  W.  Korn  Razor  Mfg.  Co. 

Razors,  safety,  each 1.08  1.20  11% 

List  from  the  Export  World  and  Herald,  of  July  5,  1904,  pub- 
lished by  the  American  Trading  Co.,  Broad  Exchange  Building, 
New  York  City,  New  York. 

FIRST  TABLE. 

Firm  or  Corporation.  S^™ 

Articles-Description.  List 

E.  C.  Atkins  &  Co.,  Indian- 
apolis, Ind. 

Hardware,  saw,  circular 50,  10 

Hardware,   saw,  band    50,  10,    5 

Hardware,    saw,    crosscut    35,    5 

Hardware,  saw,  hand 50,  10 

Hardware,  saw,  back 50 

SECOND  TABLE. 

Firm  or  Corporation.  Export  Home        Differ- 

Articles,  Description  and  Quantity.  Price.  Price.  ence. 

J.'S.  Barron  &  Co. 

Freezers,  ice  cream,  Alaska,  4-qt.,  each $1.82  $2.40  33% 

Washboards,  single  zinc,  per  dozen 1.50  2.40  60% 

Washboards,  single  zinc,  per  dozen 2.25  2.65  17% 

Washboards,  solid  zinc,  per  dozen 2.40i  3.00  25% 

Henry  Chesney  Hammer  Co. 

Hammers,  farriers',  No.  54,  per  dozen 4.44  4.80  9% 

Hammers,  machinists',  No.  91,  per  dozen 7.00  8.51  20% 

Knowles  Scale  Works. 

Scales,  square  platform  with  wh.,  each 14.97  17.50  17% 

EXPORT    PRICES    OBTAINED    BY    AN    EXPERT. 

Tfce  following  list  of  export  and  home  prices  of  implements, 
tools,  utensils,  and  other  wares  and  goods,  was  obtained  for  the 
Democratic  National  Committee  by  a  man  who  has  been  connected 
with  exporting  houses  for  more  than  twenty  years.  That  he  is 
a  man  of  honor  and  ability  is  vouched  for  to  this  Committee  by 
several  prominent  business  men  and  leading  citizens  of  New  York. 
Having  for  years  bought  goods  for  export  to  foreign  countries, 
he  is  personally  acquainted  with  the  selling  agents  in  New  York 
of  many  of  the  manufacturers  of  this  country,  especially  with  those 
who  do  a  big  export  business. 


Home  Dis- 

Per 

count  from 

Cent.  Dif 

List. 

ference. 

50 

11 

50,10 

6 

16 

33 

40 

33 

40 

20 

104  The  Tariff  and  Trusts, 

This  man  personally  called  upon  the  New  York  agents  of  these 
manufacturers,  as  he  had  often  done  before,  and  obtained  their 
catalogues  and  price  lists.  In  nearly  all  cases  the  agents  of  the 
manufacturers  have  marked  the  export  prices  or  discounts  on  the 
margins  of  their  price  lists.  These  catalogues  and  price  lists  are 
in  the  possession  of  the  Democratic  Committee.  While  the  ac- 
curacy of  these  export  prices  may  be  challenged  by  Kepublican 
politicians,  it  is  not  probable  that  they  will  be  questioned  by  the 
manufacturers  whose  names  are  mentioned  in  the  list.  The  home 
prices  are,  in  every  case,  believed  to  be  the  lowest  obtainable  on  quan- 
tities similar  to  those  on  which  export  prices  are  quoted. 

Nearly  all  of  the  following  export  prices  were  obtained  in  July, 
1904,  and  were  for  goods  to  be  exported  to  South  Africa.  In 
nearly  all  cases  the  discounts  for  exports  were  given.  In  the  first 
part  of  this  table  the  export  and  home  prices  of  the  different  classes 
of  goods  mentioned  are  compared  by  the  differences  between  the 
discounts.  The  second  part  of  the  table  contains  comparisons  of 
the  export  and  home  prices  of  certain  specific  articles. 

FIRST  TABLE. 

Showing  differences  in  discounts  between  Export  and  Home 
Prices. 

(Note — In  these  tables  read  the  sign  "@"  as  "and."  Thus: 
"25,  10  @  5"  should  be  read  "25,  10  and  5.") 

iLro„„*o«^,««~,  Export  Dis-  Home  Dis-  Per 

A^tr^&S,^  count  from  count  from    Cent.  Dif- 

Articles-Descnption.  List  List  ference. 

Collins  &  Co.,  Hartford,  Conn.  %  %  • 

Adzes,  axes,  hatchets    10  net  11 

Standard  Axe  Co.,  Ridgway,  Pa. 

Axes    10  net  1 1 

Rumford  Chemical  Works, 
Providence,  R.  I. 

Baking  Powder,  Horsford's 10  @    2  net  13 

Miller's  Falls  Co.,  Miller's 
Falls,  Mass. 

Braces,   carpenters'    10  @    5  net  17 

John  A.  Gifford,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Carriage  material    10  @    5  net  17 

Ames,  Plow  Co.,  Boston,  Mass. 
Agricultural  implements. 

Churn  thermometer 40  @    5  30        •   23 

Churn  cylinder 50  30  @    5  23 

Corn  shelters,  Prairie  &  Clinton..  50  40  20 

Corn  shellers,  Western   40  @    5  35  14 

Corn  shellers,  Eagle 40  @  10  35  20 

Grain  mills,  horse    40  33  11 

Cultivators,   Universal    30  20  @    5  9 

Cultivators,  Harrow    40  @  5  30  23 

Cultivators,  Knox   50  40  20 

Fan  mills,  Grant's 45  30  @    5  21 

Fan  mills,  Boston 40  30  17 

Hand  cultivators,  Universal,  expan..  40  30  17 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 


;os 


Manufacturers.  ™£Jf™ 

Articles-Description.  £st 

Mathews,  W.  E. 
Corn  Planters,  Billings  &  Boston 

Seed 35 

Horseshoes,  Knox   40  @    5 

Garden  reels   40 

Miller's  Falls  Co.,  Miller's 
Falls,  Mass. 
Hardware,  miscellaneous. 

Drill    braces    25,  10  @    5 

Aug.  bit  stocks 50 

14-in.  ratchet  drills    35 

Breast  drills,  Nos.  10,  11 35 

Drilling  Mach.,  No.  3 35 

Bench   hooks 25  @    5 

Hacksaw  blades,  10-in 30  @  10 

Hacksaw  frames,  No.  17 35 

Butcher  saw  blades,  No.  18 30  @  10 

Butcher  saw  frames,  No.  18 35 

Spirit  levels,  26  to  30  inches 50 

Tube  scrapers    70 

Vises    60,  10,  10  @    5 

Jack   screws    60  @  10 

Collins  &  Company. 
Hardware,    hammers,    sledges,    crow- 
bars and  drills   10 

Wrenches     60  @  10 

Ames  Plow  Co.,  Boston,  Mass. 

Hardware,  store  trucks   50 

Platform   trucks    40 

Railroad  trucks    30 

Wheel   jacks    45 

Vandegrift  Mfg.  Co.,  Shelby- 
ville,  Indiana. 

Hardware,  screw  wrenches 60 

Keystone  Mfg.  Co.,  Buffalo,  N.  Y. 

Hardware,  ratchets    50 

Tap  wrenches    15 

S.  wrenches   50 

Mark  Mfg.  Co.,  Evanston,  III. 

Hardware,  pipe  cutters    75,  10  @    5 

Pipe  cutters,  3-wheel   80, 10  @  10 

Pipe  cutters,  1 -wheel   60 

Oilers  and  clamps    70 

Links    80 

Rowlocks   75 

J  as.  F.  McCoy  Co.,  New  York, 
N.  Y. 

Hardware,  Vulcan  pipe  wrenches. . .  60  @  10 
Buhl  Malleable  Co.,  Detroit, 
Michigan. 

Hardware,  elevator  arms 65 

Seaman  pump    25 

Sprocket  wheels    50  @  10 

Jaw  clutch  couplings   50 

Mall,  iron  buckets  60 

Acme  steel  buckets    40  @  10 

Iron  pulleys   50 

Wells  Bros.  Co.,  Greenfield, 
Mass. 

iCardware,  mach.  hand  taps 70  @    5 


Home  Dis- 

Per 

count  from 

Cent.  Dif- 

List. 

ference. 

25 

17 

33 

21 

33 

11 

25  @  10 

17 

40 

20 

25 

15 

15  (a)  10 

33 

25 

15 

15  @  10 

7 

25 

20 

25 

15 

25 

20 

25 

15 

35  @  10 

30 

60 

33 

60  @  10 

20 

50,  10  @  10 

12 

•  net 

11 

60 

11 

40  @  5 

15 

30 

17 

20 

15 

30  @  10 

15 

50 


60 


25 


40  @  10 

8 

net 

15 

40 

20 

65  @  10,  10 

30 

75  @  10 

40 

50 

25 

60  @  10 

20 

75  @  5 

18 

70  @  10 

8 

10 


55 

28 

15 

13 

40  @  10 

20 

40 

20 

50 

25 

30  @  10 

16 

40 

20 

70 


11 


io6 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 


Manufacturers.  Ex]^wS™ 

Articles-Description.  List 

Mach.   screw    80  @    5 

Pipe  taps  and  reamers 80,  10  @  20 

Massachusetts  Saw  Works, 
Springfield,  Mass. 
Hardware,  saw  blades,  Nos.  1  and  2.   50,  10,  10,    2 

Saw  blades,  concave,  No.  3 30  @    2 

Hacksaw  frames,  No.  21 50,  10  @    2 

Butcher  saws   60  @    2 

Kitchen  and  eoping  saws 50,  10, 10,    2 

Aetna  Mfg.  Co.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Hardware,  twist  drills 70,  10,  10  @    2 

Bit  stock  drills  75,  10  @    2 

Katchet  drills   50,  10  @    2 

John  A.  Robeling's  Sons. 
Trenton,  N.  J. 

Hardware,  Alligator  wrenches    75,  10  @    2 

B.  B.  Noyes  &  Co.,  Greenfield, 
Mass. 
Hardware,  drilling  machines  and  drill 

vise 25,  10,  10  @    2 

Bindley  Mfg.  Co.,  Valley  Falls. 
Rhode  Island. 

Hardware,  spring  cutters    90  @  40 

F.  W.  Devoe  &  C.  T.  Reynolds 
Co.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Paints,  etc.,  coach  and  car 40  @    5 

Ready  mixed   45  @    5 

Lead  and  zinc 40  @    5 

Varnish    25,    5  @    5 

Foster  Pulley  Works,  Fair  port,  N.  Y. 

Pulleys,  woodsplit 70 

Collins  &  Co.,  Bartford,  Conn. 

Shovels  and  spades 10 

Bowe  Scale  Co.,  Rutland,  Vt. 

Scales    40,  10  @    5 

Indiana  Shovel  Co.,  Newcastle, 
Indiana. 

Scoops,  spades  and  shovels 50  @  75 

Eugene  Munsell  &  Co.,  New 
York,  N.  Y. 

Stoves,  Manhattan,  Nos.  8,  9,  99 30,  10  @    5 

Mosler  Safe  Co.,  New  York. 

Safes,  office,  Nos.  63,  38,  32 10  @    5 

Ames  Plow  Co.,  Boston,  Mass. 

Plows,  Eagle,  1  and  2  horse 50  @    5 

Plows,  side  hill   40  @  10 

Plows,  sod  and  road 50 

Plows,  M.  E.  chilled 40 

Plows,  contractors'  grading   33 

Plows,  swivel  road   40 

Collins  &  Co.,  Bartford,  Conn. 
Plows,  steel  beam  and  other  patterns  10 

Pike  Mfg.  Co.,  Pike,  N.  B. 

Hardware,  scythe  stones 50 

Axe  stones    50,  10 

Washita  oil  stones   50,  10 

Ark.  oil  stones    50  to  50,  10 

Queer  Creek  oil  stones 50  @  10  to  50  @  20 


Home  Dis- 

Per 

count  from 

Cent.  Dif- 

List. 

ference. 

80 

11 

80  @  10 

25 

50  @  10 

13 

25 

8 

35,    5  @  10 

14 

50 

25 

50 

25 

70  @  10 

12 

70  @  10 

24 

40  @  10 

23 

70  @  10 


25  (a)  10 


90 


40 


20 


net 


22 


15 


66 


40 

45 

40 

25  @    5 

5 
5 
5 
5 

60  @  10 

20 

net 

11 

40 

17 

33 


33 


17 


40 

25 

37 

15 

40 

20 

30 

17 

25 

24 

30 

17 

net 

11 

33  to  40 

20  to  32 

40 

33 

33 

45 

33 

32  to  45 

40 

33  to  50 

The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 


107 


Manufacturers. 
Articles — Description, 


Export  Dis- 
count from 
List. 


Home  Dis- 
count from 
List. 

40 
50 


net 
net 
net 


Per 
Cent.  Dif- 
ference. 

33  to  50 
50 


40 
32 
26 


10  to  20    23  to  38 


Sandstones    50  @  10  to  50  @  20 

Razor  hones   50  @  33.3 

Royal  Lubricating  Oil  Co., 
New  York  City,  N.  Y. 

Oil,  cylinder   25  @    5 

Oil,  machine   -. 20  @    5 

Metal  polish   10  @  10 

Lidgerwood  Mfg.  Co., 
New  York,  N.  Y. 
Engines,  hoisting  and  miscellaneous 

mining  and  logging  machinery 35 

Douglas  Mfg.,  Middletown,  Conn. 

Pump,  cistern  and  pitcher 70 

Pumps,  force  and  various 50  to  60 

Stanley  Rule  &  Level  Co.,  New 
Britain,  Conn. 

Hardware,   boxwood  rules 55,  10,  10,  10,  10 

Hardware,  ivory  rules 35,  10,  10,  10,  10 

Hardware,  plumbs  and  levels 30,  10,  10,  10,  10 

Hardware,  plumbs  &  levels,  duplex. 20,  10,  10,  10,  10 
Hardware,  try  and  mitre  squares.. 40,  10,  10,  10,  10 

Hardware,  gauges   20,  10,  10,  10,  10 

Hardware,  planes,  wood,  Bailey's..25,  10,  10,  10,  10 
Hardware,  planes,  iron,  Bailey's.  .25,  10,  10,  10,  10 

Hardware,  tack  hammers    40,  10,  10,  10,  10 

Hardware,   screw   drivers    70,10,10,10,10, 

Hardware,  mitre  boxes   10,  10,  10,  10,  10 

J.  Spencer  Turner  &  Co., 
New  York,  N.  Y. 

Sail   cloth,   cotton  duck 27,  2  @    2 

Edward  Miller  &  Co., 
New  York,  N.  Y. 

Lamps,  kerosene,  lat.  pattern 

New  York  Boat  Oar  Co., 
New  York,  N.  Y. 

Oars  and  sculls   . 

The  Water  Paint  Co.  of  America, 
Bellows  Falls,  Vt. 

Paint,   dry 45  to  59  @  5 

The  Upson  Nut  Co., 
Cleveland,  Ohio. 

Hardware,  bolts,  carriage 80 

Hardware,  bolts,  machine  80  @    5 

Hardware,   coach,   screws    80  @  20 

Hardware,  bolts,  tire 80,  10  @    5 

SECOND  TABLE. 

Showing  differences  between  Export  and  Home  Prices  on  Cer- 
tain Specific  Articles. 


60 

40  to  50 


60  to  60  @  10 

35  to  35,10,10 

30  @  10 

20  @  10 

40  @  10 

20  @  10 

25  @  10 

25  @  10 

40,  40  @  10 

70  to  70  @  10 

10  to  10  @  10 


14 
20  to  25 


25  to  40 

25  to  50 

30 

37 

35 

37 

37 

37 

35  to  50 

35  to  50 

23  to  37 


10  to  15 


2    18  to  25 


50  @  20  40  @  10  to  50    20  to  36 


5@    2 


net 


10 


30  to  40    25  to  33 


75 

25 

75 

31 

80 

25 

80 

12 

Export 
Price. 


Manufacturers. 
Articles,  Description  and  Quantities. 

Adzes,  carpenters',  sq.  h.,  4-inch,  per  dozen $9.90 

Adzes,  ship  carpenters',  per  dozen 10.80 

Adzes,  coopers',  per  dozen 11.70 

Axes  and  hatchets. 

Yankee,  unhdld,  5  to  7  lbs.,  per  dozen 6.75 


Home 
Price. 
$11.00 
12.00 
13.00 

7.50 


Differ 
ence. 

11 
11 
11 

11 


108  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

Manufacturers.  Export 

Articles,  Description  and  Quantities.  Price. 

Turpentine  han.,  4  1-2  to  5  1-2  lbs.,  per  dozen. .  8.33 

Miners'  han.,  per  dozen 5.62 

Hatchets,  hunters',  No.  3,  per  dozen 4.95 

Carpenters',  4-inch,  per  dozen 5.85 

Coopers',  per  dozen   5.85 

Lathing,  No.  2,  per  dozen 4.50 

Hammers,  blacksmith,  per  lb .22 

Sledges,  per  lb 16 

Crowbars,    per    lb 054 

Wrenches,    10-in.,    per    dozen 5.04 

Shovels,  D  handle,  R  point,  No.  3,  per  dozen 7.42 

Spades,  D  handle,  R  points,  No.  2,  per  dozen 6.97 

Plows,  steel  beam,  No.  52,  53,  54,  50,  each 10.35 

Bush  hooks,  No.  3,  each 6.30 

Standard  Axe  Co.,  Ridgway,  Pa. 

Axes,  hdld.,  up  to  7  lbs.,  per  dozen 6.30 

Miller's  Falls  Co.,  Miller's  Falls,  Mass. 

Braces,  carp.,  14-in.  sweep,  per  dozen 11.42 

Drill  braces,  per  dozen    23.09 

Auger  bit  stocks,   per  dozen 12.00 

Ratchet  drills,   14-inch,  each 3.25 

Breast  drills,  Nos.  10,  11,  per  dozen, 23.40 

Drilling  mach.,  No.  3,  each 26.00 

Hacksaw  blades,  10-inch,  gross   6.43 

Hacksaw  frames,  No.  7,  per  dozen 6.50 

Butcher-saw  blades,  per  dozen  .75 

Spirit  levels,  26  to  30  inches,  each 1.80 

Tube  scrapers,  per  inch .30 

Jackscrews,  No.   10,  each 1.98 

Rumford  Chemical  Works,  Providence,  R.  I. 

Baking  Powder,  Horsford's,  1-lb.  cans,  per  case. .  3.66           4.15         13 

Borden  &  Co.,  New  York  City. 

Condensed  milk,  Eagle  Brand,  100  case  lots 5.50           6.25         15 

Kemp,  Day  &  Co.,  New  York  City. 

Canned  goods,  best  Balto.  beans,  No.  2  1-2,  dozen..  .85 

Canned  goods,  best  peaches,  dozen 1.60 

Canned  goods,  best  peas,  per  dozen .85 

Canned  goods,  best  corn,  G.  R.,  per  dozen 1.30 

Canned  goods,  best  lobsters,  flat,  per  dozen 3.50 

Canned  goods,  best  3-lb.  apples,  per  dozen 80 

Canned  goods,  best  3-lb.  tomatoes,  per  dozen 75 

Waterbury  Clock  Co.,  Waterbury,  Conn. 

Clocks — 8-day  Akron  or  Aldrich,  each 1.50 

Clocks— Strike,    each 62 

C.  T.  Coffin  d  Co.,  New  York  City. 
Dried  Apples,  selected  quality,  packed,   lb 055 

Ames  Plow  Co.,  Boston,  Mass. 

Churns,  Cylinder  No.  4,  each 2.00 

Corn  Shellers,  Prairie,  each 3.50 

Grain  Mills,  horse,  each 13.20 

Corn  Planters,  Boston  seed,  each 13.00 

Fan  Mills,  Grant's  No.  2,  each 17.60 

Cultivators,  hand,  Mathews,  each 4.20 

Horse  hoes,  Knox  No.  2,  each 4.95 

Reels,  Garden,  each 4.20 

Hardware,  store  trucks,  each 3.00 

Hardware,  Platform  trucks  No.  1,  each 7.20 

Hardware,  railroad  trucks,  each  23.10 

Hardware,  wheel  jacks,  No.  3,  each 1.79 


Home 

Differ 

Price. 

en  ce- 

9.25 

ll 

6.25 

11 

5.50 

11 

6.50 

11 

6.50 

11 

5.00 

11 

.25 

11 

.18 

11 

.06 

11 

5.C0 

11 

8.25 

11 

7.75 

11 

11.50 

11 

7.00 

11 

7.00 

11 

13.37 

17 

24.30 

17 

14.40 

20 

3.75 

15 

27.54 

33 

30.00 

15 

7.65 

20 

7.50 

15 

.90 

20 

2.11 

30 

.40 

33 

2.23 

12 

1.05 

23 

1.75 

9 

1.05 

23 

1.50 

15 

4.00 

14 

1.00 

25 

.85 

12 

2.00 

33 

.80 

31 

.06 

9 

2.47 

23 

4.20 

20 

14.66 

11 

15.00 

15 

21.80 

21 

4.90 

17 

6.00 

21 

4.66 

11 

3.42 

15 

7.84 

17 

26.40 

15 

2.04 

15 

The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  109 


Export 

Home 

Differ- 

Price. 

Price. 

ence. 

4.15 

5.25 

25 

5.81 

6.77 

15 

8.50 

10.20 

20 

7.20 

8.40 

17 

18.33 

20.61 

24 

1.25 

2.00 

60 

.11 

.15 

36 

.12 

.14 

16 

.15 

.17 

13 

10.80 

12.00 

11 

7.83 

8.70 

11 

1.80 

2.37 

32 

.81 

1.44 

78 

.81 

1.52 

88 

12.25 

15.96 

30 

1.44 

1.60 

11 

Manufacturers. 
Articles,  Description  and  Quantities. 

Plows,  2-horse  Eagle  W.  &  C,  each 4.15 

Plows,   2-horse   side   hill,   each 

Plows,  heavy  road,   each 

Plows,  N.  E.  Chilled  2-horse,  each 

Plows,  Contractors'  heavy  grading,  each 18.33 

Mark  Mfg.  Co.,  Evanston,  Illinois. 
Hardware,  No.   1  Pipe  Vise,  each 

Standard  Oil  Co.,  New  York. 

Kerosene  Oil,  cases  

Naphtha,    76    deg.,    gallons 

Gasoline,   86   deg.,  gallons 

W.  J.  Wilcox  Lard  &  Refining  Co.,  New 
York,  N.  Y. 
Lard,  Red  Cross  Brand,  lbs .06  .065 

Hartley  Graham  &  Co.,  New  York. 

Revolvers,   Colt's  Army,   each 10.80 

Cartridges,  U.  M.  C.  Co.,  per  M 7.83 

Union  Metallic  Cartridge  Co. 

Cartridges,  Rim  Fire,   22   Short,  per  M 

Primer's  Berdans,  per  M 

Caps,  B.  L.  Sturtevant,  per  M 

Shells,  Lo'ded  Blk.  Pow.,  No.  200,  New  Club,  per  M. 
Wads,  Gun  Black  Edge,  4-gauge,  regular,  per  M. 

Export  Lumber  Co.,  New  York. 
Lumber,  No.  2,  Shelving,  dressed,  per  M 33.00         35.00  8 

Wall  Rope  Co.,  New  York. 
Rope,    Manila    ex.    sel.,    lb 11  .13         22 

Indiana  Shovel  Co.,  Newcastle,  Ind. 

Shovels  and  Spades,  Al,  No.  2,  dozen 6.25  8.40         33 

Scoops,  Furnace  No.  3,  dozen 4.00  5.40         30 

Howe  Scale  Co.,  Rutland,  Vermont. 

Scales,  Port  platform,  with  wh.  No.  28,  each 22.06         25.80         17 

Scales,  Family  brass  scoop,  No.  324,  each 7.70  9.00         17 

Scales,  Grocers'  U  beam,  No.  350,  each 4.10  4.80         17 

Eugene  Munsell  d-  Co.,  New  York. 
Stoves,  Manhattan,  No.  8,  sq.  top,  each 11.97         16.00         33 

Mosler  Safe  Co.,  New  York. 
Safes,  63  by  38  by  32,  each 149.62         175.00         17 

Tatham  Bros.,  New  York. 
Shot,  drop  from  small  to  B.  size,  lb .0325  .065     100 

Robert  H.  Ingersoll  &  Bros.,  New  York. 
Watches,  Dollar  Yankee,  each 60  .75         25 

Connecticut  Watch  Co.,  N.  Y. 
Watches,  Defiance,  each 70  .85         21 

C.  H.  &  E.  Goldberg,  N.  Y. 

Woodenware,  No.   6,   Brooms,   dozen 2.10  2.60         25 

Woodenware,  Washtubs,  oak  gr. 

Woodenware,  8-in.  nest.,  per  nest 1.80 

Woodenware,  Pails,  2  hoop,  oak  gr.,  doz 1.35 

Woodenware,  Washboards,  zinc,  Nor.  Queen,  doz.       1.75 


2.25 

25 

1.75 

30 

2.25 

27 

1 10  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 


EXPORT   VALUES   VERSUS  HOME   VALUES. 

The  same  expert  who  obtained  the  export  prices  for  the  Demo- 
cratic National  Committee  made  an  accurate  estimate  of  the  value 
of  the  cargo  of  the  steamship  Aros  Castle,  which  sailed  from 
New  York  April  20,  1904,  for  South  Africa.  The  cargo,  which 
was  put  on  board  by  the  firm  of  French,  Edye  &  Co.,  of  Nos.  9 
and  11  Stone  street,  New  York  City,  cost  its  buyers  in  South, 
Africa  $212,564.  The  same  cargo,  at  domestic  prices,  if  sold  to 
buyers  in  New  York  City,  would  have  cost  $246,045.  Thus,  on 
the  cargo  of  this  one  small  steamer  (of  only*2,870  tons  register) 
a  rebate  of  $33,481  was  made  in  favor  of  buyers  in  South  Africa. 
In  other  words,  owing  to  the  power  which  Republican  high  tariff 
taxes  give  the  trusts  to  charge  high  home  prices  without  fear  of 
foreign  competition,  this  one  small  cargo  would  cost  American 
buyers  $33,481,-  or  15.7  per  cent,  more  than  the  trusts  are  glad 
to  sell  the  same  goods  for  to  buyers  on  the  other  side  of  the  globe. 
When  the  rebate  on  the  cargo  of  a  single  small  steamer  on  a  sin- 
gle trip  amounts  to  $33,481,  it  is  clear  to  any  one  at  all  familiar 
with  the  fact  that  hundreds  of  ships  and  steamers  are  engaged  in 
carrying  American  goods  to  foreign  buyers,  that  the  sum  total  of 
rebates  to  foreigners  must  amount  to  an  enormous  sum;  and  per- 
sons experienced  in  the  export  trade  know  that  nearly  all  ex- 
ported goods  are  sold  at  lower  prices  than  charged  in  the  home 
market.  These  facts  are  known  to  the  customs  officials,  and  should 
be  known  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  yet  Secretary  Shaw 
repeats  statements  that  have  not  only  been  often  disproved,  but 
are  refuted  by  numerous  official  reports  of  his  own  department. 
On  page  19  of  the  1904  Republican  campaign  text  book,  Secretary 
Shaw  is  quoted  thus: 

"Our  opponents  lay  much  stress  upon  the  fact  that  some  American 
manufactures  are  sold  abroad  cheaper  than  at  home.  Our  friends  some- 
times deny  this,  and  they  sometimes  apologize  for  it,  and  a  few  in  times 
past  have  joined  our  opponents  in  recommending  a  removal  of  the  tariff 
from  all  such  articles.  It  is  useless  to  deny,  and  in  my  judgment  unwise 
to  apologize,  and  a  little  short  of  foolishness  to  attempt  to  remedy  the  as- 
sumed evil  in  the  manner  proposed  by  the  opposition. 

um  *  »  Senator  Gallinger,  of  New  Hampshire,  in  his  speech  made 
in  the  United  States  Senate  on  April  23d  last,  placed  the  value  of  exports 
sold  at  a  lower  price  abroad  than  at  home,  at  $4,000,000.  I  cannot  find 
that  the  substantial  correctness  of  this  estimate  was  ever  questioned  by  the 
opposition." 

So  far  from  the  correctness  of  this  estimate  not  being  even  ques- 
tioned, its  falsity  has  been  absolutely  proved,  as  was  conclusively 
shown  in  the  Democratic  campaign  book  of  1902.  It  is  not  only 
false,  but  is  based  upon  so  many  misstatements  of  facts  that  its 
repeated  use  after  full  exposure  would  seem  to  evidence  an  inten- 
tion on  the  part  of  Republicans  to  deceive  voters,  if  possible.  The 
total  wholesale  value  of  manufactured  goods  sold  at  home  is  not 
less  than  $6,000,000,000.     The  value  of  these  same  goods  for 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  1 1 1 

export  is  only  about  $4,800,000,000,  and  the  difference  between 
these  two  amounts,  in  round  numbers  $1,200,000,000,  affords  an 
approximate  measure  of  the  staggering  price  which  the  American 
people  pay  for  so-called  protection.  As  a  further  illustration  of 
the  reckless  manner  in  which  even  high  Republican  officials  are 
disposed  to  juggle  with  figures,  witness  the  following  statement  by 
Secretary  Shaw,  quoted  on  page  20  of  the  Republican  1904  cam- 
paign text  book:  "The  United  States  Census  reports  our  aggre- 
gate manufactures  of  1900  at  $13,000,000,000.  *  *  *  $4,000,- 
000,  the  amount  estimated  to  be  sold  abroad  cheaper  than  at  home, 
is  therefore  only  l-30th  of  1  per  cent,  of  the  aggregate."  Is 
Secretary  Shaw  a  novice  with  figures,  or  does  he  desire  to  deceive 
voters  with  big  statistics  which  he  knows  to  be  untrue?  It  seems 
hardly  possible  that  a  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  should  not  know 
that  we  did  not  produce  in  a  year  $13,000,000,000  worth  of  manu- 
factured goods,  ready  for  final  consumption;  the  total  did  not 
reach  anything  like  that  enormous  figure.  A  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  of  all  men,  ought  to  know  that  the  census  statistics  of 
manufactures  contain  many  duplications,  for  example,  such  as 
manufactures  of  cloth  goods  and  of  clothing,  of  iron  and  of  steel, 
of  foundry  products  and  machinery,  of  lumber  and  of  furniture, 
of  leather  and  of  boots  and  shoes.  In  merely  these  few  industries 
the  duplications  amount  to  between  two  and  three  thousand  mil- 
lions. Were  it  possible  to  eliminate  the  duplications,  that  is  the 
products  of  one  mill  that  are  sold  as  raw  materials  to  another  mill, 
it  is  probable  that  the  total  value  of  finished  manufactured  prod- 
ucts would  not  be  more  than  half  of  the  $13,000,000,000  men- 
tioned by  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  Shaw.  His  statement  that  the 
manufactured  goods  sold  abroad  cheaper  than  they  are  sold  at 
home  amount  to  only  $4,000,000  is,  as  has  already  been  stated,  un- 
true. Secretary  Shaw  says  that  he  got  this  $4,000,000  statement 
from  "a  non-partisan  commission  appointed  by  Congress."  (Re- 
publican 1904  Campaign  Text  Book,  page  19.)  But  the  Secretary 
neglects  to  cite  page  and  volume.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  no  such 
statistics  appear  in  any  of  the  Commission's  nineteen  volumes. 
Neither  are  there  any  statements  from  which  the  Secretary  could 
reasonably  draw  such  a  conclusion.  The  industrial  commission 
summed  up  its  conclusions  as  to  export  prices  jn  Vol.  19.  Here  are 
a  few  extracts  from  pages  626  and  627  of  this  volume : 

"In  about  20  per  cent,  of  the  cases  covered  by  the  Commission  returns, 
the  export  prices  have  ruled  lower  than  those  charged  to  home  consumers. 
*  *  *  The  practice  is  quite  common  in  all  countries,  and  on  the  part 
of  the  separate  establishments  as  well  as  of  combinations." 

Here,  according  to  even  the  authority  cited  by  Secretary  Shaw, 
20  per  cent,  (not  one-thirtieth  of  one  per  cent,  as  Mr.  Shaw  says)  of 
our  exports  are  sold  abroad  at  cheaper  prices  than  are  charged 
at  home  to  Americans. 

One  of  the  recommendations  of  this  strongly  Republican  com- 
mission was: 


1 12  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

"That  in  view  of  the  extent  and  perfection  of  our  manufactures,  of  our 
growing  export  trade  and  the  sharp  competition  it  encounters  in  foreign 
markets,  of  the  practice  by  some  exporters  of  making  lower  prices  abroad 
than  at  home,  and  of  the  desirability  of  protecting  the  consumer  as  well  as 
the  producer,  without  awaiting  other  legislation,  the  Congress  provide  for 
a  commission  to  investigate  and  study  the  subject,  and  to  report  as  soon 
as  possible  what  concessions  in  duties  may  be  made  without  endangering 
wages  or  employment  at  home,  what  advantages  abroad  may  be  obtained 
therefor,  and  also  to  suggest  measures  best  suited  to  gain  the  ends  desired." 

No  attention  was  paid  to  this  recommendation,' by « the  Kfcpib- 
licans  in  Congress.  On  the  contrary,  the  Republicans  decided  to 
"stand  pat"  on  the  tariff  and  to  leave  the  protected  interests  un- 
molested in  this  nefarious  practice. 

One  of  the  Commission,  Honorable  Thomas  W.  Phillips,  did  not 
sign  the  majority  report.    In  a  supplementary  statement  he  said : 

"There  are  a  large  number  of  industries  in  which  it  is  in  evidence  that 
the  domestic  price  is  much  higher  than  the  export  price.  I  do  not  agree 
that  the  answers  to  inquiries  addressed  by  the  commission  to  exporters  in- 
dicate that  the  trusts  are  not  chargeable  with  this  practice  to  any  serious 
extent.  Out  of  2,000  schedules  of  inquiries  sent  out,  there  were  received 
only  416  replies,  and  only  a  very  few  of  these  replies  came  from  corpora 
tions  known  popularly  as  trusts.  (Vol.  XIII,  p.  726.)  The  fact  that 
about  75  answers  indicated  lower  prices  abroad  than  at  home  is  significant, 
when  it  is  noted  that  more  than  four-fifths  of  those  addressed  failed  to 
answer,  and  that  naturally  those  who  are  chargeable  with  such  discrimina- 
tion would  be  the  ones  who  would  decline  to  reply. 

"Several  witnesses  before  the  commission  on  behalf  of  the  trusts  ad- 
mitted that  their  export  prices  were  lower  than  their  domestic  prices,  but 
they  contended  that  this  was  necessary  in  order  to  work  off  their  surplus 
and  to  keep  their  establishments  running  full  time,  and  that  the  fact  that 
their  surplus  products  could  also  be  worked  off  by  lower  prices  at  home,  and 
that  it  is  the  tariff  which  encourages  them  to  cause  a  domestic  surplus  by 
restricting  domestic  consumption  through  high  prices." 


HOW  THE   INDUSTRIAL  COMMISSION    INVESTIGATED 
EXPORT    PRICES. 

Secretary  Shaw  must  know,  as  does  every  ex-member  of  the  Com- 
mission, that  the  pretended  investigation  which  that  partisan  body 
made  of  export  prices  was  a  farce  and  that  it  is  absurd  to  draw 
conclusions  from  the  data  obtained  in  answer  to  the  scattering 
letters  of  inquiry  sent  out  by  the  Commission. 

The  schedules  of  inquiry  were  sent  to  only  2,000  of  the  600,000 
manufacturing  establishments  of  this  country — that  is  to  only  one 
in  every  three  hundred.  In  the  next  place,  only  416  replies  were 
received.  Of  course,  as  Commissioner  Phillips  says,  the  answers 
were  mainly  from  those  who  were  not  guilty.  The  guilty  ones  did 
not  volunteer  information  which  would  incriminate  them  before 
the  American  public.  Moreover,  they  doubtless  understood  the 
make-up  of  the  Commission  and  knew  that  it  did  not  want  evi- 
dence of  the  great  extent  of  this  business.  Hence,  nearly  all  of 
the  guilty  manufacturers  either  refrained  from  answering  at  all 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  1 1 3 

or  put  in  such  ridiculous  and  absurd  answers  as  they  supposed 
would  please  a  majority  of  the  members  of  the  Commission.  Un- 
der the  circumstances  it  is  remarkable  that  even  75  manufactur- 
ers admitted  that  they  were  discriminating  in  favor  of  foreign 
customers.  At  this  rate  more  than  one  hundred  thousand  Amer- 
ican manufacturers  are  favoring  foreigners. 

SECRETARY    SHAW    EASILY    REFUTED    BY    EXPORT    STATISTICS. 

At  a  conservative  estimate  20  times  $4,000,000  of  manufac- 
tured goods  can  be  found  in  the  iron  and  steel  schedules  alone  which 
are  sold  abroad  at  reduced  prices.  President  Schwab  of  the  Steel 
Trust  told  the  Industrial  Commission  in  1901,  that  everything 
was  sold  cheaper  abroad  than  at  home.  Our  exports  of  iron  and 
steel  goods  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1904,  were  valued 
at  $111,948,586.  From  these  exports- a  half  dozen  items,  all  larger 
than  $4,000,000,  can  easily  be  picked,  about  which  there  is  no  doubt 
that  all  are  sold  cheaper  to  foreigners.  One  of  these  is  steel 
rails,  the  exports  of  which  were  valued  at  $4,253,376 ;  wire  valued 
at  $5,821,921;  builders'  hardware,  valued  at  $11,726,191;  sewing 
machines  and  parts  of,  valued  at  $5,625,423;  pipes  and  fittings, 
valued  at  $6,310,551 ;  typewriting  machines,  valued  at  $4,537,125. 
Many  other  items  could  be  selected  any  one  of  which  would  re- 
fute Secretary  Shaw's  off-hand  statements  as  to  export  prices. 

As  excusing  the  sale  of  goods  abroad  at  lower  prices,  Secretary 
Shaw  said: 

"For  my  part  I  am  willing  to  pay  any  reasonable  price  for  the  small 
amount  of  barb  wire  which  I  consume,  provided  the  wheat  from  my  fields, 
the  dairy  products  from  my  herd  and  the  meat  from  my  stall  shall  feed 
the  men  who  mine  the  coal  and  iron  and  the  artisans  who  produce  the 
wire  to  fence  the  farms  of  fciouth  America." 

But  suppose  upon  inquiry  the  Secretary  should  find  that  while 
he  was  paying  two  prices  for  his  barb  wire,  because  of  protection, 
he  was  selling  his  wheat,  and  other  products  in  a  free  trade  mar- 
ket and  was  getting  no  benefit  whatever  from  protection;  would 
he  then  be  willing  to  pay  high  prices  for  his  fencing  wire?  If 
the  Secretary  can  induce  the  farmers  of  this  country  to  think  along 
these  lines  he  will  certainly  have  accomplished  a  difficult  feat. 


SPECIFIC    ILLUSTRATIONS    OF    THE    WAY    REPUBLICAN 

HIGH  TARIFF  TAXES  ENABLE  THE  TRUSTS  TO  EXTORT 

FROM  AMERICANS  MUCH  HIGHER  PRICES  THAN 

THE  PRICES   OF  THE  SAME  GOODS 

TO   FOREIGNERS. 

In  addition  to  the  lists  compiled  from  export  journals,  the  list 
prepared  especially  for  the  Democratic  Committee  by  an  expert, 
and  the  admissions  made  by  seventy-five  manufacturers  in  reply 


1 14  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

to  letters  of  inquiry  sent  out  by  the  industrial  commission,  a  mass 
of  evidence  is  also  to  be  found  in  trade  journals  and  newspapers, 
as  well  as  in  official  documents. 

INGRATITUDE    OF    TIN    PLATE    TRUST. 

The  Tin  Plate  Trust  has  for  over  two  years  been  selling  plates  to 
the  Southern  Cotton  Oil  Company  and  other  exporting  manufacturers  of 
canned  goods  at  about  $1.00  per  box  below  the  regular  prices.  It  offered 
to  meet  the  Welsh  prices  (about  $1.50  per  box  of  100  pounds  below  the 
American  price,  the  duty  being  $1.50  per  box)  on  an  order  for  1,500,000 
boxes  from  the  Standard  Oil  Company,  if  the  working  men  would  accept 
a  25%  reduction  in  wages.  The  compromise  was  arranged  and  reduced 
wages  were  accepted  until  September,  1903,  and  extended  to  1904  and 
1905.  Thus,  these  workers  are  now  working  at  reduced  wages  in  order 
tnat  the  manufacturers  may  sell  tin  plate  for  export  at  two-thirds  of 
the  prices  charged  in  the  home  market. 

The  tariff  on  tin  plates  has  cost  this  country  over  $100,000,000  during 
the  last  twelve  years.  As  soon  as  the  manufacturers  could  produce  as 
cheaply  as  foreigners  they  got  together  and  formed  a  trust  and  put  up 
the  price  from  $2.80  per  box  in  1898  to  $4.84  in  1900.     It  is  now  $3.64. 

The  ingratitude  of  the  protected  trusts  and  manufacturers  is  monu- 
mental. They  accept  charity  from  us  until  they  become  strong,  then 
they  utilize  to  the  fullest  the  power  which  the  tariff  gives  them  to 
cnarge  us  exorbitant  prices,  and  to  our  protests  they  merely  reply:  "What 
are  you  going  to  do  about  it?" 

EXPORT    PRICES    OF    FILES. 

In  February,  1904,  the  literary  bureau  of  the  Democratic  Congres- 
sional Committee  received  a  letter  from  Henry  Rossell  &  Co.,  limited, 
Sheffield,  Eng.,  large  manufacturers  and  dealers  in  files  and  tool  steel. 
This  letter  says: 

''As  an  illustration  of  the  unfair  manner  in  which  home  buyers  of 
files  are  treated  by  the  United  States  manufacturers  I  enclose  you  here- 
with a  comparison  of  the  prices  charged  to  the  buyers  in  the  United 
States,   with    those   offered   by   the    same   manufacturers    here." 

Some  of  the  prices  on  the  list  enclosed  follow: 

COMPARATIVE    PRICES    OF    AMERICAN    FILES    IN 
AMERICA    AND    ENGLAND. 

Price  per  Dozen  % 

Articles.  England.     United  States.     Difference. 

Flat   bastard,   4   inches .34                      .92  170 

6       "         .50  1.07  114 

10       "         1.08  1.75                        62 

Hand      "           4       "         .38                      .92  142 

6       "         ,  .62  1.07                       73 

10       "         1.30  1.87                        44 

Half  round  bastard,  4  inches .34  1.20  253 

6       "       .50  1.52  204 

10       "       1.08  2.27  108 

Round  bastard,  4  inches .34                      .75  121 

6        "     .50                     .87                       74 

10         "      1.08  1.40                        30 

Square       "         4         "      .34                      .95  179 

6         "      .50  1.15  130 

"       10        "      1.08  1.85                        71 

From  these  figures  we  see  that  the  American  File  Association,  which 
has  not  revised  its  price  list  to  American  buyers  since  November  1,  1899, 
is  charging  us  for  most  kinds  of  its  small  files  more  than  twice  as  much  as 
it  charges  Englishmen  for  these  same  files,  and  for  half  round  files  we 
must  pay  them  three  times  the  price  charged  Englishmen. 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  1 1 5 

BABY    FOOD    CHEAPER    TO    FOREIGN    BABIES. 

In  1903  the  Casein  Co.,  of  America,  the  trust  that  controls  the  supply 
and  price  of  milk  sugar  which  forms  the  basis  of  baby  foods,  was  selling  it 
in  this  country  at  14^,  and  in  Germany  at  9%  cents  per  pound.  The  same 
difference  in  prices  is  maintained  to-day.  The  Dingley  duty  on  sugar  of 
milk  is  5  cents  per  pound.  This  is  the  way  in  which  the  tariff  fosters  and 
protects  our  real  "infant"  industries. 

EXTRACTS    FROM    "THE    IRON    AGE." 

As  authority  for  some  of  the  prices  quoted  in  the  table,  and  as  showing 
the  new  evidence  that  is  coming  to  hand  nearly  every  day,  the  following 
extract  from,  or  references  to,  recent  numbers  of  the  Iron  Age  are  given:. 

On  November  12,  1903,  the  Iron  Age  quoted  American  bars  in 
England  at  82  shillings,  or  less  than  $20.00  per  ton,  and  in  America  at 
$1.42%  cents,  or  $31.92  per  ton.  Thus  the  independent  manufacturer  of  tin 
plate  in  America,  who  has  to  buy  his  bars  of  the  steel  trust,  must  pay 
more  than  50%  more  for  his  chief  raw  material  than  is  paid  by  his  foreign 
competitor.     This  is  "protection  to  home  industries"  with  a  vengeance. 

The  same  number  of  the  Iron  Age  tells  us  that  American  steel  beams, 
plates,  angles,  channels  and  rivet  steel  are  being  sold  in  Canada  at  from 
$9.00  to  $11.00  per  ton  less  than  the  prices  charged  here. 

The  Iron  Age  of  December  17  enumerated  a  great  number  of  articles 
of  American  make  which  sold  largely  in  South  Africa.  Nearly  all  are 
sold  there  at  prices  far  below  those  charged  here.  Thus  it  appears  that 
shovels,  which  our  shovel  trust  sells  here  at  90  cents  each,  are  sold  there  at 
36y2  cents.  This  Iron  Age  also  contains  information  showing  that 
U.  S.  Steel  Corporation  was  early  in  January  offering  steel  billets  in  Lan- 
arkshire, England,  at  75  shillings  per  ton.  Deducting  $5.00  for  freight 
and  other  transportation  costs,  the  trust  gets  about  $14.00  per  ton  for 
billets  for  export,  while  its  price  to  American  consumers  is  $23.00. 

STEEL    PLATES    MUCH    CHEAPER    TO    FOREIGNERS. 

Many  of  the  shipbuilders  who  testified  before  the  Congressional 
Merchant  Marine  Commission,  which  has  been  taking  testimony 
in  various  cities  since  last  April,  stated  that  foreign  shipbuilders 
were  purchasing  steel  plates,  angles,  etc.,  of  American  manufac- 
turers much  cheaper  than  American  shipbuilders  could  obtain 
these  products.  When  the  Commission  was  sitting  in  Cleveland, 
Ohio,  Mr.  James  E.  Wallace,  of  the  American  Ship  Building 
Company,  stated  that  American  steel  was  delivered  at  Belfast  for 
$24  a  ton,  while  the  same  steel  cost  purchasers  in  this  country 
$32  at  Pittsburg.  His  authority  was  the  assistant  sales-agent  of 
the  Carnegie  Steel  Company.  This  statement  brought  forth  from 
Senator  Gallinger,  the  Chairman  of  the  Commission,  the  excla- 
mation, "If  that's  so,  it  is  an  outrage  and  ought  to  be  remedied." 

When  the  Commission  was  sitting  in  New  York,  Mr.  J.  J.  Hill 
stated  that  Canadian  Eailroads  were  buying  steel  rails  of  the  steel 
trust  at  about  $10  a  ton  cheaper  than  his  road  could  obtain  them 
on  this  side  of  the  line. 

On  July  30,  1904,  the  New  York  Journal  of  Commerce  and  Com- 
mercial Bulletin  contained  the  following: 

"One  of  the  most  interesting  features  of  the  steel  situation  is  an  im- 
portant sale  of  several  thousand  tons  of  steel  plates  for  export,  the  price 
of  £5  delivered  at  Newcastle-on-the-Tyne,  netting  the  mills  about  90  cents 
per  net  ton,  F.  O.  B.  Pittsburg.  It  should  be  remembered  that  sales  are 
made  in  the  English  market  by  the  gross  ton;  allowing  $3.50  freight  rates 
and  a  slight  allowance  for  insurance,  this  price  would  net  the  mills  $20.00 


c  16  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

gross,  or  $1.80  per  net  ton,  or  90  cents  per  hundred,  against  $1.60  per  hun- 
dred for  domestic  business." 

IRON  AND  STEEL  TRUSTS  REBUKED  BY  REPUBLICAN 
OFFICIAL  REPORTS. 

That  even  Republicans  see  the  injustice  of  charging  Americans 
more  for  American  made  goods  than  foreigners  are  charged  for  the 
same  goods,  that  even  Republicans  know  this  system  is  a  grievous 
burden  upon  American  manufacturers  as  well  as  upon  American 
buyers  is  evident  from  the  following  extract  from  the  August  (1900) 
Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Statistics  on  commerce  and  finance.  The 
Report  was  prepared  under  a  Republican  administration,  hence 
must  be  deemed  to  voice  the  Republican  view  (when  talking  scien- 
tifically and  not  for  mere  election  purposes) . 

"The  progress  of  work  on  shipbuilding  in  the  United  States  has  likewise 
been  retarded,  because  makers  of  steel  materials  required  a  higher  price 
from  the  American  consumers  than  they  did  from  the  foreign  consumers 
for  substantially  similar  products.  Of  course,  American  exporters  have  to 
get  foreign  contracts  in  competition  with  foreign  plate  makers,  who  are 
excluded  from  our  domestic  market.  In  addition  to  this,  American  export 
plate  makers  are  interested  in  preventing  the  establishment  of  plate  manu- 
facturing in  their  customer  nations  abroad,  and  to  that  end  bid  low 
enough  to  discourage  foreign  nations  from  entering  the  field  for  producing 
their  own  plate  at  home.  The  progress  of  domestic  manufactures  of  iron 
and  steel  goods  may  likewise  be  handicapped  by  the  sale  of  iron  and  steel 
in  their  manufactured  state  at  so  much  lower  a  price  to  foreigners  than  to 
domestic  consumers  as  to  keep  the  American  competitor  out  of  foreign 
markets  generally.  The  natural  limit  to  such  a  policy  of  maintaining  a 
higher  level  of  prices  for  these  materials  at  home  than  abroad  is  found 
in  the  restriction  of  domestic  consumption  and  the  import  duty.  If  re- 
striction of  consumption  at  home  does  not  operate  to  prevent  the  short- 
sighted policy  of  discrimination  against  domestic  development  of  manufac- 
turing industries,  the  other  contingency  is  more  or  less  sure  to  rise,  namely, 
the  demand  for  the  reduction  of  the  tariff  on  unfinished  iron  and  steel,  in 
order  to  equalize  the  opportunity  of  makers  of  finished  products  in  foreign 
markets.  To  this  policy  the  domestic  consumer  is  usually  ready  to  lend 
himself,  thus  making  a  powerful  combination  of  interests  to  set  limits  to 

the  rise  of  domestic  prices  of  iron  and  steel  materials. 
*#♦*»#*#* 

"Of  the  two  policies  open  to  iron  and  steel  makers,  the  far-sighted  one 
of  keeping  the  domestic  and  foreign  markets  as  near  as  possible  on  a  par 
in  the  price  of  these  materials  of  manufacture  seems  by  far  the  wiser  one 
to  follow,  both  in  the  interest  of  a  steadier  course  of  prices,  which  means 
steadier  consumption,  and  on  account  of  the  competition  of  manufacturers 
of  finished  goods  with  foreign  manufacturers  in  the  neutral  markets  of  the 
world. 

"The  other  policy  of  maintaining  prices  to  manufacturers  at  the  highest 
level  at  home  leaves  little  margin  for  experiment  in  seeking  new  markets, 
and  restricts  the  application  of  iron  and  steel  to  additional  uses  at  home. 
The  depressing  effects  of  an  agitation  for  tariff  revision  to  remedy  this 
inequality  are  sure  to  cause  a  far  greater  business  loss,  not  only  to  the 
country  as  a  whole,  but  to  the  producers  of  iron  and  steel  themselves,  than 
is  to  be  gained  by  selling  at  low  prices  abroad,  which  they  cannot  help,  and 
at  high  prices  at  home,  which  they  can  help.  Nor  can  the  home  market 
price  be  sustained  beyond  certain  limits  by  export  sales.  Certain  American 
manufacturers  of  steel  materials  tried  this  policy  up  to  April,  1900.  It 
resulted  in  a  very  positive  shrinkage  in  domestic  consumption  at  the  then 
high  rates.  Farmers  had  ceased  to  purchase  barbed  wire  for  wire  fences, 
retail  hardware  dealers  had  complained  for  months  of  diminished  business 
in  nails  and  wire.     Jobbers  had  gotten  in  the  way  of  doing  a  hand-to- 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  I  iy 

mouth  business  on  prices  that  had  advanced  from  $1.35  to  $3.20  in  the 
course  of  a  year.  Hence  the  reduction  of  $1  in  April,  1900,  became  a  neces- 
sity in  order  to  keep  the  mills  in  operation. 

"If  steel  rails,  for  example,  sell  at  Pittsburg  for  $35  per  ton  for  months 
in  succession  for  home  consumption,  while  the  foreign  consumer  is  purchas- 
ing them  for  $22  to  $24  per  ton,  the  domestic  market  is  sure  to  order  no 
more  than  it  is  obliged  to  have  for  the  time  being." 

SENATOR    A.    O.    BACON,    OF    GEORGIA,    PRODUCES    EVIDENCE 
AS    TO    EXPORT    PRICES    OF    STEEL    RAILS. 

Senator  Augustus  0.  Bacon  of  Georgia  produces  some  strong 
evidence  of  export  prices  in  his  speech  in  the  Senate,  April  25, 
1904.  He  had  printed  in  the  Congressional  Record  a  letter  to 
him  from  Mr.  James  T.  Wright,  vice-president  and  general  mana- 
ger of  the  Macon,  Dublin  and  Savannah  Eailroad  Company.  Sena- 
tor Bacon  stated  that  Mr.  Wright  was  an  Indianian  and  a  Repub- 
lican. In  his  letter  to  Senator  Bacon,  Mr.  Wright  states  that  his 
railroad  was  compelled  to  pay  $29  a  ton  for  5,618  tons  of  steel 
rails,  although  the  same  steel  company  that  charged  him  $29  of- 
fered to  sell  him  rails  for  Honduras  at  $20,  the  rails  to  be  loaded 
upon  vessels  chartered  to  a  foreign  port.  Commenting  upon  these 
prices  Mr.  Wright  said : 

"Allowing  a  liberal  amount  for  cost  of  delivery  at  tide  water,  which 
in  this  particular  case  would  have  been  very  small,  we  American  citizens 
paid  to  this  American  industry  $33,000  in  excess  of  what  foreigners  would 
have  been  compelled  to  pay.  And  $33,000  would  have  put  up  a  very  hand- 
some library  filled  with  standard  books  on  protection. 

"And  this  was  a  very  small  transaction — only  50  miles  of  railroad! 
Payments  were  cash,  and  we  neither  needed  nor  asked  any  concessions  in 
the  matter  of  time.  Because  we  were  Americans,  interested  in  the  develop- 
ment of  a  small  section  of  our  country,  involving  faith  and  sacrifices,  we 
were  compelled  to  pay  out  as  a  bonus  in  excess  of  $600  per  mile." 

Senator  Bacon  also  had  printed  in  the  Record  a  letter  from  Mr. 
W.  G.  Raoul,  president  of  the  National  Railroad  Company  of 
Mexico.    It  was  dated  February  25,  1904.    In  it  Mr.  Raoul  said : 

"For  a  long  time  past  all  our  purchases  have  been  made  on  the  basis  of 
export  prices,  even  though  they  have  occasionally  stopped  in  Texas,  the 
competition  being  keen  enough  to  produce  this  cut  in  prices  in  favor  of 
the  Texas  shipments,  so  that  it  has  been  some  time  past  since  we  have  had 
any  material  differences,  but  those  differences  do  exist  and  to  an  iniquitous 
extent.  I  use  the  word  'iniquitous'  because  it  certainly  seems  so  to  me  when 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States  are  required  under  the  laws  of  the  coun- 
try to  pay  a  higher  price  to  the  manufacturers  than  these  same  manufac- 
turers are  willing  to  make  and  sell  to  foreign  people  for.  In  1902  I  se- 
cured bids  on  steel  rails  for  Mexico  from  United  States  mills  at  about  $24 
delivered  at  Tampico,  while  the  price  I  paid  at  the  same  time  for  rails  for 
our  road  in  Texas  was  $28  at  the  mills. 

"I  have  understood  that  the  Canadian  Pacific  has  just  bought  a  large 
lot  of  rails  from  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation  at  $21.  It  is  as- 
serted and  denied  that  the  $21  is  for  delivery  at  Montreal.  If  it  is,  the 
price  at  the  mill  would  be  about  $19,  while  the  price  for  United  States 
roads  is  still  $28  at  the  mills.  I  do  not  know  this  of  my  own  knowledge, 
and  it  is  merely  current  report." 

The  following  extracts  from  Senator  Bacon's  speech  further 
elucidate  the  statements  in  the  letters: 

"I  stop  there  to  note  that  the  $24  was  the  price,  delivered  at  Tampico, 


1 1 8  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

for  rails  which  were  to  be  used  for  a  part  of  the  road  in  Mexico.  Of 
course,  from  the  $24  was  necessarily  deducted  the  cost  of  transportation, 
so  far  as  the  receipt  of  the  manufacturer  is  concerned,  and  for  the  road,  so 
far  as  it  lay  in  Texas,  at  the  mills  the  price  was  $28  a  ton.  So  if  you 
allow  even  $4  as  the  cost  of  transportation,  there  was  a  difference  of  $8  a 
ton  between  the  price  charged  by  the  manufacturers  for  rails  sold  to  the 
same  party  where  he  was  to  use  a  part  of  them  in  Texas  and  to  use  the 
other  part  in  Mexico. 

"Twenty- four  dollars  was  the  price  at  Tampico,  and  in  that  case,  of 
course,  the  manufacturer  paid  the  freight  to  Tampico,  and  that  was  for 
rails  to  be  used  in  Mexico ;  but  for  rails  which  were  to  be  used  in  Texas  the 
price  was  $28  at  the  mills,  which  would  have  required  the  railroad  com- 
pany, of  course,  to  pay  the  freight. 

"If  $4  was  the  cost  of  transportation  at  a  difference  of  $8  a  ton  between 
the  price  charged  by  the  maker  of  the  steel  rails  to  the  same  person  where 
he  had  a  railroad  line  partly  in  Texas  and  partly  in  Mexico,  he  paid  $8 
more  for  the  rail  to  be  laid  in  Texas  than  for  the  rail  to  be  laid  in  Mexico. 

"Mr.  Blackburn.     At  the  same  time? 

"Mr.  Bacon.  At  the  same  time;  not,  as  suggested  by  the  learned  Sena- 
tor from  Rhode  Island,  when  there  was  a  difference  in  pig  iron  or  the  cost 
of  labor  or  anything  else.  Here  is  $8  a  ton,  about  representing  the  differ- 
ence made  up  by  the  $7.84  a  ton  duty. 

"In  these  two  cases  here  are  the  actual  prices  stated  by  a  customer. 
In  each  case  it  is  the  same  rail  by  the  same  manufacturer  to  the  same  cus- 
tomer, at  the  same  time,  and  in  each  case  there  is  a  discrimination  of  the 
price  to  this  same  customer  of  the  same  rail  at  the  same  time  as  between 
the  rail  to  be  used  in  the  foreign  country  and  the  rail  to  be  used  at  home." 

SENATOR  BACON'S  EVIDENCE  ON   EXPORT  PRICES  OF  BARBED  WIRE 

In  the  same  speech  Senator  Bacon  said : 

"Barbed  wire  has  increased  in  price,  certainly  considerably  over  100  per 
cent.,  if  not  nearly  200  per  cent.,  not  very  recently,  but  at  the  time  when  it 
was  taken  into  the  trust,  and  very  soon  thereafter. 

"I  have  a  letter  from  an  exporter  in  New  York  City,  voluntarily  writ- 
ten to  me,  in  which  he  states  that  the  price  to  him  for  barbed  wire  to  be 
exported  to  South  America  is  $2.20  per  hundred  pounds,  while  to  the  man 
in  the  United  States  the  price  of  barbed  wire  is  from  $2.90  to  $3  per  hun- 
dred pounds.  In  other  words,  the  farmer  in  South  America  can  fence  his 
fields  with  barbed  wire  made  in  the  United  States  and  sold  to  him  in  the 
United  States  at  a  less  price  than  that  at  which  the  farmer  in  the  United 
States  can  buy  barbed  wire  from  the  same  man  in  the  United  States  to 
fence  his  field  with.  Under  the  operation  of  the  present  tariff  law  the 
American  farmer  is  compelled  to  pay  to  the  barbed  wire  manufacturers  in 
the  United  States  at  least  40  per  cent,  more  than  the  South  Ameri- 
can farmer  is  required  to  pay  when  he  buys  exactly  the  same  wire 
from  the  same  man  in  the  United  States." 

In  his  speech  of  April  26,  1904,  Senator  Bacon  stated  that  Mr. 
William  L.  Lent  of  the  Murray  Hill  Hotel,  New  York  City,  had 
a  Republican  friend  in  New  York  who  recently  bought  a  sewing 
machine  of  an  export  agent  at  $18,  for  which  he  was  asked  $55 
by  the  New  York  agent.  The  machine  was  delivered  aboard  a 
ship  and  then  sent  back  to  this  Eepublican. 

ENGLISH    TESTIMONY    THAT    TRUST-MADE    GOODS 
ARE    SOLD    CHEAPER    ABROAD    THAN    IN    AMERICA. 

The  Chamberlain  Tariff  Commission,  composed  of  some  sixty 
of  the  leading  business  men  of  Great  Britain,  began  taking  testi- 
mony and  securing  evidence  some  months  ago  relative  to  the  gen- 


The  Tariff  aud  Trusts.  1 19 

eral  subject  of  tariff  duties.     The  report  of  this  commission  fairly 
bristles  with  such  items  as  these: 

"Firm  No.  312.  We  have  an  offer  this  week  of  Siemens-Martin  billets, 
made  at  Pittsburg,  delivered  c.  i.  f.  British  Port,  of  75  shillings  per  ton. 
This  week's  quotation  for  pig  iron  for  steel  making  purposes  (see  Iron  Age, 
Jan.  21,  1904),  is  about  $13  per  ton  at  Pittsburg.  The  best  equipped  works 
in  Pittsburg  sell  at  present  raw  material,  wages  and  prices,  manufactured 
pig  iron  into  Siemens-Martin  open  hearth  billets  at  $6.50  per  ton — that  is, 
equal  to  $19.50  per  ton  at  Pittsburg.  The  selling  (pool)  price  at  Pitts- 
burg to-day  for  open  hearth  billets  is  $24." 

(In  other  words,  the  Siemens-Martin  billets  which  were  offered 
to  Firm  No.  312  at  75  shillings  per  ton  were  costing  American 
consumers  that  same  week  $24,  or  98.36  shillings  per  ton — 23.36 
shillings  more  to  the  American  than  to  the  foreigner. ) 

"Firm  No.  898.  Pig  iron  from  U.  S.  A.  is  imported  into  this  country 
( England ) ,  below  cost  price  here ;  our  consumers  are  buying  at  5  shillings 
per  ton  less  than  we  can  produce  it,  and  the  Americans  are  reported  to  be 
selling  for  export  to  England  at  a  price  equivalent  to  8  shillings  per  ton 
lower  than  the  price  at  which  they  are  supplied  in  their  own  country." 

"Firm  No.  1512.     German  and  American  Bars. 

"The  following  are  the  prices  of  German  and  American  bars  for  export 
to  this  country,  and  for  their  own  trade: 

Export  per  ton.  Home  market  per  ton. 

German  bars    77s.  d/d  works  in  Wales,  92s.  6d.  f  o.  b.  maker's  works. 

American   bars 76s.  d/d  works  in  Wales,  28  dollars  or  £5  16s.  8d. 

f.  o.  b.  maker's  works. 
Price  of  Welsh  bars,  80s.  to  85s.  delivered. 
Tariff  on  steel  bars  into  Germany,  23s.  5d.  per  ton. 
Tariff  on  steel  bars  into  U.  S.  A.,  46s.  8d.  per  ton." 

HOW  AMERICAN  STEEL  IS  SOLD  IN   ENGLAND  TO  THE  COLONIES.. 
Firm  No.  478.  * 
"Messrs.  A.  B.  C,  of  Sheffield,  used  to  buy  large  quantities  of  steel  from 
us  for  export  to (colony).     They  now  buy  in  the  States  and  ship  di- 
rect to  (colony).    They  never  see  it;    only  invoice  it  and  pocket  the 

profit.     How  is  tariff  reform  going  to  deal  with  that?" 

CANNOT    COMPETE    WITH    AMERICA    IN    AUSTRALIA. 

Firm  No.  1147. 

"American  wire  is  sold  to  mattress  makers  in  Sydney  at  30s.  per  ton 
less  than  it  is  sold  in  Birmingham,  and  it  appears  useless  for  us  to  attempt 
to  do  business  there." 

BRITISH     LOSING    CANADIAN    MARKET    FOR    TIN    PLATE. 

Firms  Nos.  1510  and  1511. 

"Our  experience  is  that  we  are  fast  losing  the  Canadian  market  for 
tin  plates,  and  the  Americans  have  recently  sold  at  least  100,000  boxes 
there,  while  it  is  reported  that  they  have  also  taken  orders  for  Australia. 

"The  Iron  Age,  of  February  4,  1904,  page  48,  gives  the  price  of  20  by  14 
tin  plate  at  $3.64,  f.  o.  b.  Chicago,  or  15s.  9d.  a  box.  The  present  price  of 
English  tin  plate  is  about  10s.  9d  net  f.  o.  b.  Swansea.  Notwithstanding 
this  difference  in  favor  of  our  tin  plates,  the  Americans  have  booked 
Canadian  orders  at  a  price  delivered  Canada  less  than  f.  o.  b.  Swansea  price 
of  English  plates.  The  tariffs  put  on  tin  plates  by  the  United  States  have 
completely  killed  our  trade  with  that  country,  except  as  regards  a  small 
export  of  tin  plate  for  re-exportation  on  which  a  rebate  of  99%  of  the 
tariff  is  allowed." 


120  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

WIRE    ROPE    BUSINESS    DEAD. 
Firm  No.  1516. 

"German  and  American  wire  rope  makers  also  sell  finished  wire  rope  in 
British  colonies  at  lower  prices  than  they  would  charge  for  same  rope  in 
the  country  of  origin.  Wire  rope  is  our  original  and  principal  trade,  and 
the  manufacture  of  steel,  wire  rods  and  wire  in  our  works  are  principally, 
though  not  entirely  undertaken  to  supply  the  material  for  wire  rope  mak- 
ing. We  find  severe  competition  in  all  the  British  colonies  from  (A)  for- 
eign wire  rope  makers,  (B)  English  firms,  who,  at  the  prices  at  which  they 
sell,  must  make  their  ropes,  either  from  (1)  foreign  wire,  or  (2)  wire 
made  from  foreign  rods  or  billets.  In  U.  S.  A.  we  did  a  good  trade  in  wire 
rope  some  years  ago.  This  branch  of  our  export  trade  is  now  absolutely 
nil." 

COMPETITION    IN    THE    COLONIES. 
Witness  No.  1.      (505.) 

"In  Canada  we  suffer  from  American  competition;  I  lost  an  order  for 
1,000  tons  of  steel  rails  there  last  week.  America  also  competes  in  Aus- 
tralia and  at  the  Cape,  but  not  so  keenly  as  in  Canada.  I  cannot  give  you 
the  reason  for  the  loss  of  the  order  for  1,000  tons  of  rails;  the  order  was 
intended  for  Cape  Breton,  and  was  worked  through  Glasgow  merchants, 
who  assured  us  we  would  get  the  order.  We  lost  it  in  spite  of  the  33% 
preference." 

SELLING    PRICES    OF    TUBES    IN    PROTECTED    COUNTRIES. 
Witness  No.  12.    (1820.) 

"It  is  a  fact  that  tubes  are  sold  at  higher  prices  in  protected  countries 
than  the  same  countries  export  and  sell  at  in  Great  Britain.  On  February 
18,  1904,  I  got  from  the  British  Consul  at  Pittsburg,  America,  the  dis- 
counts from  the  American  price  lists  that  the  tubes  are  being  sold  at  in 
Pittsburg — that  is  the  largest  seat  of  manufacturing  of  American  tubes. 
That  was  in  truck  loads  of  five  tons.  When  I  worked  out  this  on  the 
American  price  lists,  less  the  discounts  given  me,  and  at  per  thousand  feet 
— taking  a  thousand  feet  of  each  of  the  sizes  for  which  I  am  able  to  get  a 
price,  namely  14,  making  a  total  of  14,C00  feet — I  got  a  net  sum  that  they 
Would  pay  in  Pittsburg  of  £420  4s.  Id.,  and  on  the  same  date— and  it  for- 
tunately happens  that  it  was  the  same  date — I  got  a  quotation  from  the 
United  Steel  Products  Company  of  America,  practically  the  selling  spot 
some  of  the  large  American  works  for  tubes  delivered  in  the  Thames,  Lon- 
don. These  discounts  are  quoted  from  the  English  price  list.  I  took  a  thou- 
sand feet  of  each  of  these  fourteen  sizes — they  are  the  running  sizes  of  the 
trade — and  less  the  discount  which  they  gave  me,  it  made  for  the  14,000  feet 
£332  14s.  6d.,  so  that  the  American  is  really  dumping  in  the  Thames  at 
£87  9s.  7d.,  for  this  quantity  of  tubes,  less  price  than  he  is  obtaining  at 
the  point  of  manufacture,  where  he  has  neither  to  pay  freight  nor  car- 
riage. In  other  words,  he  is  selling  at  26.25%  higher  price  in  Pittsburg 
than  he  is  selling  these  same  tubes  in  the  Thames." 

STEEL    TRUST    CONTROLS    CANADIAN    MARKET    FOR    BARB    WIRE. 
Witness  No.  15.      (904,  908.) 

"I  am  a  manufacturer  of  wire,  wire  ropes,  and  netting,  and  I  wish  to 
confine  my  remarks  to  these  branches.  I  may  give  one  instance  of  the 
methods  of  foreign  competitors.  The  United  States  sell  in  Canada  up- 
wards of  30,000  tons  of  barbed  wire  per  annum,  which  they  distribute 
through  the  medium  of  the  Canadian  Hardware  Ass'n.  At  the  commence- 
ment of  each  season  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation  enters  into  an 
agreement  with  the  Canadian  Hardware  Association,  binding  them  to  buy 
their  barb  from  them.  The  U.  S.  Steel  Corporation  guarantees  the  Cana- 
dian jobbers  a  profit  of  10%,  and  handles  the  trade  with  despatch,  and  in 
a  thoroughly  satisfactory  manner.  The  price  charged  is  one  at  which 
English  manufacturers  would  be  quite  prepared  to  do  business.  This, 
however,  is  impossible,  for  any  attempt  to  get  a  jobber  to  buy  elsewhere 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  121 

than  from  the  United  States  results  in  reprisals  of  a  serious  character  in 
the  shape  of  an  attack  on  the  jobbers'  customers,  and  refusal  to  supply 
the  jobbers  with  barb.  There  are  very  large  quantities  of  barb  consumed 
in  Canada,  and  the  trade  having  grown  under  the  hand  of  the  U.  S.  manu- 
facturers, they  are  in  a  position  to  supply  the  enormous  requirements. 
The  English  manufacturers,  as  at  present  situated,  could  not  supply  these 
large  quantities,  and  that  puts  another  strong  weapon  in  the  hands  of 
the  United  States  suppliers,  because  if  they  refuse  to  supply  the  big  job- 
bers with  barb,  they  would  have  a  difficulty  in  getting  their  supplies  at  all. 
"The  Canadian  Hardware  Ass'n  includes  every  large  jobber  in  the  coun- 
try— they  are  all  members  of  the  association — and  they  approach  the 
American  and  Steel  Wire  Co.,  or  rather  it  is  now  the  U.  S.  Steel  Cor- 
poration, and  they  settle  with  them  at  the  commencement  of  the  season 
the  price  at  which  they  are  going  to  buy  as  an  association,  and  the  whole 
association  enters  into  an  agreement  to  buy  from  the  steel  corporation, 
with  a  guaranteed  profit  of  10%.  A  distributor  does  not  care  a  rap  what 
price  his  commodities  are  going  to  be  sold  at.  He  would  pay  50  a  ton 
for  wire  if  he  could  get  a  proportionately  increased  profit,  and  if  the 
United  States  Steel  Corporation  comes  to  them  and  says:  'We  have  got 
plenty  of  barb;  you  may  have  it  despatched  as  you  please;  everything 
will  be  made  as  convenient  as  possible;  you  need  not  handle  an  ounce; 
we  will  consign  it  direct  to  your  customers  according  to  your  instruc- 
tions; and  on  the  top  of  that  we  will  guarantee  you  10%  profit.  *  *  *  ' 
I  do  not  know  whether  the  farmer  is  materially  injured.  The  difference 
is  very  small.  Four  or  five  years  ago,  when  the  wire  trade  and  other 
trades  in  this  country  were  booming,  the  price  of  galvanized  fencing  wire 
was  about  £12  10s.  a  ton;  everybody  paid  it,  and  they  were  perfectly 
happy,  and  there  was  no  grumbling.  On  the  contrary,  there  were  more 
orders  than  we  knew  what  to  do  with.  At  the  present  time,  when  the 
price  of  galvanized  fencing  wire  is  about  £8  10s.,  nearly  30%  less,  it  is 
all  we  can  do  to  keep  the  mills  going." 

STEEL    MANUFACTURING    COSTS    LESS    IN    THE 
UNITED    STATES    THAN    IN    ENGLAND. 

Witness  No.  16.      (1023,  1026,  1045,  1046.) 

"The  cost  of  converting  pig  iron  into  steel  in  the  United  States  must, 
in  the  majority  of  cases,  be  somewhat  less  than  the  corresponding  cost  in 
this  country,  despite  the  fact  that  wages  there  are  materially  higher.  But 
the  cost  is  not  in  any  two  cases  the  same.  The  cost  of  labor  was  phenomen- 
ally low.  In  the  case  of  a  rod  mill  brought  to  my  notice,  it  was  less  than 
4s.  per  ton  of  rods.  In  the  case  of  billets  it  has  been  under  4s.  per  ton. 
In  the  case  of  rails,  it  is  probably,  on  an  average,  not  more  than  65% 
what  it  is  in  this  country.  In  the  more  finished  forms  of  material  it  is 
more  than  in  the  lower  forms,  but  whatever  it  may  be,  it  is  always  con- 
trolled by  the  fact  that  the  output  of  a  given  plant  is  usually  two  or 
three  times  that  of  kindred  plants  in  Europe,  with  only  half  to  two-thirds 
the  number  of  hands  here  employed  to  run  it.  The  Industrial  Commission 
stated  the  average  cost  of  the  conversion  of  pig  iron  into  steel  billets  at 
6s.  6d.,  and  the  average  incidental  expenses  at  3s.,  but  this  is  much  too 
high  for  the  best  plants. 

"The  combination  of  up-to-date  plants,  economies,  and  improvements 
has  enabled  our  American  rivals,  paying  the  highest  wages  known  in  the 
trade,  to  produce  plates  at  a  cost  of  only  about  3s.  6d.  per  ton  for  labor, 
averaging  some  225  tons  of  plates  per  shift.  One  mill  at  Homestead 
works  has  produced  1,049  tons  of  sheared  plates  in  24  hours,  which  is  at 
the  rate  of  315,000  tons  in  300  working  days.  A  forty-inch  cogging  mill 
at  the  Illinois  works  at  Chicago  produces  200,000  to  250,000  tons  per  year. 
These  results  are  not  equalled  in  our  own  mills.  And  yet  there  is  no  rea- 
son to  suppose  that  our  plate  mill  practice  is  generally  much  behind  that 
of  other  countries.  It  was  until  lately,  if  it  is  not  now,  in  advance  of  that 
of  any  other  country.  If  it  has  now  fallen  somewhat  behind  the  best 
American  practice,  probably  not  much  ground  has  been  lost. 


122  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

"In  the  matter  of  nominal  wages  Great  Britain  occupies  an  interme- 
diate place  between  Germany  and  the  United  States,  being,  however,  not 
so  much  higher  than  the  Germans  as  we  are  below  the  American  level. 

"The  higher  American  nominal  wage  rates  do  not,  generally,  appear 
to  operate  to  the  detriment  of  American  manufacturers.  On  the  con- 
trary, it  is  universally  admitted  that  the  real  wage  rate — the  labor  cost 
per  unit  of  production — is  less  in  the  United  States  than  in  any  other 
country.  The  best  comparison  of  American  and  Britishers'  wages  that  1 
know  of,  and  one  of  the  most  recent,  is  that  contained  in  the  report  of 
my  colleague  on  the  American  Commission  of  the  British  Iron  Trade 
Ass'n  in  1901,  Mr.  Axel  Sahlin,  who  obtained  from  the  managers  of  a 
considerable  number  of  representative  works  actual  wage  rates,  which 
showed  that  at  blast  furnaces,  hour  for  hour,  there  was  then  but  little  dif- 
ference in  the  rates  paid  as  between  Great  Britain  and  America,  while 
some  of  the  American  furnaces  produced  3,500  to  4,000  tons  per  week, 
compared  with  850  to  620  tons  in  England,  with  nearly  the  same  number 
of  hands.  For  unskilled  labor,  the  British  rate  is  materially  lower  than 
the  American. 

"I  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  if  the  Canadian  had  been  charged  the 
same  prices  as  were  nominally  charged  on  the  other  side  of  the  line, 
hardly  any  American  iron  and  steel  would  have  found  its  way  into  Canada 
during  the  last  five  years  in  competition  with  the  cheaper  prices  quoted 
for  British  material." 


THE  TARIFF— PRICES    AND    WAGES. 

Exposure  of  absurd  method  by  which   Republicans,  make  "average"  cost  of 

living  seem  low,  while  "average"  of  wages  is  made  to  seem  high. 
"Official"  statistics  prepared   by  government  officials  especially  for  use  of 

Republican  campaign  committee. 
Wages  have  declined  from   8  to   10  per  cent.,  not  merely   1   1-2   per  cent., 

as  falsely  claimed  by  Republican  partisan  "experts." 
How  Republican  favoritism  to  privileged   pets  fosters  monopolies  apd   high 

prices— 238  trusts  formed  since  enactment  of  Dingley  high  tariff  tax  law 
Chart   showing   purchasing    power  of   wages,  1895-1904— Labor's  share  of 

the  product  of  the  wealth  which  labor  creates  rapidly  declining. 

REPUBLICAN  CLAIM  THAT  INCREASE   IN   WAGES   HAS   KEPT  PACE  WITH 

INCREASE  IN  COST  OF  LIVING  SHOWN  TO  BE  UNTRUE, 

AND  BASED  ON  "COOKED"  STATISTICS. 

The  increased  cost  of  living,  due  to  the  [Republican  policy  of 
exorbitant  tariffs,  is  felt  in  every  home  in  the  land.  Housewives 
know  that  because,  for  example,  of  the  beef  trust,  meat  costs  from 
3  to  10  cents  a  pound  more  now  than  it  did  formerly;  working- 
men  know  that  their  clothing  costs  more  because  of  Republican 
high  tariff  taxes ;  mechanics  know  that  the  tools  and  implements  of 
their  trades  cost  more  than  they  should,  or  would,  cost  but  for  Re- 
publican policies ;  business  men  know  that  the  typewriter  for  which 
they  must  pay  $100  costs  only  $55  when  sold  to  a  foreigner;  rail- 
road men  know  that  American  steel  rails  are  sold  in  Japan  for  $18 
to  $20  a  ton,  while  from  American  railroads  the  steel  trust  extorts 
a  ton — in  short,  the  Republican  tariff  system  is  devised,  not  as 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  123 

falsely  claimed  to  protect  labor,  but  to  enable  certain  huge  con- 
solidated institutions,  know  as  trusts,  to  bleed  the  American  people. 
By  pooling  interests  at  home  the  trusts  eliminate  domestic  compe- 
tition, and  there  is'  no  foreign  competition  because  of  the  high  tariff 
taxes  imposed  by  a  Eepublican  Congress  and  enforced  by  a  Eepubli- 
can  administration. 

The  result  of  this  unjust  system — increased  cost  of  living  to 
employees  and  employers  alike — is  too  self-evident  to  be  denied.  In 
a  speech  at  Wilmington,  Delaware,  on  June  6,  1904,  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  Leslie  M.  Shaw  said:  "May  the  good  Lord  deliver 
us  from  another  period  when  living  expenses  are  cheap ;"  then  Mr. 
Shaw  endeavored  to  satisfy  labor  with  the  increased  cost  of  living 
by  asserting  that  wages  have  so  vastly  increased  as  to  more  than 
compensate  for  trust  prices  of  beef  and  the  other  prime  necessities 
of  life.  The  Eepublicans  gravely  announce  that  while  the  increase 
in  the  cost  of  living  in  the  ten  years  ending  in  1903  has  been  15.5 
per  cent,  the  increase  in  wages  during  the  same  period  has  been 
16.6  per  cent.,  or  a  net  increase  in  wages  of  1.1  per  cent.  Even 
according  to  these  figures,  the  showing  is  a  severe  commentary  on 
the  Eepublican  boast  that  high  tariff  taxes  benefit  labor.  Allowing 
for  the  increase  in  the  cost  of  living  the  net  increase  in  wages  is  only 
1.1  per  cent.,  surely  a  not  very  liberal  increase  for  the  ten-year 
period  when  we  consider  that  within  the  past  ten  years  new  econo- 
mies and  new  inventions  have  so  increased  the  productiveness  of 
labor  that  in  all  right  and  equity  its  wages  should  show  a  much 
larger  gain  than  that  of  1.1  per  cent.,  which  is  all  that  the  Eepub- 
licans claim  has  been  made. 

But  the  humbug  of  the  Eepublican  boasts  will  appear  still  more 
striking  when  it  is  seen  that  even  the  pitiful  1.1  per  cent,  increase 
is  fraudulent  and  exists  only  in  the  imagination  of  Eepublican  poli- 
ticians. The  Eepublican  campaign  book  gives  official  endorsement 
to  the  absurd  figures  and  deductions  of  the  report  on  wages  and 
cost  of  living  which  the  Hon.  Carroll  D.  Wright,  United  States 
Commissioner  of  Labor,  has  prepared,  ostensibly  as  an  official  docu- 
ment, but  in  reality,  it  seems,  for  the  special  use  of  the  Eepublican 
campaign  committee.  The  evidence  sustaining  this  charge  seems 
well-nigh  conclusive.  In  his  Wilmington  (Delaware)  speech  of 
June  6,  1904,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  Leslie  M.  Shaw,  alarmed 
at  the  growing  discontent  of  the  people  over  the  constant  increase 
of  prices  demanded  by  the  trusts  for  most  of  the  necessities  of  life, 
admitted  that  prices  were  high,  asserted  that  it  is  "unimportant 
what  price  we  pay,  so  long  as  we  pay  it  ourselves,"  and  then  added 
this,  in  the  light  of  subsequent  developments,  most  significant  state- 
ment: "Before  the  campaign  proceeds  very  far  there  will  be  fur- 
nished from  the  highest  authority  in  the  United  States  well  au- 
thenticated data  showing  that  the  average  of  wages  has  increased  in 
larger  proportion  than  the  average  articles  of  ordinary  household 
consumption."  This  meant  that  Commissioner  Carroll  D.  Wright, 
of  the  United  States  Department  of  Labor,  had  taken  the  contract 
to  supply  the  statistics  desired. 


124  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

Promptly  on  schedule  time  Commissioner  Wright  furnished  the 
figures  alluded  to  by  Mr.  Shaw,  and  proving  what  the  Republican 
campaign  committee  wanted;  and  those  figures  have  been  incor- 
porated in  the  Republican  campaign  text-book,  and  are  being  quoted 
by  Republican  papers  all  over  the  country  as  proof  that,  although 
the  trusts  fostered  by  Republican  policies  did  raise  prices,  yet  wages 
also  are  raised,  so  that  the  people  can  afford  to  pay  the  higher  prices. 
The  absurdity  of  Commissioner  Wright's  figures  is  almost  self- 
evident,  but  that  does  not  deter  the  Republican  committee,  which  is 
accustomed  to  use  "cooked"  statistics  and  "fake"  averages  so  as  to 
mislead  voters. 

ABSURDITY    OF    REPUBLICAN    "AVERAGES." 

If  two  men  make  a  savings  bank  deposit,  the  one  of  $999,  and 
the  other  of  $1,  the  average  deposit  is  $500.  Would  the  $1  man  be 
worth  $500  because  of  this  "average"?  By  putting  dried  bugs 
and  a  score  of  similar  articles  on  the  free  iist  Republicans  point 
with  pride  to  a  tariff  that  lets  in  untaxed  more  articles  than  were 
admitted  free  under  the  Democratic  tariff ;  but  what  absurdity  this 
is  to  a  nation  of  people  that  wants  untaxed  clothes  and  tools  and 
other  necessities,  and  cares  not  whether  bugs  are  taxed  or  untaxed ! 
The  Republican  committee's  "expert,"  by  pursuing  this  plan  of 
grouping  unimportant  articles  with  articles  of  prime  necessity, 
makes  it  appear  that  the  increase  in  the  cost  of  living  under  Repub- 
lican trusts  and  high  tariff  taxes  amounts  to  only  15.5  per  cent. 
The  increase  in  essential  articles  has  been  much  greater  than  this, 
and  the  unduly  low  increase  of  15.5  per  cent,  is  obtained  only  by 
including  certain  articles  which  are  not  generally  consumed.  To 
illustrate  how  misleading  Republican  "averages"  are,  suppose,  for 
example,  that  the  increase  in  the  price  of  eggs  has  been  10  per  cent., 
while  the  decrease  in  the  price  of  nutmegs  has  amounted  to  14  per 
cent. ;  this  shows  an  "average"  decline  in  the  cost  of  living,  but  of 
what  avail  would  such  a  "decline"  be  to  a  people  with  whom  eggs 
are  a  prime  necessity,  and  with  whom  it  matters  little  or  nothing 
whether  nutmegs  are  cheap  or  dear?  The  average  American  con- 
sumes an  average  of  about  17  dozen  eggs  in  a  year  at  an  average 
price  of  about  20  cents  per  dozen;  consequently  his  egg  bill  is 
$3.40  a  year;  an  advance  from  20  to  22  cents  is  an  advance  of 
10  per  cent,  in  the  cost  of  living,  so  far  as  eggs  are  concerned.  The 
average  American  consumes  about  l-40th  of  a  pound  of  nutmegs  in 
a  year  at  an  average  price  of  35  cents  a  pound,  and  his  nutmeg  bill 
therefore  is  less  than  1  cent  a  year ;  if  the  average  price  of  nutmegs 
declines  to  30  cents  a  pound  that  is  equivalent  to  a  14  per  cent, 
decline  in  the  cost  of  living,  so  far  as  nutmegs  are  concerned. 

Now,  supposing  that  eggs  and  nutmegs  constituted  the  entire  food 
stuffs  of  mankind,  would  it  be  fair  to  take  the  average  of  these 
prices  of  eggs  and  nutmegs  and  say,  because  eggs  had  increased  10 
per  cent,  and  nutmegs  had  decreased  14  per  cent,  that  there  had 
been  a  decrease  of  2  per  cent,  in  the  cost  of  living?  To  ask  this 
question  shows  its  absurdity;  and  yet  it  is  on  "averages"  based  upon 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  125 

this  ridiculous  method  that  the  Republican  campaign  committee  is 
making  the  claim  that  wages  have  increased  faster  than  the  increase 
in  the  cost  of  living. 

Official  statistics,  which  seem  to  be  made  to  order  for  the  Repub- 
lican campaign  committee,  give  the  prices  of  52  articles  in  the 
group  of  foodstuffs,  and  in  order  to  bring  out  a  result  agreeable 
to  the  Republican  committee  the  group  of  articles  comprises  such 
irrelevant  and  unessential  foodstuffs  as  nutmegs.    The  price  of  nut- 
megs for  the  year  1901  was  45.7  per  cent,  below  the  average  for  the 
10  years  ending  in  1899,  while  the  price  of  eggs  was  6.7  per  cent, 
above  this  10  years'  average.    Hence,  so  far  as  these  two  items  are 
concerned,  the  cost  of  living  in  1901  is  nearly  20  per  cent,  below 
the  average  for  1890  to  1899.     Such  are  the  figures  compiled  by 
Commissioner  Carroll  D.  Wright  and  gravely  published  to  the  coun- 
try by  the  Republican  campaign  committee !     As  a  matter  of  fact 
the  cost  of  living  was  nearly  7  per  cent,  higher  in  1901  than  dur- 
ing the  period  of   1890   to   1899.     The  items  in   Commissioner 
Wright's  foodstuffs  table  of  prices  are  "averaged"  without  any  re- 
gard whatever  to  the  yearly  value  of  each  article  in  consumption. 
For  example,  the  price  of  pepper,  of  which  the  average  American 
consumes  about  4  cents'  worth  in  a  year,  is  included  by  Commis- 
sioner Wright,  and  is  permitted  to  affect  his  statement  of  general 
averages  as  much  as  the  price  of  coffee,  of  which  the  average  Amer- 
ican consumes  $1.60,  or  exactly  40  times  more  than  pepper.    Vinegar 
is  given  by  Commissioner  Wright  the  same  weight  as  milk,  currants 
as  lard,  bicarbonate  of  soda  as  fresh  beef,  salt  as  pork  and  beans^ 
evaporated  apples  as  granulated  sugar,  dried  apples  as  potatoes. 
The  price  of  alum  affects  Commissioner  Wright's  average  as  much 
as  does  the  price  of  corn;  yet,  as  is  known  to  every  one,  the  value 
of  the  alum  consumed  by  the  American  people  is  but  a  trifle  com- 
pared with  the  value  of  corn.    Large  increases  in  the  cost  of  such 
prime  necessities  as  cotton,  wheat,  steel  rails,  bricks,  coke,  milk, 
steel  billets  and  cattle,  are  offset,  in  the  tables  of  Commissioner 
Wright,  by  slight  declines  in  such  relatively  unimportant  commodi- 
ties as  quicksilver,  wood  screws,  putty,  candles,  door  knobs  and 
prunes  and  raisins.     The  grouping  together  of  articles  of  such  un- 
equal  importance   is   enough   of  itself  to   deprive   Commissioner 
Wright's  tables  of  any  value. 

They  are  still  less  trustworthy  because  of  the  fact  that  inside  of 
each  gsoup  the  classes  of  articles  are  improperly  balanced.  Thus, 
Commissioner  Wright's  tables  assume  that  one-tenth  of  the  average 
family  expenditures  for  cloth  and  clothing  goes  for  sheetings, 
whereas  in  reality  less  than  one-thirtieth  goes  for  sheetings ;  in  spite 
of  this,  the  prices  of  sheetings  are  permitted  to  affect  Commissioner 
Wright's  general  price  level  as  much  as  the  price  of  cotton,  corn, 
hay,  hogs,  wheat  and  eggs.  The  truth  is  that  the  prices  of  these 
farm  products  have  200  or  300  times  as  much  influence  upon  the 
general  price  level  as  do  the  prices  of  sheetings. 


126  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

GROUPS    IMPROPERLY    BALANCED. 

Not  only  are  the  items  on  which  prices  are  quoted  not  weighed 
with  regard  to  their  importance  as  articles  of  sale  or  consumption, 
but  the  groups  are  improperly  balanced  with  each  other.  This  is 
proven  by  Mr.  Wright' s  own  figures  of  March,  1902,  published  in 
this  same  report.  On  page  208  we  find  the  following  table,  showing 
the  main  groups  of  family  expenditures  and  their  relative  propor- 
tions as  determined  by  the  ascertained  expenditures  of  a  large  num- 
ber of  families  which  were  considered  typical  of  the  expenditures  of 
the  mass  of  the  people : 

DISTRIBUTION    OF    EXPENDITURE    FOR    2,561     NORMAL  FAMILIES. 

Per  cent,  of         Proportions 

Group.                               Expenditure  for  of 

each  Purpose  10.000. 

Kent    15.06  1.506 

Food 41.03  4.103 

Fuel    5.00  .500 

Clothing 15.31  1.531 

Lighting 90  .90 

All  other  purposes 22.70  2.270 


100.00  10.000 

This  table  shows  that  the  average  family  spends  nearly  three  times 
as  much  for  food  as  for  clothing.  In  his  table  of  relative  prices 
Mr.  Wright  quotes  53  articles  of  food  and  70  for  clothing.  To  be 
consistent  he  should  either  have  quoted  188  articles  of  food  or  only 
26  articles  of  clothing.  The  average  family  spends  seven  times  as 
much  for  food  as  for  fuel  and  lighting.  Mr.  Wright  quotes  13 
different  articles  of  fuel  and  lighting  and  53  of  food.  Either  the 
53  should  have  been  90  or  the  13  only  8.  Clearly  Mr.  Wright  has 
condemned  his  own  price  statistics.    Has  he  done  worse? 

COTTON    CLASSIFIED    AS    A    "FARM    PRODUCT"- 
WOOL    AS    "CLOTHING." 

Most  people  would  say  that  if  cotton  is  a  farm  product,  so  is  wool. 
But  most  people  are  neither  statisticians  nor  Republican  politicians. 
The  experts  in  the  bureau  of  labor  tell  us  that  cotton  is  a  farm 
product  while  wool  is  an  article  of  clothing. 

It  would  appear  that  cotton  was  classified  as  a  farm  product  be- 
cause in  1901  it  showed  an  advance  of  11.1  per  cent,  in  price  over 
the  average  price  from  1891  to  1899,  and  that  wool  was  classified 
as  cloth  or  clothing  because  its  price  for  1901  showed  a  decline  from 
the  average  price  for  1891  to  1899 — and  this  notwithstanding  the 
high  duties  on  wool  in  1901  and  the  three  years  of  free  wool  from 
1894  to  1897.  Ohio  fine  fleece  wool,  scoured,  shows  a  decline  of  over 
1  per  cent,  for  1901  and  Ohio  medium  fleece,  scoured,  shows  a  de- 
cline  of  over  5  per  cent,  for  1901.  By  calling  these  two  kinds  of 
wool  cloths  or  clothing,  the  average  price  of  cloths  and  clothing  is 
reduced  and  the  average  price  of  farm  products  is  left  much  higher 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  127 

than  it  should  be,  both  desirable  results  from  a  Eepublican  stand- 
point. 

Had  these  wools  been  put  in  with  farm  products  the  average  price 
of  farm  products  for  1901  would  have  been  reduced  from  116.9  to 
114.6.  This  result  would  have  been  much  less  satisfactory  to  the 
farmers.  Possibly  for  similar  reasons  green,  salted,  packers'  heavy 
native  steers'  hides,  which  show  a  rise  of  32  per  cent.,  are  classified 
as  "farm  products."  Possibly  it  was  largely  to  please  the  farmers 
that  Mr.  Wright,  as  he  says,  has  invariably  taken  only  the  prices 
for  the  best  quality  of  butter,  eggs,  etc.,  and  the  lowest  quotations 
for  drugs,  chemicals,  etc.  Certainly  an  expert  statistician  need  not 
be  blind  to  the  political  effects  of  figures  ! 

If  any  other  proof  of  the  utter  unreliability  of  the  Eepublican 
campaign  committee's  "expert"  figures  is  needed,  it  would  be  found 
in  the  fact  that  Commissioner  Wright's  conclusion  as  to  the  advance 
in  the  cost  of  living  is  based  on  retail  prices,  instead  of  wholesale 
prices.  Wholesale  prices  are,  comparatively  speaking,  stable;  they 
are  practically  the  same  in  different  cities,  certainly  the  same  in 
different  stores  in  the  same  city  on  the  same  day.  Being  thus  more 
uniform,  it  is  easier  to  detect  error,  if  mistakes  or  misstatements 
are  made  in  tables  of  wholesale  prices.  But  Commissioner  Wright's 
tables  of  retail  prices,  however  full  of  error,  defy  correction  because 
of  the  well-known  fact  that  retail  prices  differ  widely  in  the  same 
city  and  on  the  same  day,  especially  for  unimportant  commodities. 
An  agent  for  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  would  find  one 
family  paying  20  cents  a  pound  for  porterhouse  steak,  while  the 
family  next  door  was  paying  another  butcher  30  cents  a  pound  for 
the  same  thing.  One  family  would  pay  12  cents  and  the  next  fam- 
ily 35  cents  per  pound  for  coffee.  One  would  pay  30  cents,  another 
would  pay  $1.80  per  pound  for  tea,  etc.  The  "best  fresh  laid  eggs" 
sell  in  one  store  for  18  cents,  and  in  another  on  the  same  block  at 
30  cents  per  dozen.  Even  so  staple  a  commodity  as  granulated 
sugar  is  sold  in  the  same  stores  in  the  same  city  on  the  same  day  at 
varying  prices.  Kerosene  oil  of  the  same  quality  may  sell  at  retail 
at  6  cents  in  one  city  and  at  12  or  14  cents  in  another  city  twenty 
miles  away.  This  lack  of  uniformity  in  retail  prices  furnishes  an 
opportunity  for  unscrupulous  politicians  to  select  their  quotations 
in  different  localities  and  from  different  families,  and  to  juggle 
prices  so  as  to  get  whatever  results  they  desire. 

So  manifestly  unjust  and  incorrect  is  this  system  of  obtaining 
averages,  that  even  so  staunch  a  Eepublican  organization  as  the 
Protective  Tariff  League  refuses  to  descend  to  the  use  of  pretended 
quotations  of  retail  prices.  On  page  44  of  its  1904  handbook  in  an 
explanation  of  Dun's  index  number,  it  is  stated :  "Owing  to  the  im- 
possibility of  obtaining  accurate  retail  prices,  wholesale  quotations 
are  taken."  Why  does  Commissioner  Wright's  bureau  of  labor  seek 
to  accomplish  the  impossible  by  giving  retail  prices  ?  Is  it  because 
errors  in  tables  of  wholesale  prices  are  easily  detected,  while  those 
in  retail  prices  cannot  in  the  nature  of  the  case  be  exposed? 

Commissioner  Wright  admits  that  his  report  on  retail  prices  in- 


128  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

eludes  only  foodstuffs ;  it  is  known  that  foodstuffs  form  only  42.54 
per  cent,  of  a  family's  average  expenditures  for  all  purposes.  In 
spite  of  this  fact  that  Commissioner  Wright's  report  includes  less 
than  half  of  a  family's  total  expenses,  he  boldly  draws  the  con- 
clusion that  "the  increase  in  the  cost  of  living,  as  a  whole  in  1903, 
when  compared  with  the  year  of  lowest  prices,  was  less  than  15.5 
per  cent.,  the  figure  given  above  as  the  increase  in  the  cost  of  food, 
as  shown  by  this  investigation."  Most  statisticians  would  hesitate 
to  conclude  a  family's  expenditures  upon  data  showing  the  prices  of 
articles  constituting  only  42  per  cent,  of  the  family's  total  expenses ; 
but  such  hasty  inferences  seem  easily  made  by  Commissioner  Wright 
when  the  figures  are  wanted  for  the  Republican  campaign  text-book. 
Having  by  these  absurd  and  illogical  methods  reached  results  as 
to  the  increase  in  cost  of  living  that  are  satisfactory  to  the  Republi- 
can National  Committee,  the  "experts"  next  proceed  to  evolve 
wage  statistics  that  can  be  used  as  Republican  campaign  material. 
They  artificially  raised  wages  in  1900  by  the  simple  device 
of  dividing  the  total  wages  paid  in  any  industry,  not  by  the  average 
number  of  employees  for  the  year,  as  was  done  in  the  1890  census, 
but  by  dividing  the  total  of  wages  by  an  "average"  number  of  em- 
ployees obtained  by  taking  the  averages  for  months  during  the  time 
covered,  and  dividing  the  sum  of  these  monthly  averages  by  12, 
the  number  of  months  in  a  year.  If  all  industries  had  been  operated 
steadily  for  the  whole  of  the  census  year  this  change  in  arriving 
at  an  average  would  have  amounted  to  little,  but  many  impor- 
tant industries  were  in  operation  only  6  or  8  months  during  the 
census  year ;  hence  the  Republican  "experts'  "  change  of  method  pro- 
duced a  very  great  effect  upon  the  apparent  amount  of  wages.  Had 
they  pursued  the  same  method  in  1900  as  was  pursued  by  the  census 
of  1890  the  decline  in  wages  of  the  5,314,539  wage  earners  in  our 
manufactories  instead  of  being  only  1£  per  cent,  would  have  been 
between  8  and  10  per  cent,  during  this  period.  The  Republican 
campaign  committee  prefers,  of  course,  to  show  that  wages  have  de- 
creased only  1£  per  cent.,  and  not  8  or  10  per  cent.,  hence  the  new 
method  of  arriving  at  a  general  average. 

RAISING    THE    WAGES    IN    MICHIGAN    AND    WISCONSIN. 

An  illustration  of  the  effect  of  this  change  in  census  methods  is 
found  in  the  statistics  of  Michigan  and  Wisconsin,  the  two  leading 
States  in  the  lumber  and  timber  industry.  Including  this  "short 
period"  industry  the  average  yearly  earnings  in  all  manufacturing 
industries  in  Michigan  increased  from  $369.82  in  1890  to  $409.39 
in  1900.  Omitting  this  industry,  the  average  earnings  showed  a 
decrease  of  $11.40  a  year.  Thus  an  apparent  increase  of  $39.57  is 
changed  to  a  decrease  of  $11.40,  making  a  difference  of  $50.97. 
The  difference  in  Wisconsin  amounts  to  $56.38  by  the  omission  of 
this  one  industry.  Apparently  there  was  an  increase  in  average 
earnings  in  the  lumber  and  timber  industry  in  Michigan  from 
$286.30  in  1890  to  $424.52  in  1900,  and  in  Wisconsin  from  $235.15 
to  $436.85.    But  in  the  kindred  industry,  "planing  mill  products," 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  129 

which  ran  the  entire  year  and  was,  therefore,  not  seriously  affected 
by  the  changed  census  method  of  computation,  average  earnings 
decreased  in  Michigan  from  $415.24  to  $381.13,  and  in  Wisconsin 
•from  $405.69  to  $377.72. 

If  the  canning  and  other  "short  period"  industries  were  omitted 
the  reduction  in  average  earnings  from  1890  to  1900  in  Michigan 
and  Wisconsin  would  be  much  greater. 

Of  course,  this  method  of  computing  "averages"  leads  to  numer- 
ous statistical  absurdities  in  our  census  reports.  In  many  indus- 
tries the  "average"  number  of  wage  earners  is  given  as  less  than 
the  least  number  employed  at  any  one  time  during  the  year.  It 
will  be  seen  by  Census  Bulletin  No.  209,  giving  statistics  of  the  can- 
ning of  fruits,  vegetables  and  fish,  that  while  the  greatest  number 
of  wage  earners  employed  at  any  one  time  during  the  year  was 
133,106  and  the  least  number  employed  at  any  one  time  was 
45,106,  the  average  number  is  reported  as  but  36,401.  In  the  manu- 
facture of  building  glass  we  find  the  greatest  number  of  employed 
given  as  19,943,  the  least  number  as  16,059,  and  the  average  num- 
ber was  11,902. 

HOW    THE    DINGLEY    BILL    FOSTERS    TRUSTS    AND    RAISES    PRICES. 

To  claim  that  a  protective  tariff  does  not  raise  prices  is  as  absurd 
as1  to  say  that  ice  is  hot,  or  fire  is  cold,  or  that  a  ball  is  square.  A 
tariff  that  does  not  raise  prices  is  not  "protective."  The  very  ob- 
ject of  so-called  "protection"  is  to  enable  certain  manufacturers 
to  demand  and  to  receive  higher  prices  for  their  products  than  they 
could  do  were  their  customers  free  to  buy  in  the  cheapest  market. 

The  Dingley  Tariff  Act,  which  became  a  law  on  July  24,  1897, 
raised  duties  to  the  highest  point  ever  reached  in  this  if  not  in  any 
other  country.  Not  only  are  the  Dingley  duties  as  high  as  in  the 
opinion  of  Eepublican  leaders  is  necessary  to  protect  manufactur- 
ing industries,  but  those  duties  were  purposely  made  higher  on  cer- 
tain classes  of  articles  so  as  to  leave  a  trading  margin;  that  is  to 
say,  so  that  there  would  be  ample  protection  left  after  this  margin 
had  been  bartered  away  in  the  reciprocity  agreements  which  were 
to  be  negotiated  under  Sections  3  and  4  of  the  Dingley  Act. 
But  the  trusts  concluded  that  they  might  as  well  keep  all  of 
their  protection,  and  consequently  they  saw  to  it  that  the  ten  or 
twelve  treaties  which  were  negotiated  between  the  United  States  and 
certain  foreign  countries  in  1898  and  1900,  and  which  would  have 
reduced  many  of  our  duties  by  20  per  cent,  or  more,  were  never 
ratified.  Through  the  influence  of  the  trusts  these  treaties  were 
smothered  in  Senate  pigeon-holes  and  never  permitted  to  come  to  a 
vote.  How  fostering  is  the  care  given  the  trusts  by  the  Dingley 
Bill  is  pointed  out  by  Mr.  John  Moody  in  his  book,  "The  Truth 
About  Trusts."  Of  318  active  industrial  trusts  mentioned  in  Mr. 
Moody's  table,  only  80  were  in  existence  prior  to  the  Dingley  BilPs 
becoming  a  law.  Two  hundred  and  thirty-eight  trusts  have  been 
formed  since  the  enactment  of  the  Dingley  Bill,  and  these  238  trusts 
represent  five-sixths  of  the  local  capitalization  of  all  the  trusts  in 
America. 


130  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

SOPHISTICAL    STATISTICS    MADE    TO    DECEIVE    VOTERS. 

We  have  seen  that  the  government  statistics  on  wages  and  prices 
are  unreliable  and  inaccurate ;  that  the  methods  employed  in  making 
them  are  the  unscientific ;  that  many  of  the  "averages"  in  the  census 
wage  statistics  are  mathematical  absurdities,  useful,  however,  in 
raising  wages  on  paper;  that  the  price  of  statistics  of  the  Bureau 
of  Labor,  even  if  accurate,  are  absolutely  unprepared  for  index 
numbers  which  will  indicate  the  relative  cost  of  living  at  different 
periods;  that  they  give  as  much  importance  to  putty,  nutmegs, 
trowels,  vises  and  alum,  as  articles  of  consumption,  as  to  corn,  hay 
and  eggs;  and  that  they  make  cotton  a  farm  product  and  wool  an 
article  of  clothing. 

Apparently  these  governmental  statistics,  juggled  for  partisan, 
political  and  protection  purposes,  are  intended  to  misrepresent  facts 
and  to  deceive  voters,  and  are  issued  when  they  are  expected  to  do 
most  good  for  the  Eepublican  party.  These  facts  discredit,  in 
advance,  the  wage  statistics  and  the  cost  of  living  statistics  which 
Secretary  Shaw  says  "will  be  forthcoming  before  the  end  of  the 
present  campaign. "  It  would  hardly  seem  possible  that  the  Repub- 
licans can  this  year,  with  the  cost  of  living  abnormally  high  and 
with  wages  falling  and  mills  closing  and  railroads  and  stores  laying 
off  employees  by  thousands,  fool  voters  with  any  kind  of  juggle 
figures  or  sophistical  statistics.  The  facts  are  plain  and  palpable. 
The  Republicans  cannot,  this  time,  shirk  responsibility  or  shift  it 
to  the  Democratic  party. 

PRICES    PROPORTIONED    TO    CONSUMPTION. 

DUN'S    PRICE    TABLES    ARE    SCIENTIFIC    AND    ACCURATE. 

Dun's  index  number  is  published  monthly  in  Dun's  Review,  and 
also  in  the  Monthly  Summary  of  Commerce  and  Finance  of  the  De- 
partment of  Commerce  and  Labor,  under  the  title,  "Prices  Propor- 
tioned to  Consumption."  The  following  explanation  of  its  method 
of  preparation  is  taken  from  this  Government  report  for  April, 
1904: 

"In  the  following  table  the  course  of  prices  of  commodities  is  shown 
with  due  allowance  for  the  relative  importance  of  each.  Quotations  of 
all  the  necessaries  of  life  are  taken,  including  whiskey  and  tobacco,  and 
in  each  case  the  price  is  multiplied  by  the  annual  per  capita  consumption, 
which  precludes  any  one  commodity  having  more  than  its  proper  weight 
in  the  aggregate. 

"For  example,  the  price  of  a  bushel  of  wheat  is  multiplied  by  5.55,  rep- 
resenting the  annual  per  capita  consumption  of  4  2-3  bushels  of  food, 
and  the  remainder  as  allowance  for  seed.  The  price  per  pound  for  coffee 
is  taken  9  times,  of  cheese  2.3,  of  chemicals  only  fractions  of  an  ounce 
in  some  cases.  Thus,  wide  fluctuations  in  the  price  of  an  article  little 
used  do  not  materially  affect  the  index,  but  changes  in  the  great  staples 
have  a  large  influence  in  advancing  or  depressing  the  total.  For  conve- 
nience of  comparison  and  economy  of  space  the  prices  are  grouped  in  seven 
classes:  Breadstuff s  include  many  quotations  of  wheat,  corn,  oats,  rye, 
barley,  beans,  and  peas;  meats  include  live  hogs,  beef,  sheep,  and  many 
provisions,  lard,  tallow,  etc.;  dairy  and  garden  products  embrace  eggs, 
vegetables,  fruits,  milk,  butter,  cheese,  etc.;  other  food  includes  fish, 
liquors,  condiments,  sugar,  rice,  tobacco,  etc.;  clothing  covers  the  raw 
material  of  each  industry,  and  many  quotations  of  woolen,  cotton,  silk, 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  131 

and  rubber  goods,  as  well  as  hides,  leather,  boots  and  shoes;  metals  in- 
clude various  quotations  of  pig  iron  and  partially  manufactured  and 
finished  products,  as  well  as  the  minor  metals,  tin,  lead,  copper,  etc.,  and 
coal  and  petroleum;  miscellaneous  incluae  many  grades  of  hard  and  soft 
lumber,  lath,  brick,  lime,  glass,  turpentine,  hemp,  linseed  oil,  paints, 
fertilizers,  and  drugs.  The  third  decimal  is  given  for  accuracy  of  com- 
parison; thus  $101,587  representing  $101.58  and  seven-tenths  of  a  cent. 
This  figure  does  not  purport  to  show  the  exact  average  amount  cost  of  liv- 
ing on  January  1,  1902,  because  wholesale  prices  are  taken  and  all 
luxuries  omitted.  Its  economic  value  is  in  showing  the  percentage  of 
advance  or  decline  from  month  to  month." 

To  show  how  careful  Dun's  Review  is  to  quote  accurately  and  to 
weight  properly,  note  the  following  further  explanation  from  Dun's 
Review  of  September  7,  1901 : 

"In  many  cases  a  large  number  of  quotations  are  averaged  in  order 
to  secure  a  representative  price  for  the  commodity,  thus  avoiding  the 
special  effect  on  one  particular  grade  of  exceptional  conditions.  Both 
raw  materials  and  manufactured  products  are  included,  preventing  the 
excessive  influence  of  speculative  operations  in  the  former,  since  markets 
for  finished  products  are  more  stable.  In  these  cases  the  per  capita  con- 
sumption is  so  proportioned  as  to  avoid  duplication." 

This  explanation  of  the  Dun  price  tables  not  only  indicates  what 
is  a  strictly  scientific  system,  it  also  condemns  the  Bureau  of  Labor 
methods  as  unscientific  and  unreliable.  The  Dun  price  tables  are 
prepared  by  the  leading  commercial  authority  of  this  country.  They 
are  not  made  in  the  interest  of  any  political  party  or  to  bolster  up 
any  tariff  theory.  The  accuracy  of  these  price  tables  as  indicating 
the  relative  changes  in  the  cost  of  living  has  never  been  questioned, 
even  by  the  Bureau  of  Labor.  Why  the  Labor  Bureau  should  adopt 
another  and  totally  unscientific  system  is  clear  to  those  familiar 
with  the  exigencies  of  Republican  politics. 

Following  is  a  table  showing  the  relative  cost  of  living  at  differ- 
ent dates : 

DUN'S    INDEX    NUMBER  FROM  DUN'S    REVIEW. 

1890.  1897.  1900.       1902.       1903.  1904.  1904. 

Jan.  1.  July  1.  Jan.  1.    May  1.    Oct.  1.  Mar.  1.  May  1, 

Breadstuffs    $13,765  $10,587  $13,254  $19,954  $16,696  $20,116  $18,692 

Meat3    . .  > 7.620  7.529  7.258     10.968       8.830  8.528  8.226 

Dairy  and  garden.  12.675  8.714  13.702     14.737     12.609  14.547  15.401 

Other   food    9.935  7.887  9.200       8.742       9.171  9.469  10.268 

Clothing    14.845  13.808  17.484     15.527     16.816  17.916  17.425 

Metals     16.240  11.642  18.085     15.702     16.366  15.849  15.360 

Miscellaneous    ...    15.111  12.286  16.312     16.654     16.890  17.190  16.836 

Total    99.191     75.455     95.295    102.289    97.378    103.615  102.208 

The  totals  for  June,  July  and  August  were  $100,951,  $97,192  and 
$97,227  respectively — a  slight  decline  since  May,  nearly  all  of  which 
decline,  however,  is  confined  to  dairy  and  garden  products.  More- 
over, this  decline  is  no  more  than  usually  occurs  in  the  summer 
season;  hence  it  cannot  be  inferred  therefrom  that  prices  are  not 
on  the  whole  fully  mentioned.  The  figures  of  the  table  indicate 
that  the  cost  of  living  was  6  per  cent,  greater  in  1900  than  in 
1890;  31  per  cent,  greater  January  1,  1900,  than  on  July  1,  1897; 


132  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

41  per  cent,  greater  May  1,  1902,  than  July  1,  1897,  and  43  per 
cent,  greater  March  1,  1904,  than  July  1,  1897.  The  cost  of  living 
was  higher  on  March  1,  1904,  than  ever  before  in  modern  times. 
Its  previous  high  point  was  on  May  1,  1902.  Apparently  it  is 
mounting  higher  and  higher.  It  has  made  new  records  each  year, 
except  1903,  since  the  trust  era  began  with  the  passage  of  the  Ding- 
ley  Bill  in  1897. 

Misleading  as  are  the  tables  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor, 
even  these  show  that  the  average  wholesale  prices  for  the  year  1903 
were  26  per  cent,  higher  than  they  were  for  the  year  1897. 


WAGES   OF   RAILWAY    EMPLOYEES. 

ACCURATE  OFFICIAL  STATISTICS  OF  ACTUAL  PAYMENTS  TO  1,312,537 

WAGE-EARNERS  REFUTE  THE  CLAIM  THAT  HIGH  PRICES  HAVE 

BROUGHT  PROSPERITY  TO  LABOR. 

"Wages  do  not  rise  with  prices.  To  assert  that  they  do,  or  will,  is 
either  ignorance  or  dishonesty." — J.  E.  Thorold  Rogers,  Professor  of  Politi- 
cal Economy  in  the  University  of  Oxford,  author  of  "Six  Centuries  of 
Work  and  Wages,"  etc. 

Every  railway  corporation  in  the  United  States  is  compelled 
by  law  to  report  to  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  at  Wash- 
ington, the  aggregate  number  of  days  worked  during  the  year  by 
all  its  employees,  and  all  those  belonging  to  each  class  and  the 
precise  sums  paid  in  wages  to  all  employees  and  to  each  class. 
From  these  data  the  Commission's  statistician  figures  averages  of 
daily  wages  which  represent  every  workman  employed  during  the 
year  and  every  dollar  paid  in  wages.  The  number  of  employees 
at  the  time  the  Commission's  last  report  was  rendered  was 
1,312,537.  This  is  more  than  seven  times  the  number  in  the 
3,429  selected  establishments  and  the  519  unrepresentative  occu- 
pations used  by  the  Bureau  of  Labor  as  the  basis  of  the  estimates 
which  purport  to  show  an  advance  in  wages  of  16.3  per  cent,  over 
the  average  for  the  ten  years  from  1890  to  1899. 

NOT   TRUE   THAT   WAGES   HAVE   INCREASED    PROPORTIONATELY 
WITH    THE    COST  OF    LIVING. 

Railroad  labor  affords  the  most  accurate  barometer  of  wages.  A 
large  proportion  of  its  employees  are  union  men,  whose  wages  are 
comparatively  steady.  Now  the  wages  of  railroad  employees,  as 
shown  by  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission,  averaged  nearly 
the  same  in  1901  as  they  did  9  years  before,  in  1892.  In  1902,  they 
were  1J  per  cent,  higher  than  in  1901,  and  5  per  cent,  higher  than 
in  1897,  when  they  were  the  lowest.  Here  is  a  table  from  the  Inter- 
state Commerce  Commission's  report,  which  gives  in  detail  the  num- 
ber of  earners  in  each  class  of  railway  labor  with  their  average  daily 
wages  for  the  years  mentioned : 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 


133 


COMPARATIVE    SUMMARY    OF    AVERAGE    DAILY    COMPENSATION 
OF    RAILWAY    EMPLOYEES    FOR    THE    YEAR    ENDING 

JUNE    30. 

(Average   daily   compensation    in    dollars.) 

Class.  United    States. 

1903.  1902.  1901.  1900.  1899.  1898.  1897.  1896.  1895.  1894.  1893.  1892. 

General     officers     ....11.27  11.17  10.97  10.45  10.03  9.73  9.54  9.19  9.01  9.71  8.10  7.83 

Other     officers     5.76  5.60  5.56  5.22  5.18  5.21  5.12  5.96  5.85  5.75  8.10  7.  St 

General  office  clerks..  2.21  2.18  2.19  2.19  2.20  2.25  2.18  2.21  2.19  2.34  2.25  2.23 

Station     agents     1.67  1.80  1.77  1.75  1.74  1.73  1.73  1.73  1.74  1.75  1.83  1.83 

Other    station    men....  1.64  1.61  1.59  1.60  1.60  1.61  1.62  1.62  1.62  1.63  1.65  1.6S 

Enginemen    4.01  3.84  3.78  3.75  3.72  3.72  3.65  3.65  3.65  3.61  3.68  3.6? 

Firemen     2.28  2.20  2.16  2.14  2.10  2.09  2.05  2.06  2.05  2.03  2.06  2.08 

Conductors     3.38  3.21  3.17  3.17  3.13  3.13  3-07  3.05  3.04  3.04  3.10  S.08 

Other     trainmen      ....  2.17  2.04  2.00  1.96  1.94  1.95  1.90  1.90  1.90  1.89  1.92  1.90 

Machinists     2.50  2.36  2.32  2.30  2.29  2.28  2.23  2.26  2.22  2.21  2.31  2.29 

Carpenters     2.19  2.08  2.06  2.04  2.03  2.02  2.01  2.03  2.03  2.02  2.10  2.08 

Other    shopmen     1.86  1.78  1.75  1.73  1.72  1.70  1.71  1.69  1.70  1.69  1.73  1.72 

Section     foremen     1.78  1.72  1.71  1.68  1.68  1.69  1.70  1.70  1.70  1.71  1.75  1.76 

Other  trackmen    1.31  1.25  1.23  1.22  1.18  1.16  1.16  1.17  1.17  1.18  1.22  1.23 

Switchmen,    flagmen, 

and    watchmen     ....  1.76  1.77  1.74  1.80  1.77  1.74  1.72  174  1.75  1.75  1.82  1.86 
Telegraph  operators 

and     dispatchers 3.08  2.01  1.98  1.96  1.93  1.92  1.90  1.93  1.98  1.93  1.96  1.93 

Employees — account 

floating   equipment..  2.17  2.00  1.97  1.92  1.89  1.S9-  1.86  1.94  1.91  1.97  1.96  2.03 
All    other    employees 

and     laborers 1.77  1.71  1.69  1.71  1.68  1.67  1.64  1.65  1.65  1.65  1.70  1.68 

From  the  above  table  it  will  be  seen  that  the  greatest  increase  in 
wages,  excluding  general  officers,  from  1897  to  1903,  was  only  14 
per  cent.,  or  less  than  the  increased  cost  of  living  during  the  same 
period,  according  to  Commissioner  Wright's  own  table  of  retail 
prices ;  it  is  only  about  one-half  of  the  increase  in  prices  according 
to  Commissioner  Wright's  table  of  wholesale  prices,  and  only  one- 
third  of  the  increased  cost  of  living,  according  to  the  honest  and 
scientifically  constructed  table  of  Dun.  When  the  maximum  in- 
crease in  wages  is  only  one-third  of  the  increase  in  prices,  it  would 
be  difficult  to  persuade  any  but  a  Eepublican  politician  that  the 
Dingley  high  tariff  law  is  as  of  much  benefit  to  the  people  as  it  has 
undoubtedly  proved  to  trusts  and  monopolies. 

The  fairest  way  to  arrive  at  the  true  change  in  wages  is  not  by 
comparing  the  daily  or  weekly  wage  of  one  year  with  that  of  an- 
other, but  by  comparing  the  total  yearly  earnings  of  one  year  with 
those  of  another.  This  is  done  for  railroad  employees  in  the  fol- 
lowing table : 

FROM    STATISTICS    OF    RAILWAYS 

BY    INTERSTATE    COMMERCE    COMMISSION. 

Table  showing  amount  of  compensation  paid  railway  employees,  number 
of  employees,  average  yearly  compensation  for  each  employee  and  rate  per 
cent,  of  increase  and  decrease  for  the  period — 1895-1903  inclusive. 

Total  Com-       Total  N-um-     Average  %  of  In-  Average  %  of  In- 

pensation  paid        ber  of  Em-       Yearly  crease       Yearly       crease 

Year.           R'y  Employes.        ployees.         (6)  each  year       (a)          each 

Wages.  over       Wages.       over 

1897.  1897. 

1895 $455,508,261  785.034  $571.16*  .022  $566.99  .003 

1896 468,824.531  826,620     581.80  .033  567.16  .003 

1897 465.601,581  823,476     564.33  565.41    

1898  495,055,618  874,558     583.10  .033  566.06  .001 

1899 522.967,896  928,924     579.95  .027  562.98  .004 

1900 577,264,841  1,017,653     593.16  .041  567.25  .003 


134  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

1901 610,713,701      1,071,169  584.75  .036  570.14         .008 

1902 676,028,592      1,189,315  598.25  .06-  568.42         .005 

1903 757,321,415      1,312,537  605.41  .072  576.99         .02 

(a)  This  column  of  percentages  was  obtained  by  dividing  total  com- 
pensation by  total  number  of  employees  for  average  yearly  wages. 

(6)  This  column  was  obtained  by  dividing  the  mean  between  the 
first  and  last  days  of  the  year,  as  explained  in  the  text. 

*  Estimated  for  1895. 

All  but  the  last  two  columns  and  the  last  line  of  this  table  is 
copied  from  the  speech  of  Hon.  Charles  H.  Grosvenor  in  Congress, 
March  28,  1904.  To  obtain  the  yearly  averages,  General  Grosvenor 
divided  the  total  wages  paid  in  any  year  by  the  mean  number  of 
employees  at  the  end  of  this  year  and  at  the  end  of  the  previous  year. 
Calculated  in  this  way,  the  average  wages  were  7  per  cent,  higher 
in  1903  than  in  1897.  Dividing  the  total  wages  of  each  year  by  the 
number  of  employees  on  June  30,  which  is  perhaps  the  fairer  way 
to  make  comparisons,  the  average  wages  in  1903  were  only  2  per 
cent,  higher  than  in  1897^  instead  of  7  per  cent.,  as  estimated  by 
General  Grosvenor.  Since  1903,  there  has  not  been  even  a  2  per 
cent,  increase  in  railway  wages ;  on  the  contrary,  as  is  well  known, 
there  have  been  material  cuts  in  the  wages  paid  railway  labor,  es- 
pecially to  such  employees  as  are  not  members  of  labor  unions.  At 
a  conservative  estimate,  200,000  men  have  been  laid  off  with  no 
wages  at  all,  and  the  wages  of  many  classes  of  labor  that  were  re- 
tained have  been  reduced  since  1903  by  an  average  of  10  per  cent., 
and  this,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  cost  of  living  has  continued 
to  advance,  and  on  March  1,  1904,  was  43  per  cent,  higher  than  on 
July  1,  1897. 

The  table  shows  that  the  average  daily  wages  of  all  classes  of 
railway  employees  has  increased  barely  eight  per  cent.  Even  the 
Bureau  of  Labor  was  forced  to  admit  that  the  retail  prices  of 
1903  were,  on  the  average,  10.3  per  cent,  higher  than  those  of 
1890  to  1899.  Bulletin  No.  53  of  the  Bureau  shows  that  the  fol- 
lowing articles  have  advanced  more  than  eight  per  cent.,  and, 
hence,  more  than  the  wages  of  railway  employees: 

Advance  Advance 

Articles.  Per  cent.  Articles.  Per  cent. 

Beans,  dry 18.1  Fish,  salt 8.4 

Beef,  fresh,  roasts  and  stews.  13.1  Lard   26.7 

Beef,   fresh,  steaks 12.9  Mutton  and  lamb 12.6 

Butter    10.8  Pork,    fresh    27.0 

Beef,   salt    8.8  Pork,   salt,   bacon 39.8 

Cheese    9.4  Pork,  salt,  dry  or  pickled.. . .    29.0 

Chickens    18.5  Pork,  salt,  ham 21.3 

Corn  meal 20.7  Potatoes,  Irish 14.8 

Eggs   25.3  Veal    14.9 

The  earnings  of  a  day's  labor  in  railway  employment  would 
purchase  less  of  every  one  of  the  articles  in  the  foregoing  list  in 
1903  than  would  the  slightly  lower  wages  of  1892  to  1899  at  the 
very  much  lower  prices  of  the  last  decade.  Jn  order  to  know  what 
real  wages  are  it  is  necessary  to  find  out  what  the  money  received 
as  wages  will  buy.    An  advance  in  the  amount  of  money  received 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  135 

which  is  accompanied  by  a  general  advance  in  prices  which  is  pro- 
portionately greater  leaves  the  workingman  in  a  worse  position 
than  before.  The  foregoing  shows  the  decrease  in  real  wages 
as  applied  to  the  purchase  of  articles  of  food.  Bulletin  Xo.  51 
of  the  Bureau  of  Labor,  shows  that,  on  the  basis  of  wholesale 
prices,  the  advance  in  the  cost  of  the  following  classes  of  com- 
modities has  so  far  exceeded  the  slight  rise  in  the  wages  of  rail- 
way labor  (as  measured  in  money)  that  the  purchasing  power 
of  a  day's  work  has  decreased.  As  compared  with  what  his  day's 
work  would  purchase  in  1892  to  1899,  the  day's  work  of  an  average 
railway  employee  will  now  purchase : 

Of  farm  products  but  90.8  per  cent. 

"  Fuel  and  lignting  materials "    72.3 

"  Metals  and  implements    "    91.8 

"  Lumber  and  building  materials "    88.9 

"  Drugs  and   chemicals    "    95.8 

"  House   furnishing   goods    "    95.5 

"  Miscellaneous    commodities "    95.0 

The  average  loss  in  purchasing  power  with  regard  to  all  classes 
of  commodities,  as  shown  by  the  official  statistics,  is  precisely  five 
per  cent. 

MONEY  WAGES  VS.  REAL  WAGES.   .  : 

The  real  wages  of  labor  are  goods,  not  dollars.  Men  cannot  eat 
or  wear  money ;  money  can  only  be  exchanged  for  goods,  and  until 
60  exchanged  the  laborer  cannot  tell  whether  his  wages  are  high 
or  low.  Money  wages  may  be  going  up,  while  actual 
wages  due  to  the  higher  prices  of  goods  are  going  down. 
This  is  actually  what  occurred  from  1897  to  1903.  The  reverse 
occurred  from  1890  to  1897,  as  is  clearly  shown  in  the  fol- 
lowing chart.  In  this  chart  the  dotted  line  "Bailroad  Money 
Wages"  shows  the  course  of  the  wages  of  all  railroad  employees; 
the  light  line  "Wholesale  Prices"  indicates  the  changes  in  prices, 
according  to  Dun's  index  numbers.  From  1890  to  1897  the  dates 
selected  are  January  1;  since  and  including  1897  two  dates  each 
year  are  selected — January  1  and  July  1.  The  heavy  line  "Pur- 
chasing Power  Wages"  shows  the  course  of  actual  wages,  that  is  of 
wages  with  relation  to  the  goods  the  laborer's  money  was  able  to 
procure  at  the  prices  which  were  charged  in  the  years  mentioned : 


*3> 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 


CHART  SHOWING  PURCHASING  POWER  OF  WAGES. 


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The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  137 

From  this  chart  it  is  seen  that  between  1895  and  1897  many- 
wages  suffered  a  slight  decline,  but  because  of  a  still  greater  decline 
in  prices  real  wages  enjoyed  a  considerable  increase.  Further,  it  is 
made  plain  that  since  1897,  in  spite  of  a  7  per  cent,  increase  in 
money  wages,  there  has  been  nearly  a  30  per  cent,  decrease  in  real 
wages,  because  of  the  fact  that  since  1897  the  increase  in  prices 
has  amounted  to  more  than  40  per  cent.  The  rise  in  money  wages 
is  not  keeping  pace  with  the  rise  in  the  cost  of  living.  For  this 
reason,  in  spite  of  occasional  apparent  increases  in  money  wages, 
there  has  not  been  a  time  within  the  present  generation  when  the 
struggle  for  existence  is  as  hard  as  it  is  now,  or  when  the  "full 
dinner  pail"  is  as  small  as  it  is  to-day.  The  size  of  the  "full  dinner 
pail"  has  been  steadily  diminishing  since  the  advent  of  Dingleyism, 
with  its  resultant  trusts  and  monopolies. 

LABOR'S  SHARE  OF  THE  PRODUCT  OF  LABOR  IS  RAPIDLY  DECLINING. 

The  following  table,  compiled  from  census  bulletins,  shows  the 
percentage  of  increase  in  the  number  of  wage  earners  and  the 
total  wage  paid  in  the  United  States,  and  in  the  five  manufacturing 
states  of  Illinois,  Massachusetts,  New  York,  New  Jersey  and  Penn- 
sylvania.   The  figures  are  for  the  ten  years  ending  in  1900 : 


United  States   

Illinois 

Massachusetts    

New  Jersey 

New  York  

Pennsylvania 

It  is  seen  from  these  figures  that,  considering  the  United  States 
as  a  whole,  while  the  number  of  laborers  increased  25.2  per  cent., 
yet  the  total  amount  of  wages  paid  to  them  increased  only  23.2  per 
cent. — equivalent  to  a  net  decrease  of  2  per  cent,  in  wages.  In  Illi- 
nois, while  the  number  of  laborers  increased  41  per  cent.,  the  total 
wages  paid  them  increased  34  per  cent. — equivalent  to  a  decline  of 
7  per  cent,  in  wages.  In  New  Jersey,  the  increase  in  the  number  of 
laborers  was  39  per  cent.,  but  the  total  wages  paid  them  increased 
only  32.7  per  cent.  In  all  of  the  great  manufacturing  States  shown 
above,  the  amount  paid  in  wages  has  signally  failed  to  keep  pace 
with  the  increased  number  of  wage  earners.  Other  census  office 
figures  show  even  more  conclusively  that  the  laborer  is  not  obtain- 
ing a  just  or  equitable  share  of  the  fruits  of  his  toil.  The  follow- 
ing table  shows  the  percentage  of  the  total  value  of  products  paid 
to  wage  earners  in  the  United  States,  and  in  the  States  named,  in 
1890  and  in  1900,  and  also  the  percentage  of  decrease  in  the  share 
of  the  values  they  created  which  were  paid  in  wages  to  the  laborer : 


Increase 

Increase 

of  wage 

of  total 

earners. 

wages. 

■»     paid. 

25.2 

23.2 

41. 

34. 

11.2 

10.9 

39 

32.7 

12.9 

10.4 

28.7 

26.1 

138  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

Percentage  of  total  Percentage 

value  of  products       of  decrease  in 
paid  to  wage  wag^  earner* 

earners.  share  of  prod- 

uct-valuea 
from    1890 
1900. 

1890  1900 

United   States 20.2  17.8  11.9 

Illinois   15.7  15.3  2.5 

Indiana    18.8  17.7  5.9 

Massachusetts    23.2  22.5  3 

New  Jersey 23.4  18  23.8 

New  York 21.7  18.8  13.4 

Ohio   20  18.6  7 

Pennsylvania   19.8  18.1  8.6 

Ehode   Island 23.3  22.3  4.3 

The  above  table  shows  that  in  1890  the  wage  earners  of  the 
United  States  received  in  wages  20  per  cent,  of  the  value  of  all 
the  manufactured  products  for  that  year  while  in  the  year  1900  they 
received  in  wages  only  17.8  per  cent,  of  the  product  value.  Or, 
in  other  words,  the  wage  earner's  share  of  the  wealth  that  he  sup- 
plied the  labor  to  create  has  been  diminished  year  by  year  until 
now  he  is  receiving  nearly  12  per  cent,  less  than  he  did  ten  years  ago. 
And  taking  up  the  States  shown  in  the  table  above,  one  by  one,  we 
find  that  the  wage  earners'  share  of  the  product  value  during  this 
decade  has  decreased  2.5  per  cent,  in  Illinois,  5.9  per  cent,  in  In- 
diana, 3  per  cent,  in  Massachusetts,  23.8  per  cent,  in  New  Jersey, 
13.4  per  cent,  in  New  York,  7  per  cent,  in  Ohio,  8.6  per  cent,  in 
Pennsylvania,  4.3  per  cent,  in  Rhode  Island. 


THE  AVERAGE   AMERICAN    FAMILY   PAYS  A  TRIBUTE  OF 
$94  A  YEAR  TO  PROTECTED  TRUSTS. 

The  tariff  question  is  a  business  proposition  that  concerns  every 
man,  woman  and  child,  for  it  taxes  the  average  home  $110  a  year, 
or  more  than  one-tenth  of  the  average  family's  total  income. 
There  is  an  average  of  one  and  one-eighth  tenths  earners  in  the 
average  home.  These  contribute  thirty  days'  labor  each,  or  fifty- 
four  days'  labor  a  year  to  the  tariff-tax  collectors.  If  this  $110  went 
as  honest  taxes  to  our  government  to  meet  necessary  expenditures, 
no  fault  would  be  found,  though  the  tax  would  be  considered  ex- 
tremely high.  But  only  a  very  small  part  of  this  $110  can  be 
classed  as  legitimate  taxes.  By  far  the  greater  part  goes  to 
million  and  billion  dollar  tariff  trusts  and  monopolies,  which 
thrive  now  as  never  before  in  this  country.  These  greedy  trusts 
levy  a  tribute  of  $94  a  year  upon  the  average  home,  while  the 
government  collects  an  average  of  about  $15  a  year  in  tariff  taxes; 
the  collection  last  year  amounted  to  $3.49  per  capita,  or  $16.52  per 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  139 

family  of  4.7  persons.  Do  the  heads  of  these  17,000,000  families, 
the  voters,  knowingly  and  willingly  donate  $94  a  year  to  the  hun- 
dreds of  trusts  ?  Do  they  love  these  trusts  more  than  they  love 
their  wives  and  children?  If  not,  why  should  they  vote  to  give 
this  $94  to  trusts  that  do  not  need  it  rather  than  to  keep  the 
$94  for  their  own  families,  who  do  need  it  ?  An  extra  $94  a  year 
would  mean  much  to  the  average  family  in  the  way  of  better  food, 
clothing  and  education. 

EVERYTHING    IS    TARIFF    TAXED. 

The  price  of  nearly  every  article  used  in  the  home  is  higher 
because  of  the  exorbitant  protective  tariff  that  the  Republicans 
are  "standing  pat"  on.  Every  suit  of  clothes,  every  hat,  every 
piece  of  underwear,  every  pair  of  socks,  every  pair  of  shoes,  every 
collar  and  cuff,  every  tie  is  dearer  because  of  the  tariff ;  every  dress, 
every  piece  of  linen,  silk  or  cotton,  for  the  household;  every  ar- 
ticle of  furniture  in  the  house;  every  piece  of  cutlery,  glassware, 
or  pottery  ware  in  the  dining-room  or  kitchen;  every  piece  of  car- 
pet or  oilcloth  in  the  house ;  every  pound  of  sugar,  rice,  soda,  starch, 
soap,  borax ;  nearly  every  article  of  food  on  the  table — all  of  these 
are  made  dearer  by  the  tariff  and  nearly  all  are  made  by  tariff 
trusts  that  put  prices  as  high  as  possible.  Few  people  realize  that 
they  are  paying  tariff  taxes  when  they  are  trading  at  a  store. 
They  know,  or  at  least  the  women,  who  are  the  pursers  or  commis- 
saries of  most  families,  know  that  prices  have  greatly  increased 
during  the  last  five  or  six  years,  and  that  never  before  was  it  so 
hard  to  supply  the  household  needs  with  the  money  at  their  dis- 
posal. They  know  that  a  dollar  does  not  go  as  far  as  it  used  to 
go,  though  many  do  not  suspect  the  cause.  If  they  did  there  would 
be  but  little  peace  in  the  ordinary  family  until  the  voters  stopped 
voting  this  annual  contribution  of  $94  a  year  to  the  protected 
trusts. 

GOVERNMENT    ESTIMATES   OF    FAMILY    EXPENSES    INACCURATE. 

The  estimate  of  the  tariff  tax  paid  by  the  average  family  is 
based  largely  upon  the  estimated  expenditure  of  the  family  for 
different  articles  and  classes  of  articles.  According  to  estimates 
reached  after  careful  study  of  the  data  of  the  censuses  of  1880,  1890 
and  1900,  the  consumption  value  of  all  products  in  the  year  1903 
was  about  $18,000,000,000,  divided  as  follows : 

Processes   of  Production.  Values. 

Raw  Materials. 

Farm  products,  at  farms,  less  feed  to  stock. .  .$  4,500,000,000 

Mine  products   1,000,000,000 

Forest  products,  not  included  in  farm  products        500,000,000 
Fisheries    . , 1 100,000,000 


$6,100,000,000 


140  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

Manufacturing. 

Values  added  to  products  by  manufacturing. .     6,400,000,000 
Transportation. 

Values  added  by  railroads,  water  traffic,  ex- 
press, telephones,   etc 2,500,000,000 

Trade. 

Values  added  by  merchants,  etc 3,000,000,000 


Net  value  total  product $18,000,000,000 

Placing  our  population  in  1903  at  80,000,000,  Mr.  Edward 
Atkinson,  the  eminent  economist  and  statistician,  estimates 
the  value  of  the  annual  product  of  this  country  at  $225 
per  head,  or  $585  per  earner,  about  one  person  in  every  2.6  per- 
sons being  employed  for  gain.  This  estimate  does  not  appear  to 
be  excessive.  Mr.  George  B.  Waldron,  in  his  "Handbook  on  Cur- 
rency and  Wealth,"  estimates  the  value  of  the  annual  production 
of  wealth  in  1890  at  $13,640,931,866,  or  about  $218  per  head. 

Now  in  calculating  the  annual  expenditures  of  the  average  fam- 
ily, in  order  to  be  on  the  safe  side  we  will  deduct  for  possible 
error  $2,000,000,000.  This  leaves  $16,000,000,000  as  the  amount 
expended,  or,  rather,  the  consumption  value  of  the  goods  used  by 
our  80,000,000  people  in  1903.  As  there  were  then  about  17,000,- 
000  families  the  average  annual  expenditure  per  family  was  about 
$941.  This  includes  the  value  of  farm  and  other  products  con- 
sumed at  home  and  which  did  not  enter  into  trade.  Probably 
about  one-fourth  of  all  farm  products  are  consumed  on  the  farm 
that  produced  them.  The  proportion  of  most  other  products  con- 
sumed at  home  and  without  entering  into  exchange  is  much  less. 
Based  partly  upon  this  estimate  and  partly  upon  the  census  of  1900 
as  to  the  number  of  persons  in  gainful  pursuits,  we  obtain  the 
following  estimate  of  the 

VALUE   OF    COMMODITIES   CONSUMED    BY  DIFFERENT  CLASSES. 

Number  of  Value  consumed. 

Kind  of  occupation.                           families.  Per  family.  By  each  class. 

Agricultural  pursuits   6,200,000  $835.00  $5,177,000,000 

Professional  service 800,000  1,200.00  960,000,000 

Domestic  and  personal  service...     3,200,000  550.00  1,760,000,000 

Trade  and  transportation 2,900,000  1,180.00  3,422,000,000 

Manufacturing   and    mechanical.     3,900,000  1,200.00  4,680,000,000 

Totals 17,000,000  $941.18       $15,999,000,000 

From  these  estimates  it  will  be  seen  that  the  average  family 
consumes  yearly  a  little  over  $940  worth  of  commodities.  This 
estimate  includes  the  expenditures  of  employers  as  well  as  em- 
ployees. Excluding  the  families  of  employers,  manufacturers, 
merchants,  bankers,  hotel  keepers,  mine  owners,  big  farmers,  ranch 
owners,  etc.,  the  average  family  would  probably  spend  less  than 
$800,  and  possibly  less  than  $700. 

FAMILY    EXPENDITURES    ANALYZED    INTO    GROUPS. 

Let  us  now  analyze  the  expenditures  of  this  average  family  and 
see  what  it  buys  with  its  $940  and  estimate  the  amount  spent 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  14* 

for  the  various  commodities  and  the  amount  of  tariff  tax  upon 
those  commodities.  Investigations  have  been  made  at  different 
times  to  ascertain  the  relative  expenditures  of  families  for  the 
main  groups  of  commodities  purchased,  but  unfortunately  these 
investigations  have  been  confined  to  workingmen's  families.  We 
are  practically  in  the  dark  as  to  the  relative  expenditures  for  dif- 
ferent commodities  made  by  the  families  of  farmers,  professional 
men  and  employers.  The  data  contained  in  the  seventh  annual  re- 
port of  the  Commissioner  of  Labor  of  the  United  States,  which : 
was  adopted  by  the  Senate  Finance  Committee  in  its  report  made  in^ 
1891  on  wages,  prices  and  cost  of  living,  was  based  upon  the  "dis- 
tribution of  expenditures  for  two  thousand  five  hundred  and  sixty- 
one  normal  families."  The  report  indicates  that  15.06  per  cent, 
of  their  expenditures  went  for  rent,  41.03  per  cent,  for  food,  5  per 
cent,  for  fuel,  15.31  per  cent,  for  clothing,  9  per  cent,  for  lighting, 
and  22.70  per  cent,  for  all  other  purposes. 

The  July  (1904)  Eeport  of  the  Bureau  of  Labor,  based  upon  new 
estimates  for  2,567  families,  gives  the  percentage  of  expenditures 
for  the  principal  items  entering  into  the  cost  of  living  of  those 
2,567  families  as  follows: 

PERCENTAGE  OF  THE  AVERAGE  TOTAL  EXPENDITURES  OF 

2,567  FAMILIES  DISBURSED  FOR  THE  PRINCIPAL  ITEMS  ENTERING 

INTO  THE  COST  OF  LIVING. 

Items.  Per  cent.  Items.  Per  cent. 

Food 42.54  Religious   purposes 99 

Rent    12.95  Charity    31 

Principal     and     interest     on  Furniture  and  utensils 3.42 

mortgage  on  homes 1.58  Books   and   newspapers 1.09 

Fuel    4.19  Amusement  and  vacation. .  . .      1.60 

Lighting    1.06  Intoxicating    liquors 1.62 

Clothing     14.04  Tobacco    1.42 

Taxes    75  Sickness  and   death    2.67 

Insurance    2.73  Other  purposes    5.87 

Labor    and    other    organiza-  

tion  fees    1.17  100.00 

In  1902  the  Massachusetts  Bureau  of  Statistics  of  Labor  gave 
the  results  of  an  investigation  of  the  earnings  and  expenditures  of 
152  workingmen's  families;  by  families  with  incomes  above  $1,200 
the  percentage  of  expenditure  for  rent  was  12.43  per  cent;  it  di- 
minished from  21.96  per  cent,  to  6.8  per  cent,  for  families  with  in- 
comes of  less  than  $450.  The  average  for  food  was  about  49  per 
cent.;  fuel  and  light  averaged  6.91  per  cent.  (7.91  for  the  poorer 
families  down  to  4.49  for  families  with  large  earnings).  Clothing 
averaged  11.69  per  cent.  (9.15  per  cent,  for  the  $450  family  up  to 
14.66  per  cent,  for  the  "$750  to  $1,200"  family).  Families  with 
incomes  less  than  $600  had  almost  nothing  left  for  furniture,  edu- 
cation, newspapers,  amusements,  etc. 

Based  upon  all  these  various  estimates  the  relative  expenditures 
for  various  items  are  as  indicated  below.  The  table  shows  the  prob- 
able expenditure  for  each  of  the  more  important  items  entering 
into  the  cost  of  living,  and  the  estimated  tariff  taxes  on  each  and 
all  of  these  items : 


142 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 


TARIFF    TAXES    PAID    BY    THE    AVERAGE    FAMILY    IN  1903. 

Yearly  Expenditure  of  $940.00  Tariff-Taxes  paid  to 

Per  cent.  U.  S.  Trusts, 

Items.                                                 of  total     Amount  (1903).  etc. 
Food  (37%  of  all). 

Meats    (10%   of  all).  % 

Beef,  veal  and  mutton 4.5  $42.30  $  .01  $2.49 

Hog  and  hog  products 3.8  35.72  .01  1.74 

Poultry    1.1  10.34  .00  .20 

Other  "meats    6  5.64  .00  .10 

Fish,  including  shell  fish 9  8.46  .08  .92 

Eggs     1.8  16.92  .00  .30 

Milk    1.4  13.16  .00  .25 

Butter,  cheese  and  condensed  milk 2.3  21.62  .08  .92 

Bread    6.  56.40  .06  1.94 

Sugar,  molasses  and  confectionery 3.3  31.02  3.78  4.72 

Vegetables 4.2  39.48  .10  2.40 

Fruits  and  nuts 2.3  21.62  .33  3.67 

Coffee,  tea  and  cocoa 1.3  12.22  .13  .37 

All  other — rice,  starch,  condiments,  etc.     3.5  32.90  .75  2.75 

Liquors — beer,  whiskey,  wine,  etc 7.8  73.32  .66  5.34 

Tobacco,  all  forms    2.8  26.32  1.28  3.72 

Clothing  (14.6%  of  all). 

Woolens     3.7  34.78  1.72  9.28 

Cottons    3.9  36.66  1.63  6.37 

Boots  and  shoes    2.3  21.62  .12  1.23 

Silks,     linens,     laces,     furs,     rubber 

goods,  gloves,  etc 4.7  44.18  2.00  9.00 

Fuel  and  light   (4.9%  of  all). 

Coal,,    anthracite     1.8  16.92  .01  .49 

bituminous    1.3  12.22  .05  1.20 

Gas,  petroleum,  wood,  etc 1.8  16.92  .01  1.19 

Rent    7.  65.80  .40  7.10 

Building  materials   5.  47.00  .30  5.20 

Books   and   newspapers 1.5  14.10  .14  1.06 

Furniture  and  utensils   4.  37.60  ,76  6.24 

Implements  and  tools    3.8  35.72  .30  5.05 

Sickness  and  death    2.2  20.68  .45  2.55 

Taxes  (on  homes  only) 8  7.52  .07  .63 

Educations    3  2.82  .03  .27 

Insurance   (fire  on  homes) 7  6.58  .08  .52 

Societies  and  unions    5  4.70  .10  .45 

Religion    and    charity 1.  9.40  .15  .75 

Travel    1.  15.98  .15  1.35 

Amusements  and  recreation   2.5  23.50  .25  1.75 

Other  purposes    1.9  17.86  .53  .97 

Totals    100.00     $940.00       $16.52       $94.48 

Total  tariff  tax  per  family '. $111.00 

TARIFF    TAX    PER    FAMILY. 

Space  will  not  permit  detailed  explanation  of  how  the  estimate 
of  the  tariff  tax  on  each  item  in  the  table  was  reached,  nor  is  such 
explanation  necessary;  the  methods  of  comparison  and  of  mak- 
ing deductions  from  official  reports  and  other  reliable  data  were 
the  same  in  all  the  articles,  and  it  will  suffice  to  give  one  or  two 
articles  as  illustrations;  for  example,  the  table  contains  the  state- 
ment that  the  tariff  tax  on  boots  and  shoes  is  only  $1.35  per  fam- 
ily, of  which  the  government  gets  only  12  cents  while  the  beef, 
leather  and  other  trusts  get  $1.23.     This  estimate  was  reached 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  143 

in  the  following  manner.  According  to  the  Hon.  William  B. 
Eice,  of  Eice  &  Hutehins,  one  of  the  largest  boot  and  shoe  manu- 
facturing concerns  in  the  country,  and  according  to  other  well 
informed  experts  on  boot  and  shoe  matters,  the  duty  of  15  per 
cent,  on  hides  put  on  by  the  Dingley  bill  in  1897,  has  entailed  a 
tax  upon  the  American  people  of  not  less  than  $2,000,000  annually, 
and  has  added  from  5  to  8  per  cent,  to  the  cost  of  every  American 
made  pair  of  boots  and  shoes. 

Now  what  is  "from  5  to  8  per  cent,  of  the  cost  of  boots  and 
shoes"?  To  answer  this  question  we  must  know  what  the  Amer- 
ican people  pay  for  their  boots  and  shoes.  The  factory  value  of 
leather  boots  and  shoes  produced  in  1900  was  $261,028,580.  Our 
exports  were  valued  at  $4,197,566.  The  retail  value  of  boots  and 
shoes  sold  at  home  was  approximately  $345,000,000,  to  which 
should  be  added  $26,550,628  for  custom  work,  making  $371,000,- 
000  as  the  total  cost  of  leather  boots  and  shoes.  "Five  to  8  per 
cent."  of  $371,000,000  is  $18,500,000  to  $30,000,000. 

Adopting  a  mean  between  these  two  extremes,  we  see  that  the 
tariff  adds  to  the  cost  of  boots  and  shoes  $23,000,000,  or  $1.35  per 
family.  Now  the  duty  collected  on  imported  boots  and  shoes  and 
on  materials  which  enter  in  their  manufacture  amounts  to  only 
about  $2,000,000  a  year;  consequently  the  government  receives 
only  12  cents  per  family,  leaving  $1.23  for  the  beef,  leather  and 
other  trusts,  as  stated  in  the  table. 

An  additional  illustration  may  be  given  in  the  case  of  woolen 
goods.  The  table  states  that  the  tariff  tax  paid  by  the  American 
people  on  woolen  goods  amounts  annually  to  $11  per  family. 
This  estimate  is  arrived  at  thus: 

The  factory  value  of  woolens  manufactured  in  this  country  in 
1900  was  $296,990,484.  According  to  the  Statistical  Abstract  the 
raw  wool  retained  for  consumption  amounted  to  5.72  pounds  per 
capita  in  1900  and  to  5.74  pounds  in  1903.  As  our  population 
increased  more  than  5  per  cent,  from  1900  to  1903,  and  as  the 
values  of  clothing  of  all  kinds  averaged  5  per  cent,  higher  in  1903 
than  in  1900 — though  the  prices  of  wool  were  about  the  same — it 
is  fair  to  add  7  per  cent,  to  the  1900  product  to  obtain  the  factory 
value  of  woolens  in  1903.     This  would  make  it  $318,000,000. 

The  imports  of  woolen  goods  for  consumption  in  1903  amounted 
to  $19,302,007,  on  which  a  duty  of  $17,564,694  was  collected, 
averaging  91  per  cent,  on  the  foreign  cost  of  the  goods.  Including 
transportation  costs  from  foreign  countries  the  imported  woolens 
when  they  reached  our  shores  were  worth  fully  $38,000,000. 

Adding  together  the  values  of  woolens  produced  and  imported 
we  get  $356,000,000.  Deducting  $36,000,000  as  used  for  other 
purposes,  there  remains  $320,000,000  as  the  factory  and  import 
value  of  all  woolens  used  for  clothing.  Adding  15  per  cent,  for 
profits,  we  find  that  the  total  value  of  woolen  materials  ready  to 
make  into  clothing  was,  in  1903,  about  $368,000,000.  The  retail 
value  of  all  kinds  of  woolen  clothing  and  goods  was  probably  60 
per   cent,   greater,   or   $590,000,000.     This   gives   an   average   of 


144  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

$34.64  per  family,  which  is  far  below  Mr.   Edward  Atkinson's 
estimate. 

Our  imports  of  raw  wool  in  1903  were  valued  at  $21,258,031, 
on  which  a  duty  of  $11,631,048  was  collected.  Hence  the  total 
duty  collected  on  wool  and  woolens  was  $29,195,736,  or  $1.72  per 
family.  As  only  about  one-tenth  of  our  woolen  goods  arc  im- 
ported and  as  the  tariff  cost  of  these  goods  is,  at  retail,  about  $1.50 
per  family,  it  is  reasonable  to  assume  that  the  tariff  cost  of  the 
ten  times  as  many  domestic  woolens  is,  at  retail,  $10.00  per  family. 
In  the  table  the  total  tariff  cost  is  estimated  at  $11.00  per  family, 
of  which  $1.72  went  to  the  government. 

AVERAGE  FAMILY  PAYS  $94  A  YEAR  TO  PROTECTED  TRUSTS. 

According  to  these  estimates,  which  under  rather  than  over  esti- 
mate the  amount  of  the  tariff  tax,  the  average  family  spent  in 
1903,  including  the  values  of  goods  consumed  at  home,  about  $940. 
Of  this  $940,  $830  went  for  goods,  $16.52  went  as  legitimate  taxes 
to  the  government,  and  $94  went  to  swell  the  profits  of  the 
trusts  and  monopolies.  That  is,  $1  out  of  every  $10  expended  by 
an  American  family  goes  to  protected  monopolies.  The  tariff  tax 
therefore  unnecessarily  increases  the  cost  of  living  10  per  cent, 
and  amounts  to  $1,599,000,000  for  the  17,000,000  families  in  this 
country.  It  is  this  tax  which  is  mainly  responsible  for  the  un- 
paralleled growth  of  trusts  since  the  passage  of  the  Dingley  Act 
in  1897,  for  the  dangerous  concentration  of  wealth  in  the  hands  of 
a  comparatively  few,  and  for  the  rapid  increase  in  the  number  of 
multimillionaires.  Every  man  who  votes  to  "stand  pat"  on  Ding- 
ley "protection"  votes  to  tax  his  family  10  per  cent,  a  year  on  all 
its  expenditures  and  to  turn  the  proceeds  over  to  the  monopolists, 
who  already  own  or  control  a  majority  of  all  the  wealth  of  the 
country. 

TARIFF  TAX  PAID  BY  FAMILIES  IN  THE  DIFFERENT  VOCATIONS. 

Although  the  amount  of  expenditures  for  tariff  taxes  varies  in 
the  different  classes  of  families,  according  to  their  incomes  and 
general  expenses,  yet  it  is  approximately  correct  to  say  that  the 
percentage  paid  on  account  of  tariff  is  about  the  same  in  the 
various  vocations. 

The  expenditures  of  the  average  family  in  the  wage  earning 
classes  probably  does  not  exceed  $780  a  year.  Those  of  the  aver- 
age family  in  the  salary  earning  and  professional  classes  will  prob- 
ably average  $1,200.  Those  of  the  average  family  in  the  employ- 
ing classes,  exclusive  of  the  farmers,  will  probably  average  $4,000 
or  $5,000  a  year.     We  have  then  the  following  estimate  of  the 

TARIFF    TAX    PAID    BY    THE    AVERAGE    AMERICAN    FAMILY. 

Wage  earner's  family $  75  a  year. 

Salary  earner's  family 120  " 

Professional  man's   family 120  " 

Employer's  family   400  " 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 


MS 


Grouping  Employers  and  Employees  and  classifying  families 
according  to  occupations,  we  have  the  following  estimates  of  the 

TARIFF    TAX    PAID    BY    THE    AVERAGE    AMERICAN    FAMILY 
IN    THE    SEVERAL    PURSUITS    NAMED. 

Number  of        Amount  of      Tariff  Tax. 
Kind  of  occupation.  families.         Per  family.  Total  for  U.  S.. 

Agricultural  pursuits   

Professional  service 

Domestic  and  personal  service. 

Trade  and  transportation 

Manufacturing  and  mechanical. 

All  occupations   17,000,000  $94.10         $1,599,900,000 

From  these  estimates  it  will  be  seen  that  the  monopoly  feature 
of  "protection"  costs  the  17,000,000  families  of  this  country  ap- 
proximately $1,600,000,000  a  year. 


6,200,000 

$83.50 

$517,700,000 

800,000 

120.00 

96,000,000 

3,200,000 

55.00 

176,000,000 

2,900,000 

118.00 

342,200,000 

3,900,000 

120.00 

468,000,000 

THE   DINGLEY   TARIFF   IMPOSES  AN  AVERAGE   DUTY 
OF  48.81  PER  CENT. 

TABLE  SHOWING  ARTICLES  IMPORTED,  AND  THE  AMOUNT  OF  TARIFF 

TAX    LEVIED    UPON   THEM   FOR   THE   YEAR   ENDING 

JUNE  30,  1904. 

On  every  $100  worth  of  dutiable  goods  brought  into  the  United 
States,  a  tariff  tax  of  $48.81  is  levied,  thus  making  merchandise 
worth  only  $100  cost  the  American  consumer  $148.81.  The  total 
amount  of  dutiable  goods  imported  for  the  year  ending  June  S0r 
1904,  was  $536,940,590,  upon  which  was  levied  a  tariff  tax  of 
48.81%,  or  $262,013,079. 

Following  is  a  table  showing  leading  articles  imported  in  the 
year  ending  June  30,  1904,  the  value  of  those  articles,  and  the 
amount  of  tariff  duties  imposed  upon  them  by  the  Dingley  tariff 
law. 

Imported  Merchandise  Entered  for  Consumption  in  the  United  States,  Includ- 
ing  Both   Entries  for  Immediate  Consumption  and  Withdrawals  from 
Warehouse  for  Consumption,  with  Rates  and  Amounts  of  Duty 
Collected   During  the   YearlEnding  June  30,  1903. 

Average 

T?atP«  of  Value     Adva- 

Articles.                             twV  Quantities.  Values.  Duties,      per       lorera 

^uty'  unit  of    rate  of 

quantity,   duty. 

Agate— Manufactures     of 60%  $23,064           $$11,532        60. 

Agricultural     implements 20%  21,640              4,328         29. 

Aluminum     8c.  per  lb.  686,727  196,634  54,938          .286      27,9* 

Animals— Cattle     54,332  833,936  236,653          .14        28,38 

Horses    25%  &  $30  per  h.  1,955  278,686  70,807    142.54        25.2 

Poultry    (lbs.)     3c.  per  lb.  603,274  40,172  15,098          .08        37.5! 

Total    horses,     cattle,     sheep,      5  free  1.771,738            

etc      ^dutiable  2,685,994           631,290       23.50 

Antimony     free  4,774  852  97,917            .021       — — 

As    regulus %c.  per  lb.  6,018,985  363,065  45,142          .06        12.42 

Articles    specially    imported free  467,8^8            

The   growth,    produce   of   the 

United    States,    ret'd    free  7.915,828           892,013       


146 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 


Articles. 


Rates  of 
Duty. 


Art    works    15  to  20% 

Asphaltum   &   bitumen    (tons)..  50c.  to  $3.00 

Automobiles     45% 

Beads    and    bead    fabrics 35  to  60% 

Beverages,   cherry  juice,   etc..  

Bismuth     free 

Bone    and    horn 30% 

Books    5free 

?  dutiable 

Brass    5  free 

I  dutiable 
Breadstuffs,     arrowroot,    etc..  free 

Cereal    food,     etc free 

Bristles    7%c.  lb. 

Bronze — powder    12c.  per  lb. 

Dutch    metal    6c.  per  pkg. 

Broom   corn,    manufactures   of.  45% 

Brushes,    dusters,    etc 40% 

Carbons,     electric     lighting....    90c.  per  100 

Buttons,    or   parts   of 

Cement,    Portland,    etc.    (lbs  ).     8c.  per  100 
Chalk,    unmanufactured    (tons)  free 

Not    medicinal     lc.  per  lb. 

Chemicals,    acids    5  free 

I  dutiable 

Ammonia    (lbs.)    ■ 

bark    (lbs.)    He.  per  lb. 

borax     (lbs.) 5c.  per.  lb. 

chicle    gum    (lbs.)    10c.  per  lb. 

coal    tar    colors 30% 

coal    tar    20% 

cocaine    25c.  per  lb. 

gelatine    (lbs.) 

glycerine  (lbs.)   lc.  per  lb. 

gums   free 

logwood   %c.  per  lb. 

mineral   water 30c.  doz.  bot. 

opium     crude     $1.00  per  lb. 

prep,      smoke $6.00  per  lb. 

potash   5free 

*  dutiable 

root*     free 

soda  5free 

{  dutiable 

sulphur     (tons) free 

sumac  (lbs.)   

tartar    (lbs.)    6% 

thirium  (lbs.)    25% 

tonquin   free 

vanilla   beans    (lbs.)    free 

wax   free 

alkalies  25% 

medicinal    25% 

All   other  chemicals   free 

Total   chemicals    5  free 

?  dutiable 

Clays,    kaolin    (tons)    $2.50  a  ton 

all  kinds  (tons)   5  free 

I  dutiable 

Clocks    and    parts    of 40% 

movements,    cases,    &c ■ 

Total    watches    and    clocks 

Coal— Anthracite    free 

anthracite    67c.  per  ton 

bituminous     67c.  per  ton 

slack    15c.  per  ton 

coke    20% 

Total    coal    and    coke 5  free 

}  dutiable 

Cocoa— total    I  tree 

I  dutiable 

Coffee    free 

Copper,    ores,    etc free 

Cotton,    thread,    yarn,    etc 3  to  39*4% 

cloth,    sq.    yds   

other  than  ordinary  warp.  

handkerchiefs     

plushes,    etc 9  to  18c  sq.y. 

laces,      curtains,     etc 1%  to  7% 

total  5  free 

}  dutiable 


—  Avert 
Value 

ige 

Adva- 

Quantities. 

Values. 

Duties. 

1 

per 

unit  of 

lorem 
rate  of 

quantity. 

duty. 



3,680,811 

623,944 



18. 

173,500 

581,044 

260,908 

3.34 

44. 

317 

963,998 

433,799  3041. 

45. 



805,347 

439,385 



54 



366,189 

126,207 



34.47 

188,229 

244,983 



1.30 





230,615 

63,184 



30. 



2,443,168 









1,827,922 

456,285 



24,96 



560,997 









50,625 

22,983 



45,40 

36,935,253 

618.982 



.017 





1,713,613 

566,357 



33.05 

2,927,048 

2,566,859 

219,528 

.877 

8.55 

1.869,763 

518,144 

224,371 

.277 

43,31 

S29.676 

75,663 

49,780 

.091 

65.79 



230,192 

103,586 



45. 

— — 

1,238,587 

495,434 



40.00 

54,201 

52,098 

48,781 

.961 

93,63 



1,107,803 

523,074 



47.22 

1,088, 853, 909 

3,516,274 

871.083 

.003 

24.77 

106,498 

98,652 

1 

.927 



1,374,069 

26,763 

13.740 

.019 

51.  S4 



766,929 









155,531 

74,172 



47.69 

40,424,913 

1,206,774 

158,029 



23.6 

11,992,419 

340,539 

69,962 

.028 

17.61 

72.479 

4,441 

3,623 

.061 

81.60 

S,  282, 803 

779,140 

328,280 

.237 

42.13 

— — 

6,252,610 

1,575,783 



30. 



544,176 

108,835 



20. 



224,463 

66,113 



25. 

757,951 

312,243 

122,796 

.40 

39. 

$4,211,490 

2,804,915 

342,114 

.082 

12.20 

— — — 

9,640,606 







3,480,032 

237,362 

30,450 

.068 

12.83 

584,513 

469,758 

175,354 

.804 

87,33 

486,613 

972,587 

486,613 

2.00 

60.83 

182,629 

1,133,182 

2,095,774 

€.21 

96.70 

263,262,708 

4,574,223 



.017 



6,599,791 

742,273 

151,649 

133 

20.43 



1,836,968 

■ 





252,131 

7,737,405 



30.69 





614,778 

212,434 



34.65 

180,174 

3.547,005 

■ 

19.69 



15,015,309 

249,971 

49,453 

16.00 

19.78 

29,310,203 

2,719,063 

135,953 

098 

6. 

72,990 

244258 

61,064 

3.35 

25. 



219,407 

■  .  1 



— _ 

621,745 

1,032,654 

—  ■ 

1.98 

____ 

7,439,262 

733,679 



.099 

__ 

_____ 

807,585 

201,896 

1 

25. 



1,219,098 

304,774 

— — 

25. 

— — — 

498,099 

■ 

1 

. 



39,501,172 









24,162,545 

6,604,476 



27.33 

141,584 

921,234 

353,960 

6.51 

38.42 

— — 

99,560 



— 

____ 



1,284,056 

443,041 



34.60 



485,519 

194.207 



40. 

691,983 

949,904 

489,178 

1.60 

61.4 



2,666,853 

955,425 



35.8$ 

210,998 

967,639 



4.59 

. 

131.377 

614,973 

88,022 

4.68 

14.31 

1,118,458 

3,789,550 

749,373 

3,39 

19.77 

498,559 

899,348 

74,784 

1.80 

8.33 

122,553 

414,017 

82,803 

3,38 

20. 

210,998 

967,639 

. 

4,59 



3,866,184 

11,550,971 

994,984 

2,89 

8.61 

63,162,192 

7,820,073 



.124 



993,179 

291,252 

48,232 

.293 

16.5$ 

915,149,143 

59,207,173 



.066 





20,844,059 







118,909 

45,741 

14,892 

.38 

.32 

60,693,467 

8,434,591 

3,970,620 

.14 

38.08 

3,566,039 

706,060 

313,779 

.198 

44.44 



434,049 

249,516 



57.49 



2,797,280 

1,737,141 



62.10 

■ 

25,537,825 

15,312.302 



69.96 

— — 

11,778,598 









51,706,978 

27.758,625 

-■ 

63.68 

The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 


47 


Articles. 


Rates  of 
Duty. 


Earthenware,   tinted,  etc 60% 

stone    and    chinaw 

Eggs,      dozen     Scents. 

Feathers     15% 

Fertilizers  (tons) free 

Fans     50% 

Palm    leaf    free 

Feathers,     artificial,    etc 50% 

Fibers,   unm 5  free 

1  dutiable 

yarns    (lbs.)     

bagging    (lbs.) 6/10c.  a  lb. 

bags  from  jute 7/8c.  alb. 

burlaps    (lbs.)    5/8  to  7/8c. 

all   other   45% 

twines  

handkerchiefs,    em 60% 

hem   55% 

Fiber*,    laces,   tidies,   etc 60% 

oilcloth  8c.  and  15% 

linoleums,   etc 20c.  and  20% 

pile    fabrics    60% 

total     $  free 

?  dutiable 

Firecrackers  8  cents. 

Fish,  anchovies,  sardines,  etc..  1%  to  2%c. 

herrings    in    tins    30% 

cod,    pickled,   etc %c.  a  lb. 

herring,    pickled,    etc %c.  a  lb. 

mackerel    1  cent  a  lb. 

total  5  f r«e 

*  dutiable 
Fruits,  bananas  free 

currants   (lbs.)    2c.  a  lb.) 

dates    (lbs.) %c  a  lb. 

figs  (lbs.)  2c.  a  lb. 

grapes    (bbls.)     20c.  cu.  ft. 

lemons  lc.  alb. 

•olives,    not    in    bot 15c.  a  gall. 

oranges    lc.  a  lb. 

pineapples   in    bbls 7c.  cu.ft. 

-preserved     comfits     lc   and  35% 

raisins 2%c.  a  lb. 

•total   5free 

?  dutiable 

nuts,    total    5  free 

}  dutiable 

Total    fruits   and    nuts ]  free 

?  dutiable 
Furs    5  free 

*  dutiable 
'Glass,      cylinder,      crown     and 

common     window,      sq.      ft., 

plate  

'Glass    total    j  free 

2  dutiable 

•Glue     (lbs.)     

'Gold  and  silver  manufactures  

Grease   of   wool    %c  a  lb. 

Gunpowder     and     Expl.      Sub- 
stances      . 

Hair,  unmanufactured  free 

Hats,   bonnets,   hoods 

Hay   (tons)    $4.00  a  t. 

Hides    and    skins    (lbs.) 5  free 

?  dutiable 

Hoofs,     horns,     etc free 

Hops  (lbs.)    12c.  a  lb. 

India   rubber,    unmanufact'd. .  free 

manufactures  

Iron  and  Steel. 

Iron     ore     (tons) 40c.  a  ton 

m    pigs    $4.00  a  ton 

scrap    $4.00aton 

bars  or  rails  $7. 84  a  ton 

Steel    ingots    

sheets  

saw  plates  (lbs.) 

tin    plates    (lbs.) l%c.  a  lb. 

wire  rods   (lbs.) 

-wire  round   (lbs.) 


— Average 

Value 

Adva- 

Quantities. 

Values. 

Duties. 

per 

lorem 

unit  of 

rate  of 

quantity. 

duty. 



1,169,684 

701,810 



60. 



10,323,634 

6,085,760 



58.95 

297,395 

19,152 

14,869 

.064 

7764 



2,453,992 

368,548 



15. 

458,009 

3,081,057 



6.73 





528,889 

264,444 



50. 

1,129,980 

60,409 



.061 





2,554,834 

1,277,417 



50. 

285,440 

31,605,704 



110.73 



12,971 

2,832,896 

336.201 

218.33 

11.80 

1,405,000 

373,014 

139,691 

.85 

37.40 

5,417,039 

213,098 

32,502 

.039 

15.26 

43,725,204 

2,024,798 

686,315 

•  046 

33.90 

254,019,460 

13,044,878 

3,561,052 

.051 

27.20 



1,111,263 

500,068 



45. 

502,668 

356,901 

159,069 

.71 

44.67 



1,360,421 

816,289 



60. 



971.065 

534,085 



55. 



892,262 

535,357 



60. 

2,314,356 

507,138 

261,219 

.215 

51.51 

939,216 

563,060 

300,455 

.60 

53.31 



209,314 

125,588 



60. 



32,114,898 





— — 



41,294,963 

15,811,703 



38.29 

4,017,560 

218,020 

321,404 

.054 

147.2 

23,610,060 

1,454,264 

405,320 

.061 

27.86 

1,465,904 

101,437 

30,431 

.069 

30. 

19,212,797 

791,699 

144,096 

.041 

18.30 

46,963,941 

1,721,879 

234, 669 

.037 

13.64 

15.211,528 

1,119,523 

152,115 

.074 

13.68 

— — — 

997,714 

■ 

., 

■ 



7,218,153 

1,267,194 



17.66 

29,711,301 

8,534.762 



.287 



35,562,520 

813,228 

711,250 

.028 

25. 

20,700,800 

464,487 

103,504 

.022 

22.28 

14,670,000 

696,744 

293,400 

.047 

42.11 

736,514 

956,822 

147,302 

1.30 

15.40 

152,775,867 

3,087,244 

1,527,758 

.02 

49.48 

2,115,844 

770,194 

317,376 

.364 

41.21 

57,046.866 

822,878 

145,109 

.027 

25.90 

2,072,994 

559,125 

145,109 

.027 

25.00 

9,929,815 

605,306 

311,155 

.061 

51.40 

6,965,815 

433,004 

149,145 

.073 

34.45 



8.757,408 

— 

i 





9,748,031 

4,468,594 

". 

46.84 



1.861,931 

■ 



■ 



3,176,794 

1,225,330 



38.57 



10,619,340 









10,619,825 

6,693,924 



44  05 

■ 

8,798,607 









6,276,031 

1,332,625 



21.23 

64,729,503 

2,294,215 

1,361,047 



59.20 

6,908,931 

1,460,655 

1,127,573 

.21 

77.19 



229,660 

.. 



. 



6,969,958 

4,303,509 



61.74 

6,456,175 

589,218 

170,364 



28.90 

1 

734,832 

343,107 



46.69 

12,684,195 

284,004 

63,421 

.022 

22.33 



428,928 

128,333 



29.92 



•2.708,439 









3,728,834 

858,990 



23.04 

293,203 

■2,236,664 

1,172,812 

7.63 

62.44 

186,365,478 

41.885,577 



.225 



131,705,012 

16,116,392 

387,619 

1,777,046 

2,417,458 

.122 

15. 

5,999,937 

719,992 

.296 

40.65 



32,525,513 









782,519 

242,155 



30.95 

1,044,728 

2,334,789 

417,891 

2.24 

17.89 

949,009 

16,736,388 

3,796,036 

17.64 

22.68 

139,611 

2,058,629 

558,446 

14.75 

27.13 

123,258 

2,815,450 

966,348 

22.84 

34.32 

840,146,050 

9,776,146 

2,925,803 

.012 

29.93 

18.476.759 

299,659 

91,380 

.016 

30.50 

1,583,456 

123,854 

34,918 

.78 

28.19 

109,210 

3,219,841 

1,638,154 

.029 

60.88 

61,150,949 

1,120,606 

208,847 

.022 

18.64 

6,607,297 

347,774 

142,472 

.053 

40. 9S 

148 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 


Articles, 


Rates  of 
Duty. 


beams    (lbs.) „         %c.  a  lb. 

card  clothing   45c.  sq.  ft. 

cutlery . 

razors 

scissors   

knives   

Total  cutlery  

Firearms    $  free 

}  dutiable 
Machinery       not       elsewhere 

specified   45% 

Total    Iron    and    Steel J  free 

*  dutiable 
Ivory,    vegetable   free 

tusks    free 

Jewelry  J  free 

*  dutiable 

Lead  

Leather,    band,    etc 

gloves     (doz.     prs.) 

Liquors. 

Malt    

distilled    whiskey     

champagne    

wines   

total    spirits    

Manganese    free 

Marble— onyx    and    stone free 

Matches     

Matting  (sq.   yd.) 8c.  sq.  yd. 

other 7c.  sq.  yd. 

Metals  not  elsewhere  specified  45% 

Mica— roub'h    6c.  per  lb. 

Musical   instruments   46% 

Nickel   ore   (tons) free 

oxide     (lbs.) 6c.  per  lb. 

Oils 

Animal  (gallons)  

Mineral   free 

Vegetable 5  free 

}  dutiable 

volatile  $  tree 

I  dutiable 

total    oil    Jfree 

*  dutiable 

Paints    and     Colors    

Paper    stock,    crude    free 

total    and    manufacture    of..  

Pearl,    mother   of free 

Pencils— paper   or    wood ..45c.  gr.  ft  25% 

&25% 
Pipes   and   smokers'    articles..  60% 

Plants,    trees    and    snrubs iutiable 

Plaster,    rock  or  gypsum 

Platinum    free 

Plumbago  free 

Provisions      comprising      meat 

and    dairy   products    

Rice,    total   lbs 

Salt  

Sausages  and  casings    free 

Seeds    J  free 

i  dutiable 

Shells  free 

Bilk— unmanufactured free 

manufactured    

Soap— castile    1%c-  a  In- 
fancy         15c.  per  lb. 

Spices    S  free 

2  dutiable 

Sponges    , 20% 

Starch l%c.  lb. 

Stearin    °  •  % 

Straw  30% 

Sugar  and  Molasses  (gallons). 

Total    molasses    (gallons) 

sugar   not    above   16    lbs...  

above    16    lbs 

all     kinds     

Pulphur  ore  free 

Tea   v.       Jfree 

^  dutiable 


Quantities.        Values. 


,944,427        1, 


Average 

Value     Adva- 

Duties.      per       lorem 

unit  of  rate  of 

quantity,  duty. 

699,722  .012      41.61 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 


149 


Average 

...                                   Rates  of  Value  Adva- 

Articles.                              Duty.          Quantities.        Values.  Duties,  per  lorem 

unit  of  rate  of 

quantity,  duty. 

Tin    and    manufacture!    of....       5 free  88,016,361      23,618,857  

1  dutiable                 90,764  40,844       45. 

Tobacco  and  manufactures  of.               28.808,536,586      18,298,780  21,892,109  .635  119.64 

Type     metal     l%c.  lb.              6,566,968           208,189  98,504  .032  47.31 

Varnishes 35%                   52,826           133,638  46,773  2.53  35. 

Vegetables    4,449,057  1,609,527        36.18 

Waste,      not     specially     pro- 
vided for  10%                  536,441  53,644        10. 

Wood,    manufactured   $  free  8,067,338  

2  dutiable                  13,709,937  1,888,744        13.7S 

manufactured  dutiable                 6,333,808  1,342,092       21.19 

Wool,      Merino,      Leicester      &        3  to  33c. 

Donskol    (Class    1,    2    and    3)            per  lb.          179,651,037      21,258,030  11,631,041  .118  54.71 

Yarns  335,062           174,569  189,125  .521  105.47 

total  manufactures  of 19,302,006  17,564,694        91. 

all  classes  of  40,560,037  29,195,736        71.9S 

Zinc,     total    56,230  21,489        40.37 

SUMMARY  OF  IMPORTS  FOR  1903. 
Total   free   of  duty,    1903 437,296,027  

dutiable   duty,    1903 570,664,082  279,779,228        49.02 

Total  entries  for  consumption,                                        1,007,960,110  280,762,197       27.85 

1903  

Entries     for     immediate     con-,  J  free  484,902,683  

Bumptlon,     1903 ?  dutiable                  454,961,335  195,273,549        42  93 

Withdrawals     from     -warehouse     5  free                          12,393,343  811,266       

for   consumption,    1903 $  dutiable                 115,702,747  84,505,679       73.04 

.penal  duty               80,680        

Total    128,096,091  85.397,626        66.68 

SUMMARY  OF  IMPORTS  FOR  1904. 
Year  ending   June   30. 

Total    Imports    (free  $454,150,388  

*  dutiable                636,940,590  262,013,079       48.81 

Total    Import*    $991,090,978  


BUSINESS  AND  INDUSTRIAL  RECORD,  1903-1904. 

MORE  FAILURES  AND  LABOR  DISTURBANCES  UNDER  ROOSEVELT  THAN 
UNDER  CLEVELAND. 


The  Republican  campaign  book  for  1904,  on  page  125,  contains  a 
list  of  business  and  industrial  disturbances  and  failures  for  the 
years  1893-1894,  and  draws  the  inference  therefrom  that  "a  Demo- 
cratic administration  makes  hard  times."  It  is  well  known  even 
to  casual  students  of  current  history  that  the  depression  of  1893 
had  its  inception  prior  to  the  election  of  Mr.  Cleveland.  So 
true  is  it  that  the  Federal  Treasury  in  the  latter  part  of  President 
Harrison's  administration  was  hard  pressed,  that  a  Republican  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury,  the  Hon.  Charles  Foster,  had  caused  plates 
for  bonds  to  be  engraved ;  and  that  the  bonds  were  issued  by  a  Demo- 
cratic instead  of  a  Republican  administration  was  due  solely  to  the 
fact  that  President  Harrison  went  out  of  office  on  March  4,  1893. 
Had  his  term  lasted  two  months  longer  he,  and  not  President 
Cleveland,  would  have  issued  the  bonds  which  Republican  politicians 
are  so  fond  of  citing  as  proof  of  <fhard  times  under  Democratic 
rule." 

The  fact  that  it  was  President  Harrison's  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury who  engraved  the  plates  for  the  bonds  issued  a  few  months 


150  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

later  by  a  Democratic  administration,  simply  because  the  Republi- 
cans went  out  of  office  too  soon  to  issue  them  themselves,  is  sufficient 
to  convict  the  Republican  party  of  insincerity  in  making  this  dis- 
play of  business  failures  during  1893-1894;  further  and  still  more 
conclusive  evidence  on  this  point  is  afforded  by  the  fact  that  the 
Republicans  utterly  ignore  the  long  list  of  failures  which  have 
occurred  during  Roosevelt's  administration.  If  the  Democratic 
party  can  fairly  be  held  responsible  for  business  failures  in  1893, 
why  is  it  not  equally  fair  to  hold  Mr.  Roosevelt's  party  responsible 
for  business  failures  that  occurred  during  a  time  when  the  Repub- 
lican party  was  in  power,  and  had  been  in  power  for  seven  consecu- 
tive years?  Republican  insincerity,  to  use  no  harsher  term,  was 
well  exposed  by  the  Hon.  Edward  M.  Shepard  in  his  recent  speech 
at  Bennington,  Vermont.  After  alluding  to  the  fact  that  even  Re- 
publicans of  the  type  of  Secretary  of  State  Hay  indulge  in  the  fool- 
ish assertion  that  "hard  times  invariably  follow  Democratic  suc- 
cess at  the  polls,"  Mr.  Shepard  asked  this  pointed  question : 

"How  much  honest  intelligence  is  there  in  the  Republican  af- 
firmation that  the  Wilson  tariff  law,  enacted  on  August  25,  1894, 
produced  a  crisis,  which,  gathering  during  President  Harrison's 
last  year,  openly  broke  upon  the  country  in  May,  1893,  seventeen 
months  before  any  tariff  change?" 

The  following  list  of  wage  reductions  and  business  disturbances 
in  the  latter  half  of  1903  and  first  half  of  1904  shows  a  more  seri- 
ous condition  of  affairs  than  is  shown  by  the  list  for  1893-1894, 
quoted  on  page  125  of  the  Republican  campaign  text  book;  in  spite 
of  this,  however,  the  Republican  campaign  book  does  not  refer  to 
the  business  failures  of  the  present  period,  because  there  is  a  Re- 
publican administration  at  Washington. 


TABLE  SHOWING  WAGE  REDUCTIONS,  1903. 


Firm  or  Corporation. 

Textile  Strikers  of  Philadelphia,  Pa... 
Atlas  Tack  Company,  Fairhaven,  Mass. 
Furnace  operators,  Northern  Dist.  U.  S. 
Furnace  operators,  Lehigh  Valley  &  N.J. 
Empire  Iron  and  Steel  Co.,  Oxford,  N.  J. 
Bethlehem  Steel  Works,  Bethlehem,  Pa. 
Non-Union  Sheet  Mills,  Pittsburg,  Pa.. 
Reading  Iron  Co.,  Reading,  Pa 

American  Sheet  Steel  Co.,  Pittsburg,  Pa. 

Cotton  Manufacturers  of  Rhode  Island. 
Tennessee   Iron   and   Coal   Company.... 

Pennsylvania  Iron  Works,  Lancaster,  Pa. 
American  Flint  Glass  Workers 


Number 

Reduction. 

of 

Workmen. 

10  to  15% 

100,000. 

20% 

All  employees. 

20% 

All  employees. 

10% 

All  employees. 

10% 

All  employees. 

10% 

300  operatives. 

20% 

All  puddlers. 

11% 

All  puddler3. 

Rollers,  heaters, 

20% 

shearmen,    ton- 

nage men. 

10% 

25,000. 

5% 

Puddlers   and   fin- 

ishers. 

10% 

Puddlers. 

20% 

1,000   workmen. 

The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 


I5i 


Firm  or  Corporation.  Reduction. 

Suncook  Cotton  Mills,  Suncook,  N.  H...  10% 

Lock  Bridge  Furnace,  Alburtis,  Pa 10% 

Andover  Iron  Co.,  Phillipsburg,  Pa 10% 

Duplin  Silk  Mill,  Hazelton,  Pa 

Bar  Iron  Manufacturers,  Pittsburg.  Pa. .  10% 

Pacific  Steel  Co.,  Passaic,  N.  J 10% 

Edwards  Cotton  Mills,  Augusta,  Ga 10% 

Cotton  Mills,  Fall  River,  Mass 10% 

DeWees  Wood  Plant,  McKeesport,  Pa. . .  30% 

Somerset  Coal  Co.,  and  others,  Myersdale, 

Pa 10% 

Pelgram  &  Myer  Silk  Mill,  Paterson,  N.J.  15% 

American  Steel  Foundry,  Sharon,  Pa. . . .  10% 

Chicago  and  Alton  Railroad 15% 

Lake  Shore  Engine  Works 10% 

Wire  Mills,  U.  S.  Steel  Co.,  Joliet,  111..  10% 

Demler  Works,  Amer.  Tin  Plate  Co 20% 

Amer.  Sheet  Steel  Co.,  McKeesport,  Pa,  20% 
Blast   Furnaces,    Shenango   &   Mahoning 

Val 10   to  20% 

Chester  Tin  Plate  Co.,  Chester,  Pa 10% 

Berkeley  Mill,  Providence,  R.  1 6  to  18% 

New  Bedford  Cotton  Mills,  New  Bedford, 

Mass   10% 

New  Britain  Knitting  Co.,  New  Britain, 

Conn 10% 

Wire  Mills,  Waukeegan,  Wis 12% 

Missouri,  Kansas  and  Texas  Railroad..  15c.  a  day. 

Frisco    Railway    15c.  a  day. 

Missouri    Pacific   Railroad 15c.  a  day. 

Wabash  Railroad    10% 

Carnegie    Steel    Works 10   to   30% 

Passaic  Steel  Works,  Passaic,  N.  J 10% 

Independent    Sheet   Mills 20% 

Wheeling  Corrugated  Works,  W.  Va...  20% 
Adams,  Mass.  &  Norwich,  Conn.,  Cotton 

Mill    10% 

American  Bridge  Co.,  Penroyd,  Pa 10% 

Colorado  Fuel  &  Iron  Co.,  Pueblo,  Col..  10% 

Machinists'  Union,  Youngstown,  0 5% 

Limestone  Interests,  Mahoning  Valley. .  20% 

Quarrymen,  Mahoning  Valley 25% 

National    Tube    Works 10  to  25% 


Number 

ot 

Workmen. 

1,500   workmen. 
All  operatives. 
All  operatives. 
All  operatives. 
10,000   workmen 

3,000   workmen. 

1,500    operatives. 
30,000    operatives. 
Plate  mill  work- 
ers. 

All   operatives. 
All   operatives. 
600  workmen. 
Section  hands. 
All  employees. 
1,000  workmen. 
All  workmen. 
Heaters,   rollers. 

All  employees. 
All  employees. 
All  employees. 

11,000  operatives. 

Part  of  employees. 
All  employees. 
All    section    hands. 
All   section   hands. 
All   section   hands. 
Car  department. 
All  employees. 
All  employees. 
All  employees. 
All  employees. 

13,000  operatives. 
All  workmen. 
All  workmen. 
All  members. 
All  employees. 
All  employees. 
8,000  workmen. 


CLOSED  MILLS  AND  REDUCED   OUTPUT,   1903. 

Mo,,„a    »  Number 

Firm  or  Corporation.  SSf««n  of 

Reduction.  Workmen. 

Six  hundred  ovens  Connellsville  region.. Blown   out.         All  men  idle. 

National   Steel   Co.,  Columbus,  0 Closed    indef .     All  men  idle. 

Pencoyd  Rolling  Mill    Closed    indef.     2,000  men  idle. 

Lackawanna  Iron  &  Steel  Co Closed    indef.     2,000  men  idle. 

Mammoth   Tin   Plate  Mills .Closed  indef.       1,500  men  idle. 

Anthracite  Coal  Company Red.  2ds.  a  w.  27,000  men  idle. 


«52 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 


tr.rcA.  „*  Number 

Firm  or  Corporation.                                  X£?I?;™  of 

Reduction.  Workmen. 

General  Electric  Co.,  Schenectady,  N.  Y.Laid  off.  1,500  men  idle. 

•General  Electric  Co.,  Lynn,  Mass Discharged.  1,000  men. 

John  P.  Squire,  E.  Cambridge,  Mass. ..  .Discharged.  200  men. 

Fore  River  Ship  &  Engine  Co Discharged.  400  men. 

Press  Steel  Car  Co.,  Pittsburg,  Pa Shut  down.  All  men  idle. 

Lake  Shore  &  Michigan  R.  R.  Shops. ..  .Reduced   1   hr.  All  employees. 

Inland  Steel  Co.,  Indiana  Harbor Shut  down.  900  men  out. 

Builders'  Exchange   League,  Pittsburg.  .Lock  out.  10,000  men. 

Bar   Iron   Manufacturers Cut  33  1-3  hrs.  10,000  men. 

Iron  &  Steel  Mills  of  Pa Red.  output.  98,000  men  idle. 

Struthers    Steel    Co Closed  down.  All  men  idle. 

Woolen  Mills,  Til  ton,  N.  H Closed   down.  250   operatives. 

Reading  Railway    Laid  off  250  men. 

Homestead  Steel  Company Closed    indef.  2,000  men  idle. 

Illinois  Steel  Company Closed    indef.  3,200  men  idle. 

Bayview    Mills,    Milwaukee Closed    indef.  All  operatives. 

Vanderbilt  Shops Laid  off.  1,500  men. 

Southern    Pacific    Railroad Laid  off.  1,200  men. 

New   York    Central    Railroad Laid  off.  1,500  men. 

Lake   Shore   and   Cleveland   Railroad. .  .Laid  off.  700  men. 

Boston  and  Albany  Railroad 15%  of  force. 

Delaware  and  Hudson  River  R.  R Laid  off.  10%  of  force. 

Wire  Nail  Works,  South  Sharon,  Pa . . .  Closed    indef.  All  men  idle. 

Steel  Mill,   Lorain,   Ohio Closed    indef.  1,000  men. 

Birmingham  Rolling  Mills,  Ala Closed    indef.  900  men. 

American  Car  and  Foundry  Co Closed    indef.  5,000  men. 

Tin  Plate  Plant,  Pittsburg,  Pa Closed    indef.  700  men. 

New  Kensington  Tin  Plate  Mills Closed    indef.  1,000  men. 

Tube  Plant,   Greeneville,  Pa Closed    indef.  500  men. 

Ohio  Steel  Company,  Youngstown,  0... Closed    indef.  1,000  men. 

Republic   Iron    and    Steel    Co.,    Youngs- 
town, O    Closed    indef.  1,500  men. 

Sheet  Mills  in  Ohio   By  spells.  4,000  men. 

International  Paper  Co.,  N.  Y.  &  N.  E.  .Closed.  15,000  men. 

Ten  Iron  and  Steel  Plants,  Birmingham, 

Alabama    Closed.  4,000  men. 

Amalgamated  Copper  Co Compl.    closure  14,500  men. 

20  days. 

Amalgamated  Copper  Co Resumed   on 

half  force.  7,250  idle. 

■Cambria  Steel  Company Reduced    time.   13,000  men. 

Kittaning  Rolling  Mills  and  Typewriting 

Works    Closed    indef.  All  employees. 

American  Brick  and  Tile  Works Closed    indef.  All  employees. 

Wabash    Shops,   Toledo,   Ohio Reduction.  10%   idle. 

Mechanicsville  Knitting  Company Closed    indef.  All  employees. 

Bowden  Felting  Mills  Company ; Half    force. 

National  Steel  Company Closed.  2,500  out. 

Lake  Superior  Ore  Region 91  furnaces  out  57%  0f  men  idle. 

of  blast. 

Pittsburg,  Mahoning  &  Shenango  region.60%    out  blast. 

National  Tube  Co.,  Middletown,  Pa. ,.  .Closed.  All  employees. 

Steel  Car  Forge  Works,  Elwood  City,  Pa.Closed    2   mos.  All  employees. 

Shenango  Works,  Carnegie  Steel  Co.,  Pa.Closed    sev.mos.All  employees. 

Pittsburg  Works,   Tin   and   Sheet  Plate 

Co.,    New   Kensington Closed  4  mos.  All  employees. 

International  Harvester  Co.,  Chicago. .  .Laid  off  7,500  to  19,000. 

U.  S.  Steel  Corporation 30%   reduc.   on 

salaries  of  $40,000,000. 

U.  S.  Steel  Corporation   20%  red.  on 

wages  of  $88,000,000. 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 


153 


■Mo+„^  ^  Number 

Firm  or  Corporation.  Reduction  ™   <?f 

Keouction.  Workmen, 

Anthracite  Coal  Operators 2  ds.  a  week.    Weekly  loss  to 

wage   earners 
$200,000. 

Chicago  &  Northwestern  Railroad 16%    reduction.  Section  hands. 

Great  Northern  &  Northern  Pacific  R.  R.l  day  a  week.   Shopmen. 

Pennsylvania    Railroad Discharged.         100,000  men. 

Railroads  centering  in  Chicago,  111 Discharged.         2,000  men. 

Philadelphia   Woolen  Mills Half  time.  All  employees. 

Stevenson    Car    Works 2  hours   a  day.  Painters. 

Brown    &   Sharp   Mfg.    Co.,   Providence, 

R.  I Laid  off.  600  men. 

Brown   &   Sharp   Mfg.    Co.,    Providence, 

R.  1 10  hours  a  wk.All  employees. 

American  Steel  &  Wire  Co.,  Worcester, 

Mass    Laid  off.  1,200  employees. 

Glass  Works,  Jeannette,  Pa Discharged.         1,000    employees. 

Baltimore  &  Ohio  Ry Reduced  hours.  7,900  employees. 

U.   S.   Corporation    Laid  off,  in  ad- 
dition to 
wage    reduc- 
tion, 4%  of  employees. 

Allegheny  County,  Pa.,  alone  has  10,000  idle  men  on  account  of  closed 
mills.  The  International  Mercantile  Agency  reports  wages  of  200,000  in- 
dustrial employees  reduced  10%  or  more  in  1903,  and  that  300,000  others 
will  suffer  a  like  reduction  on  January  1,  1904.  (Ex-Director  Merriam  i» 
the  head  of  the  Agency.) 


TABLE  SHOWING  WAGE  REDUCTIONS,   1904. 


Number 
Firm  or  Corporation.  Reduction.  of 

Workmen. 

Steel  Car  Forge  Co.,  Elwood,  Pa Closed  2  mos.  Resumed  at. 

1903. 

10%  All  employees. 

National    Wire    Company,    New    Haven, 

Conn    11%  All  employees. 

Elwood  City  Seamless  Tube  Mills 10%  All  employees. 

Labelle  Iron  Works,  Steubensville,  O . . .  30%  All  employees. 

American  Tin  Plate  Co.,  Elwood,  Ind..  10%  Laborers. 

Republic  Iron  &  Steel  Co.,  E.  St.  Louis.  10%  Laborers. 

Middletown  Plant,  National  Tube   Co . .  All  employees. 

American  Sheet  &  Tin  Plate  Co.,  Ches- 
ter, W.  Va 18%  All  employees. 

American  Sheet  &  Tin  Plate  Co.,  Mar- 
tin's Ferry,  0 18%  All  employees. 

Pennsylvania   Engineering   Works,   New 

Castle,    Pa 5%  Skilled  labor. 

Pennsylvania    Engineering   Works,    New 

Castle,  Pa    10%  Common  labor. 

American  Car  &  Foundry  Co.,  Hunting- 
ton, W.  Va 10%  5.000  men. 

Youngstown  Iron,  Sheet  &  Tube  Co 10%  All  employees. 

National  Tube  Co.,  Chester,  Pa 10  to   25%  All  employees. 

Taylor  Iron  &  Steel   Co.,  High  Bridge, 

N.   Y 10%  300    men. 


154 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 


Firm  or  Corporation.  Reduction. 

Indiana  Wire  &  Nail  Co.,  Muncie,  Ind..  8  to  10% 
American  Car  &  Foundry  Co.,  St.  Louis, 

Mo    10% 

McKinlev  Furnace,  New  Castle,  Pa....  12%% 

Shenango  Works,  New  Castle,  Pa Cut  wages. 

Mankato  Mills,  Minnesota  10% 

Hargraves    Woolen    Mills,    North    Shap- 

leigh,  Me 10% 

Atlantic  Mills,  Olneyville,  R.  I Cut  wages. 

American  Can   Co.,  Maywood,  111 10% 

New  Haven  Iron  &  Steel  Co 10% 

Midvale  Steel  Co.,  Philadelphia,  Pa ...  .  5  to  8% 

Seaboard  Steel  Casting  Co.,  Chester,  Pa.  io% 

Cambria   Steel  Co.,  Johnstown,  Pa 10% 

Standard  Steel  Co.,  Bernham,  Pa 10% 

Cliff    Co.,    Scranton,    Pa Cut  wages. 

American  Steel  Casting  Co.,  Chester,  Pa.  10% 

Nat.  Malleable  Casting  Co.,  Sharon,  Pa.  10% 
J.  &  P.   Coates  Thread  Co.,  Pawtucket, 

R.    1 10% 

U.     S .    Engineering     &     Foundry     Co., 

Youngstown,  Pa    10% 

All    Union    Sheet    &    Tin    Plate    Mills, 

Pittsburg,    Pa 20% 

Arlington  Mills,  Lawrence,  Mass 5  to  10% 

McKinlev  Lodge,  A.  A.  S.  &  T.  P.  Co., 

Elwood,    Ind    20% 

New  Castle  Lodges,  A.  A.  S.  &  T.  P.  Co., 

Pa    20% 

South  Sharon  Lodges,  A.  A.  S.  &  T.  P. 

Co.,  Pa    20% 

Pittsburg    Works,  T.  &  S.  P.  Co.,  New 

Kensington,    Pa    20% 

American  Can  Co.'s  Plants.  Chicago.  111.  10% 

Lake  Ore  Handlers,  South  Chicago,  111..  7%% 

Fore  River  Ship  Yard  Engine  Co Cut  wages. 

\\  avnesburg  Forge  Sheet  and  Tin  Mills,  18% 

Pa    

Burns'    Organization     of    Glassworkers, 

Pittsburg 25% 

All  Plants  American  Sheet  &  Tin  Plate 

Co     18% 

JEtna  Iron  &  Tube  Works,  Pittsburg,  Pa.  10% 

Silk  Weavers,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y 20% 

National  Founders'  Association   30c.  a  day. 

Alabama  Coal  Miners   10% 

Zeigler  Coal  Miners,  Illinois 18% 

Fall  River  Cot.  Mills,  Mass,  2d  reduction  12*4% 

Fiskdale    Mills 12V2% 

Corr  Mills,  E.  Taunton.  Mass 12*4% 

U.  S.  Cotton  Co.,  Central  Falls,  Mass. . .  12%% 
Republic  Iron  &   Steel   Co.,  Alexandria. 

In!    10% 

Pan-American   Plate  Glass   Co.,   Alexan- 
dria,  Ind    10% 

All  Miners.  Central  Penn.  Dist 6% 

Berwind- White  Coal  Mining  Co 5 V2    to   6% 

All  Sheet  &  Tin  Plate  Scales  from  July 

1,  1904.  accepted  by  men. 18% 

Suncook,  N.  H.,  Cotton  Mills 12%% 


Number 

of 
Workmen. 

Wire  drawers. 

All  employees. 
Common  labor. 
Tonnage  men. 
All  employees. 

All  employees. 
All  employees. 
1,400  employees. 
400  employees. 
2,000  employees. 
All  employees. 
10,000  employees. 
All  employees. 
Boilers  makers. 

molders. 
Skilled  labor. 

All  employees. 

Machinists. 

All  employees. 
2,000  employees. 

500  employees. 

All  employees. 

All  employees. 

All  employees. 
3.000  employees. 
All  employees. 
3.000  employees. 
Heaters  and 
catchers. 

All  members. 

All  members. 

Puddlers. 

300   employees. 

Molders    and    core 

makers. 
9,000  employees. 
All  employees. 
31,000   employees. 
500  employees. 
All  employees. 
550    employees. 

All  employees. 

All  employees. 

All  employees. 


1,500  employees. 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 


155 


WAGE  REDUCTIONS  THROUGH   CLOSED   MILLS  AND 


REDUCED   OUTPUT,   1904. 

Finn  or  Corporation.  SSSSL 

Glass  Plants  at  Altoona  and  Reynolds 

ville,  Pa Closed  indef. 

Glass  Plants  at  New  Martinsburg  and 
Wheeling,  Ind   Closed  indef. 

Glass    Plants    at   Barnesville,    O.,    Point 

Marion,    Pa Closed  indef. 

Eight  Mills,  Concord,  N.  C 2   days  a  week. 

Lakeside  Knitting  Co.,  Elkhart,  Ind... Closed  indef. 

Wagon  &  Carriage  Manufacturers'  Assn., 

Chicago,    111 Closed  indef. 

Illinois  Steel  Company,  S.  Chicago,  111. Closed  indef. 

Proximity  Cotton  Mills,  Greensboro,  N.C.I   day  a  week. 

Knitting  Mill,  Roanoke,  Va Closed  indef. 

New  Holland   Cotton  Mill,   Georgia ....  Closed  indef. 

Pepperell  Mfg.   Co.,  Biddeford,  Me Laid  off. 

Delaware   Cotton   Co .Closed  indef. 

Cotton   Mills,   Alamance   Co.,    N.   Y Curtailed    25% 

Lyman   Mills,   Holyoke,  Mass 2  days  a  week 

Lay  ton-Howard  Iron  Co.,  St.  Louis  Steam 
Forge  &  Iron  Works,  and  the  Missouri 
Malleable   Iron   Works    Shut  down. 

Tidewater   Steel   Co Shut  down. 

Blast  Furnace,  E.  &  C.  Brooke  Iron  Co., 

Birdsboro,    Pa Blown   out. 

Mahoning  and  Shenango  Valleys 20  idle  furn. 

Ashville,  D.  C.  Mills 1  day  a  week. 

Smitherman   Mills.   Troy,   N.   C../ 2  days  a  week. 

Natchez,  Miss.,  Mills Shut    down. 

Millers  River  Shoddy  Co.,  Athol,  Mass.. Shut    down. 

Adamsdale,  Miss.,  Cotton  Mill Assigned. 

Flint  Mills,  Mass 1   day  a  week. 

DuQuesne  Forge  Co.,  Rankin,  Pa Closed  indef. 

Monongahela  Iron  &  Steel  Co.,  Ray's  Sta- 
tion,   Pa Shut    down. 

Alcania    Company,    Pittsburg,    Pa Shut  down. 

Rockdale   Furnace,  Rockdale,  Tenn Closed    indef. 

Morgan  Engineering  Co.,  Alliance,  0... Closed  indef. 

Wickford,  R.  I.,  Worsted  Mills Half  time. 

Warren  Cotton  Mills,  Warren.  Mass.  .  .  .Closed  indef. 

Galland  underwear  factory,  Wilkesbarre, 

Pa     Closed  indef. 

American. Bridge  Co.,  E.  Berlin,  Conn.. Closed  indef. 

New  Castle  Woolen  Mills,  Delaware. ..  .Closed  indef. 

Chester  Mfg.  Co.,  Chester,  Pa Closed  indef.- 

Lawnsdale  Cotton  Co.,  R.  1 1    day   a  week. 

Brompton  Co.,  Providence,  R.  I. ......  ,2  days  a  week. 

American    Thread    Co.,    W7illimantic. . .  .1   day  a  week. 

Mills  in  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island. On  short  time 

movement. 

International  Harvester  Co.,  Chicago,  111. Closed    from 

Dec.  16  to 
March  21. 

35  Cotton  Mills  at  Fall  River,  Mass 2  days  a  week. 

Thorndyke  Mfg.  Co.,  WTarren,  Mass.... Cut   to   40   hrs. 

Blanket  ad  Cloth  Mills,  Schuylkill,  Pa.Closed  indef. 

Paterson  Silk  Mills Shut    down. 


Number 

of 
Workmen. 

All  men  idle. 

All  men  idle. 

All  men  idle. 
2.000  men. 
All  men  idle. 

2  to  3,000  men. 
800  men  idle. 
1,000  employees. 
All  idle. 
All  idle. 
1,000  men. 
All  men  idle. 


2,000  men  idle. 
700  men  idle. 

All  men  idle. 


All  men  idle. 
125  men  idle. 
200  men  idle. 

All  men  idle. 

All  men  idle. 
All  men  idle. 
All  men  idle. 
Foundry  dept. 

All  men  idle. 

All  men  idle. 
All  men  idle. 
All  men  idle. 
All  men  idle. 
3.000  men  idle. 
700  men  idle. 


10,000. 


1,500  men  idle. 
8,000  idle. 
2.500  men. 
All  men  idle. 
All  men  idle. 


156  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

»t_i _,_,.  „*  Number 

Firm  or  Corporation.  Sffi£n  of 

Reduction.  Workmen. 

Carpet,  Cloth  and  Blanket  Mills,  Phila- 
delphia,   Pa Shut  down.        40,000  men  idle. 

Alryan   Woolen   Mills,   Trenton,   N.   J.  .Shut    down.        All  men  idle. 

Clinton  Worsted  Company,  Mass .Shut    down.        1,000  men  idle. 

Bigelow  Carpet  Company's  Mill Laid  off.  150  men  idle. 

Social  &  Globe  Mills,  Woonsocket    Closed  indef.      All  men  idle. 

Columbian  Cotton  Mills,   Greenville Half  time.  500  men. 

J.  &  P.  Coates,  Pawtucket,  R.  1 1  day  a  week.   3,000  men  idle. 

Norway  Iron  &  Steel  Co.,  York,  Pa Closed  indef.      All  men  idle. 

Warren  Woolen  Mill,  Mass 

Phoenix     &     Riverside     Mill,    '  Stafford 

Springs,  Conn   Closed     indefi- 

Putnam  Woolen  Mill  Co.  Putnam,  Conn,     nitely  or  on     A11  , 

James  Roy  Woolen  Mill reduced  Ali  emPloyees- 

Cochegon     Woolen     Mill,     Palmerstown,     time. 
Conn    

Red  Star  Mill,  Amsterdam 

May  Mfg.  Co.,  Chester,  Pa 1   day  a  week.  All  employees. 

Neptune   Twine   Mills,   Moodus,    Conn.. Shut  down.         All  employees. 

Silverware  Factory,  Wallingford,  Conn. Closed  indef.      800  employees. 

Pennsylvania    Railroad Laid  off.  13,000    employees. 

Vanderbilt   Railroad    Laid  off.  12,000   employees. 

Roads  out  of  Chicago   Laid  off.  20,000    employees. 

Burlington    Railroad Laid  off.  6,000   employees. 

The  Harriman  Lines • Laid  off.  8.000   employees. 

Gould  Lines   Laid  off.  7,500   employees. 

Altoona  Iron  Co Shut  down.  200  employees. 

Riverside  Knitting  Mill,  Elmira,  N.  Y.Shut  down.         All  employees. 

Pocolet  Mfg.  Co.,  New  Holland,  Ga Half  time.  All  employees. 

Pocolet  Mfg.  Co.,  New  Holland,  Ga Closed    down.     All  employees. 

Edwards   Mfg.   Co.,   Augusta,   Me .Shut    dn.  2  mos.  1,400   employees. 

Calument  Woolen  Mill,  Uxbridge,  Mass.  Shut  down.        All  men  idle. 

Bigelow  Carpet  Co.,  Mass Shut    dn.  2  mos.  3,500  men  idle. 

Window    Glass    Factories    in    U.    S Closed    down. 

Turner   Silk  Mill,   Colchester,   Conn Closed  indef.      All  men  idle. 

West  Eaton  Woolen  Mill,  Brookfield, 
N.  Y Closed  indef.      All  men  idle. 

Cabot  Cotton  Mills,  Brunswick,  Me 40  hrs.  a  week.  800  hands. 

Rotch  Cotton  Mill,  New  Bedford,  Mass.l  day  a  week. 

All  Mills,  Lewiston,  Me Shut  down.    • 

Pemberton  Co.,  Lawrence,  Mass Shut   dn.  2  mos. 

St.  Croix  Mills,  Calais,  Me 2  days  a  week. 

Wamsutta  Mills,  New  Bedford,  Mass.. 2  days  a  week.3,000  hands. 

Androscoggin  Mills,   Lewiston,   Me Shut  dn.  3  mos.2,162  looms. 

Rod,  Wire  and  Blooming  Mills,  Carne- 
gie Steel  Co.,  and  Amer.  Steel  and 
Wire   Co Shut  dn.  3  mos.  2,000  men  idle. 

Logging  and  Saw  Miljs,  State  of  Wash.Shut  dn.  3  mos.  All  men  idle. 

Shingle  Mills Shut  dn.  3  mos.All  men  idle. 

Stafford,     Border      City,     Narragansett 

Cotton  Mills,  New  England Shut  dn.  3  mos.  17,000  hands. 

Potomska  Mills,  New  Bedford,  Mass. . .  .2  days  a  week. 
Hudson,  Mass.,   Blanket  Mill To   50  hrs.  wk. 

Passaic  Print  Works,  Passaic,  N.  J ....  1   day  a  week. 
Stanwood   Bleachery   Co.,    Carlton   Hill, 

N.   J    1   day  a  week.  All  hands  idle. 

Middlesex,   Mass.,   Woolen  Mill Closed.  All  hands  idle. 

Twenty-three  Iron  and  Steel  Furnaces  in 

the  Central  West   Blown   out.         All  hands  idle. 

Chicopee  Mfg.  Co 2  days  a  week.  1,200  hands  idle. 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  157 

Nature  of  Number 

Firm  or  Corporation.  Mature  of  _  ^^ 

North  Dexter  Woolen  Mill,  Me Closed  indef .  All  hands  idle. 

Worcester  Textile  Mill,  Mass Closed  indef.  All  men  idle.   . 

Berkeshire  Mfg.  Co.,  Frankford,  Pa Half   time.  746  looms. 

Standard  Mills,   Frankford,   Pa 30   looms  run- 
ning of   250. 

Tennessee  Coal  Furnaces    Shut  down.  All  men  idle. 

Coal  Mines,  Birmingham  Dist.,  Ala Suspended.  7,500  men  idle. 

National  Tube  Co  Closed  indef.  3,000  men  idle. 

75%  Cotton  Mills  in  North  Carolina. .  .Closed   2    mos. 

Broad  Silk  Plant,  New  Holland,  Pa Closed  indef. 

American    Tube    Works,    Somerville. ..  .Closed   2    mos. 
Seven  Merchant  Iron  Furnaces  in  South 

Hope   Co.,   Hope,   R.   I Blown  out.  All  men  idle. 

All  mills  at  Manville  and  Woonsocket.  .2  days  a  week. 500  men  idle. 

All  blast  furnaces,  Cleveland  Dist 1  day  a  week.  2,000  men  idle. 

Tiffin  Woolen  Mills,  Tiffin,  O Blown   out.  Several    hundred. 

Somerville    Woolen  Mills,  N.  J Closed  indef.  All  men  idle. 

Cotton  Mills,   Philadelphia,   Pa Closed  indef.  4,000  hands. 

Cutters  and  tailors,  New  York  City Laid  off.  6,300  workmen. 

Baltimore  &  Ohio  R.  R Laid  off.  10%  of  force. 

Pullman  Car  Co.,  Chicago,  111 Laid  off.  1,200  men. 

Parkersburg   Iron   Works,    Parkersburg, 

W.  Va  

American  Sheet  &  Tin  Plate  Co. Reduced    32%.  capacity. 


158  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

ANTI-TRUST     LEGISLATION     NOT     ENFORCED    BY    THE 
ADMINISTRATION. 

EXTRACT  FROM  SPEECH  OF  HON.  MARTIN  J.  WADE. 

Mr.  Wade  said: 

Mr.  Chairman :  I  think  that  probably  the  most  important  utter- 
ance of  any  statesman  of  this  nation  was  that  of  Chief  Justice 
Marshall  in  the  case  of  Marbury  v.  Madison,  when  he  said  that  "this 
is  a  nation  of  law,  not  of  men."  This  is  a  summing  up,  Mr.  Chair- 
man, of  the  entire  basis  upon  which  the  Republic  rests.  It  is  a  fair 
statement  of  the  distinction  which  exists  between  a  republic  and  a 
monarchy.  A  nation  of  law  is  a  nation  where  the  people  speak; 
where  they  place  upon  the  statute  books  certain  laws ;  where  they 
elect  certain  agents  of  employees  called  "officers,"  whose  duty  it  is 
to  enforce  those  laws  regardless  of  their  individual  notion  as  to  the 
justice  of  the  law  or  the  injustice  of  the  law. 

A  monarchy  is  a  nation  where  the  government  is  under  the  con- 
trol of  some  man  or  some  small  body  of  men,  whose  whims  and  whose 
notions  constitute  the  law  which  governs  the  people  of  the  realm; 
and  I  want  to  say,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  there  is  no  distinction  be- 
tween a  monarchy  and  a  republic  when  the  officers  of  the  republic 
cease  to  recognize  the  binding  force  of  the  law,  when  the  officers  of 
the  republic  undertake  to  determine  for  themselves  whether  they 
shall  enforce  the  laws  which  the  people  have  enacted  or  not. 

Mr.  Chairman,  on  December  17,  1902,  there  was  appropriated  by 
this  House,  by  a  unanimous  vote,  the  sum  of  $500,000,  which  was 
placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  Attorney-General  of  this  Republic,  an 
agent  of  the  people,  employed  by  them,  vested  with  no  discretionary 
power,  but  with  the  absolute  duty  cast  upon  him  of  enforcing  the 
laws  which  they  enacted. 

During  the  first  session  of  the  Fifty-seventh  Congress  there  were 
exciting  speeches  on  both  sides  of  this  House.  Many  bills  were  in- 
troduced. Much  discussion  took  place,  but  little  was  accomplished. 
Congress  adjourned  and  the  Representatives  went  home  to  their 
people  and  they  found  that  alarm  had  increased  to  panic;  they 
found  individual  enterprises  trembling  for  existence;  they  found 
that  heartless  men,  inspired  by  avarice,  were  rapidly  gaining  con- 
trol of  the  business  of  the  country. 

When  the  second  session  of  the  Fifty-seventh  Congress  opened, 
it  was  flooded  with  bills  from  both  sides  of  the  Chamber,  some  of 
them  most  radical  in  their  character ;  some  of  them  depriving  these 
combinations  of  the  use  of  the  mails ;  some  of  them  seeking  to  tax 
them  to  death;  some  of  them  seeking  to  take  away  the  tariff  upon 
trust-made  goods ;  some  of  them  still  more  radical.  Thus  in  hun- 
dreds of  measures  of  different  forms  the  people  joined  in  a  great 
movement  for  relief. 

In  the  midst  of  this  effort  on  the  part  of  certain  members  of  the 
House  to  accomplish  something  which  the  people  demanded^  the 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  159 

legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  appropriation  bill  being  before 
the  House,  that  sterling  Democrat,  the  gentleman  from  Georgia 
(Mr.  Bartlett),  offered  an  amendment  appropriating  $250,000  for 
use  of  the  Attorney-General  in  enforcing  the  anti-trust  laws. 

This  led  to  discussion  upon  the  part  of  members  upon  both  sides. 
It  was  pointed  out  that  all  the  proposed  legislation  against  trusts 
was  futile  while  the  laws  already  enacted  were  absolutely  ignored. 
It  is  said  by  many  members  that  if  an  appropriation  were  made 
which  would  enable  the  Attorney-General  to  employ  detectives, 
special  agents,  and  assistant  attorneys  to  get  after  these  combina- 
tions, that  he  would  crush  them  within  a  few  months  and  thus  re- 
store to  the  people  their  rights. 

Mr.  Hepburn,  realizing  something  of  the  magnitude  of  the  under- 
taking which  was  involved  in  procuring  proof  and  in  the  indictment 
and  trial  of  a  lot  of  men  who  seemed  to  have  the  arm  of  the  Gov- 
ernment paralyzed,  offered  an  amendment  to  the  proposal  of  the 
gentleman  from  Georgia  (Mr.  Bartlett)  and  asked  to  have  $500,- 
000  appropriated  instead  of  $250,000  and  the  members  of  this 
House,  feeling  that  relief  would  be  cheap  at  any  price,  concurred 
in  the  amendment,  and  it  passed  the  House  by  a  unanimous  vote. 
The  people  of  the  nation,  while  startled  by  a  situation  which  re- 
quired such  a  vast  expenditure,  concurred  in  the  action,  because 
they  realized  the  gravity  of  the  situation. 

On  February  6,  1903,  a  short  time  after  the  appropriation  by  . 
the  House,  the  gentleman  from  Maine  (Mr.  Littlefield)  made  a 
speech  upon  this  floor  in  which  he  set  forth  a  list  of  trusts  existing 
January  1,  1903.  This  list  was  compiled  with  laborious  effort 
and  it  gave  the  names  of  453  industrial  trusts,  together  with  the 
capitalization  and  bonded  indebtedness  of  each.  He  also  set  forth 
a  list  of  340  of  what  he  termed  "natural  monopolies,"  such  as  mu- 
nicipal lighting  and  water  corporations,  etc. 

He  showed  further,  and  made  the  statement  still  more  startling 
by  figures,  that  these  industrial  combinations  include  over  $9,000,- 
000,000  of  capital;  he  showed  over  four  and  one-half  billions  of 
dollars  in  the  natural  monopolies,  and  in  railway  corporations  and 
transportation  companies  $11,688,000,000,  making  a  total  of  over 
$20,000,000,000  out  of  the  $90,000,000,000  which  the  last  census 
says  constitutes  our  entire  national  wealth.  This  speech  was  made 
before  this  House.  The  name  of  every  trust  was  given ;  its  capital 
stock,  and  the  amount  of  bonds  were  stated,  and  the  nation  was 
startled  to  find  the  extent  to  which  these  monsters  had  evaded  our 
business  life. 

The  appropriation  made  and  the  list  of  trusts  having  been  fur- 
nished, the  people  heaved  a  sigh  of  relief,  for  they  felt  that  at  last 
relief  was  in  sight. 

Time  passed  on,  Congress  adjourned,  a  long  summer  slipped  into 
the  past,  another  Congress  opened,  and  upon  the  floor  one  of  the 
Representatives  of  the  people  offered  a  resolution  asking  the  Attor- 
ney-General what  was  done  with  this  vast  sum  of  money  which  had 
been  appropriated ;  what  had  been  the  results  of  all  this  agitation ; 


160  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

what  had  been  brought  forth  as  the  harvest  of  the  sowing  here  in 
the  last  Congress.  I  hold  in  my  hand  the  report  of  the  Attorney- 
General  made  in  response  to  that  inquiry. 

And  what  is  the  harvest?  What  has  been  done?  Where  has  this 
money  been  placed?  What  has  been  accomplished?  We  find  here 
in  this  report  a  statement  of  nine  cases  (one  of  them — I  want  to  be 
fair — includes  a  group  of  cases  against  several  railway  companies) 
which  upon  the  face  of  the  report  appear  to  have  been  commenced 
within  the  past  year,  since  the  appropriation  was  made.  The  report 
is  misleading.    The  cases  reported  are : 

1.  The  Northern  Securities  case. 

2.  The  beef-trust  case. 

3.  The  railroad  injunction  suits. 

4.  The  Jacksonville  wholesale  grocers'  case. 

5.  The  salt-trust  case. 

6.  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  v.  Baird. 

7.  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  v.  Nashville,  Chattanooga 
and  St.  Louis  Railway  Company  et  al. 

8.  Hay  and  straw  classification  case. 

9.  Cotton  traffic  pool  case. 

Of  these  nine  proceedings  reported,  but  five  at  most  were  insti- 
tuted after  the  appropriation  was  made.  I  say  but  five,  for  the 
Northern  Securities  case,  the  beef -trust  case,  the  railroad  injunc- 
tion suits,  and  the  case  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  v.  Nash- 
ville, Chattanooga  and  St.  Louis  Railway  Company  were  all  com- 
menced long  before  the  House  voted  away  the  $500,000.  The  other 
five  may  have  been  commenced  since.  I  do  not  know,  but  I  will  give 
the  Attorney-General  the  benefit  of  the  doubt. 

Of  these  five  proceedings  one  at  least  was  not  instituted  by 
the  Attorney-General,  but  was  instituted  by  a  private  party,  Mr. 
Hearst.  This  case  has  been  finally  decided.  In  one  other  of  the  five, 
the  indictment  in  the  salt-trust  case,  which,  according  to  his  report, 
was  returned  after  the  salt  trust  had  gone  out  of  business, 
the  defendant  pleaded  guilty  and  was  fined  $1,000.  This  is  the  only 
solitary  case  in  which  the  Attorney-General  reports  an  indictment 
returned  or  an  information  filed,  and  this  man — poor,  unfortunate 
cuss — came  in  and  pleaded  guilty  and  paid  a  fine  of  $1,000. 

So  there  are  four  proceedings  which  may  have  been  instituted  by 
the  Attorney-General,  in  one  of  which  the  party  plead  guilty;  the 
other  three  are  still  pending.  What  a  magnificent  harvest!  And 
the  strange  thing  is  that  not  one  of  these  actions  is  against  a  trust 
named  in  the  list  furnished  by  the  gentleman  from  Maine  (Mr. 
Littlefield).  These  453  are,  so  far  as  the  record  shows,  still  paying 
dividends  upon  their  liquid  stock. 

The  Attorney-General  refers  to  the  beef-trust  case.  What  is  the 
condition  of  this  case  ?  The  first  portion  of  it  has  been  determined 
against  the  beef  trust,  because  there  was  a  demurrer  to  the  petition 
overruled,  and  an  appeal  was  taken  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States.  You  can  find  the  transcript  in  there  in  the  clerk's 
office.    It  has  been  there  since  last  August.    I  asked  the  clerk  the 


The  Tariff  and  Trusts.  161 

other  day  about  it.  He  said  nobody  had  ever  asked  yet  to  have 
it  printed,  and  that  there  was  no  possibility  of  having  it  heard  in 
the  Supreme  Court  before  December  or  possibly  January  of  next 
year. 

Why,  Mr.  Chairman,  we  have  been  regaled  here  in  this  House  by 
a  most  eloquent  speech,  delivered  by  the  gentleman  from  South 
Dakota  (Mr.  Martin)  a  few  days  ago,  and  we  learn  that  the  Secre- 
tary of  Commerce  is  now  sending  men  over  the  country  to  find  out 
some  facts  about  the  beef  trust.  This  would  be  a  great  chance  for 
Sherlock  Holmes.  Why,  every  schoolboy,  every  consumer,  every 
farmer,  every  country  newspaper,  everybody  in  this  country,  it 
seems,  except  those  few  officers  whose  duty  it  is  to  know  these  things, 
knows  all  about  them.  Why,  I  do  not  know  but  what  it  will  be  per- 
fectly safe  to  go  into  court  and  file  an  information  and  simply  let 
the  court  take  judicial  knowledge  of  these  existing  conditions.  (Ap- 
plause.) Because  an  eminent  law  writer  said,  "The  courts  will  not 
assume  that  they  themselves  are  ignorant  of  those  things  which 
everybody  knows." 

Why,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  gentieman  from  South  Dakota  (Mr. 
Martin)  in  his  eloquent  speech  said: 

"I  indict  the  beef  combine,  so  called,  of  serious  offenses  against 
the  order  and  rights  of  civilized  society.  No  monarchical  govern- 
ment for  any  great  length  of  time  has  permitted  a  monopoly  to 
exist  in  any  of  the  great  staple  food  products  of  the  country." 

Why  is  it  that  the  officers  of  this  Government  with  $500,000  ap- 
propriated over  a  year  ago,  why  is  it  that  for  years  these  combina- 
tions have  gone  on  doing  business  at  the  old  stand,  and  that  no 
prosecutions  can  be  commenced  even  in  these  times  of  stress  when 
the  poor  people  are  paying  25  per  cent,  advance  on  their  soup 
bones  ? 

I  would  like  to  know  how  long  it  will  be  with  this  rate  of  prose- 
cution until  we  have  wiped  out  these  immense  combinations  ?  How 
long  are  the  pedple  going  to  submit  to  this  farcical  process,  this 
farcical  action  of  undertaking  a  prosecution  of  the  trusts?  Now, 
before  closing,  I  want  to  defend  the  President  of  the  United  States. 
I  want  to  defend  him  against  the  charges  made  in  his  own  press 
bureau  that  he  is  an  enemy  of  these  corporations.  I  want  to  as- 
sure these  immense  combinations  that  if  they  go  into  the  next  cam- 
paign and  select  the  present  Executive  and  reinstall  the  present  Ad- 
ministration, they  can  feel  perfectly  safe  and  secure  during  the 
next  four  years.  Why,  it  is  not  right  to  be  thus  misrepresenting  the 
"head  of  the  Government.  I  say  it  is  utterly  wrong  to  be  holding 
out  to  these  combinations  the  statement  that  Mr.  Eoosevelt  is  un- 
friendly to  them.  Of  course  we  all  realize  that  these  statements 
come  from  his  own  friends;  that  they  come  from  his  o*wn  news- 
papers, and  that  they  are  sent  forth  among  the  people  of  this  nation 
in  order  to  convince  them  that  he  is  antagonizing  these  great  institu- 
tions.   But  I  tell  you  that  the  people  are  going  to  ask  for  results. 

They  are  no  longer  going  to  be  satisfied  with  these  general  state- 
ments that  the  whole  effort  of  this  Administration  is  to  crush  out 


162  The  Tariff  and  Trusts. 

with  iron  heel  these  immense  combinations  that  are  grinding  the 
people  into  the  earth.  They  are  not  going  to  take  "hot  air"  any 
more.  They  are  going  to  ask  the  Attorney-General  and  the  Presi- 
dent what  has  been  done.  They  are  going  to  find  out  that,  not- 
withstanding all  this  talk,  all  these  publications  of  hostility  to 
trusts,  to-day  we  have  more  trusts,  notwithstanding  a  few  that  have 
gone  to  the  wall,  than  at  any  other  time  in  our  existence,  and  that 
every  day  they  are  more  strongly  getting  their  grip  upon  the  throats 
of  the  people.  Why,  the  Attorney-General  comes  in  here  with  a 
great  show  of  power,  and  says  in  pride :  "Look  at  my  work :  four 
proceedings  out  of  more  than  four  hundred  that  could  have  been 
commenced." 

What  a  farce  this  whole  matter  has  been.  No  comic  opera  ever 
staged  possessed  the  fine  humor  which,  were  it  not  for  the  tragedy 
behind  the  scenes,  would  convulse  any  audience  with  laughter.  A 
little  more  than  a  year  ago  the  people  of  the  nation  cried  out  in 
their  agony  for  relief  against  the  trusts. 

The  wisdom  of  this  House  agreed  that  if  the  laws  upon  the  statute 
books  were  enforced  the  trusts  could  be  suppressed. 

And  now  a  year  has  gone  by,  and  when  we  call  for  a  report  of 
his  stewardship  the  Attorney-General  proudly  marches  in  and  says 
that  he  ignored  every  trust  named  by  Mr.  Littlefield  and  reports 
four  actions  commenced,  three  of  which  are  still  pending. 

What  about  the  other  trusts?  Why  have  no  actions  been  com- 
menced against  them?   Why  are  they  immuned  from  prosecution? 

I  want  to  submit  to  the  sober  judgment  and  to  the  conscience  of 
the  people  of  this  nation  whether  this  record  is  worthy  of  approval. 

What  this  nation  needs  to-day,  what  it  needs  above  legislation  or 
anything  else,  is  a  man  in  the  Presidential  chair  who  will  insist  that 
the  man  whom  he  places  in  the  office  of  the  x\ttorney- General  will 
honestly  and  fearlessly  enforce  the  law.  What  we  need  is  a  man 
who  will  not  put  himself  above  the  law,  but  who  will  see  in  every 
enactment  of  Congress  a  sacred  command  which  'he  must  obey  re- 
gardless of  who  may  be  affected  thereby. 

If  laws  are  unjust,  the  enforcement  will  soon  lead  to  repeal,  but 
the  justice  or  the  injustice  must  be  determined  by  Congress,  not 
by  the  Executive,  for  "this  is  a  nation  of  law,  not  of  men." 

Every  man  in  every  line  of  employment  and  in  every  legitimate 
industrial  enterprise  is  entitled  to  the  protection  of  the  law,  and 
under  the  law,  if  it  were  honestly  enforced,  every  man  engaged  in 
an  honest,  lawful  enterprise,  every  farmer  in  his  field,  every  laborer 
in  his  shop,  every  merchant  in  his  store  would  be  shielded  from  ex- 
tortion and  from  ruin  by  the  industrial  monsters  which  to-day  have 
their  hands  clutched  upon  the  throat  of  individual  enterprise  and 
individual  effort.     (Applause.) 


Reciprocity.  163 

REPUBLICAN    RECORD    ON    RECIPROCITY. 

HOW    IT    HAS    "MADE    THE    DEED    SQUARE    WITH    THE    WORD." 

The  President  favors  "reciprocity  with  foreign  nations" — at 
least,  he  says  so.  "It  is  a  singular  fact,"  says  he,  "that  the  only 
great  reciprocity  treaty  recently  adopted — that  with  Cuba — was 
finally  opposed  almost  alone  by  the  representatives  of  the  very  party 
which  now  states  that  it  favors  reciprocity." 

It  is  also  a  "singular  fact" — *>r  it  would  be,  if  there  were  any- 
thing "singular"  about  the  violation  of  Republican  promises — 
that  it  is  the  "only  great  reciprocity  treaty"  negotiated  by  Re- 
publicans, though  their  promises  to  inaugurate  a  magnificent  sys- 
tem of  reciprocity  treaties  that  would  give  us  control  of  the  trade 
of  the  world  have  been  standing  unfulfilled  for  seven  years.  Lfc 
1896  the  Republican  party  in  its  platform  declared  that  "the  repeal! 
of  the  reciprocity  arrangements  negotiated  by  the  last  Republican 
administration  was  a  national  calamity,  and  we  demand  their 
renewal  and  extension  on  such  terms  as  will  equalize  our  trade 
with  other  nations  and  secure  enlarged  markets  for  the  products' 
of  our  farms,  forests  and  factories.  Protection  and  reciprocity 
are  twin  measures  of  Republican  policy,  and  go  hand  in  hand. 
Democratic  rule  has  recklessly  struck  down  both,  and  both  must 
be  re-established."  When  the  Dingley-  law  was  passed,  it  made  an? 
express  provision  for  a  subsequent  reduction  by  reciprocity  treaties 
to  the  extent  of  20  per  cent,  of  the  enormous  rates  of  duties  it  im~ 
posed.  In  the  debate  upon  the  passage  of  that  bill,  the  Republi- 
can members  and  Senators  were  fierce  in  their  denuncia- 
tion of  Democrats  for  having  repealed  the  Blaine  reci- 
procity arrangements,  and  loud  in  their  promises  of  the 
great  results  in  the  way  of  reciprocity  treaties  that  were 
to  be  brought  about  by  the  operation  of  the  Dingley 
tariff.  Representative  (now  Senator)  Hopkins,  of  Illinois,  one 
of  the  authors  of  the  bill,  declared  that  the  reciprocity  feature 
was  to  be  its  "crowning  glory."  The  bill  carried  on  the  very 
face  of  it  an  admission  by  its  authors  that  the  duties  imposed 
were  20  per  cent,  higher  than  necessary  for  purposes  of  protection. 
This  20  per  cent,  was  to  be  reduced  by  reciprocity.  President  Mc- 
Kinley,  through  his  commissioner,  Mr.  Kasson,  negotiated  a  num- 
ber of  treaties  with  foreign  countries  and  they  were  submitted  to 
the  Senate  and  left  to  die  there  without  any  action  being  taken.  So 
far  from  the  Cuban  reciprocity  bill  being  a  step  in  the  direction 
of  reciprocity,  it  was  a  final  compromise  between  the  friends  and 
the  enemies  of  reciprocity  within  the  Republican  party.  It  was 
agreed  between  them  that  thai  should  be  the  end  of  reciprocity. 
The  authors  of  the  Dingley  Bill  in  the  House  had  made  sugar  the 
chief  article  to  be  used  as  a  basis  for  reciprocity  treaties  with 
other  countries,  just  as  it  has  been  the  basis  for  all  the  reciprocity 
arrangements  perfected  by  Mr.  Blaine.     After  the  Cuban  treaty 


164  Reciprocity. 

had  been  ratified  by  Cuba,  the  Republican  party  inserted  into  the 
body  of  the  treaty  an  amendment  which  Cuba  had  never  asked  for 
which  provided  that  no  treaty  should  be  made  with  other  nations 
which  involved  a  reduction  of  sugar  duties.  This  amendment 
destroyed  at  one  blow  all  but  one  of  the  reciprocity  treaties  then 
pending  in  the  Senate,  and  made  it  impossible  to  negotiate  any 
advantageous  treaties  with  the  sugar  growing  countries  of  the 
world. 

Mr.  Carmack,  in  his  speech  in  the  Senate,  November  25,  1903, 
in  discussing  this  question,  said: 

"You  had  a  treaty  here  entirely  satisfactory  to  the  people  of 

Cuba,  a  treaty  already  ratified  and  approved  by  the  Government 

of  that  country.     You  take  that  treaty  and  you  write  into  it  a 

miserable  bargain  with  the  protected  interests  of  the  United  States 

— a  bargain,  I  say,  which  was  in  gross  violation  of  good  faith  to 

our  own  people,  a  bargain  which  closed  the  door  to  reciprocity 

with  other  countries — and  you  insist  that  we   shall  make  that 

bargain  in  the  name  of  honor  and  in  the  name  of  reciprocity." 
******* 

"This  is  not  presented,  Mr.  President,  simply  as  one  act  in  a 
general  policy  of  reciprocal  trade.  It  is  presented  as  the  end-all 
and  the  be-all  of  that  great  policy  which,  in  the  magniloquent 
language  of  the  Republican  platform,  was  to  give  us  control  of 
the  trade  of  the  world.  It  is  not  conceived  in  a  spirit  of  friend- 
liness, but  in  a  spirit  of  deadly  hostility  to  a  liberal  trade  policy." 
******* 

"We  enacted  a  tariff  act  in  1897  and  we  imposed  duties  high 
enough  in  all  conscience  to  satisfy  the  greediest  shark  that  ever 
called  himself  protector  of  American  labor.  Then  we  put  on  an 
extra  margin  to  be  bargained  away  by  treaties  with  foreign  coun- 
tries to  extend  our  foreign  trade.  We  have  been  waiting  all  these 
years  for  our  Government  to  drive  a  series  of  bargains  with  other 
nations  to  reduce  the  burdens  it  had  laid  upon  its  own  people, 
and  not  one  solitary  treaty  has  been  ratified  to  this  good  hour. 
The  oppressive  taxes  that  we  imposed  in  the  name  of  foreign 
trade  have  been  appropriated  entirely  and  exclusively  to  the  pur- 
poses of  domestic  monopoly.  Yet  there  has  been  no  reciprocity. 
The  rates  of  the  Dingley  tariff  were  purposely  made  excessive  to 
enable  you  to  negotiate  these  treaties.  The  Senator  from  Illinois, 
when  the  bill  was  under  discussion,  expressly  said  so  with  reference 
to  sugar,  and  the  Senator  from  Iowa  said  so  on  the  floor  of  the 

Senate." 

******* 

"The  bill  expressly  provided  for  a  general  reduction  of  not 
more  than  20  per  cent.  Mr.  Kasson,  of  Iowa,  the  commissioner 
selected  by  Mr.  McKinley  to  negotiate  these  treaties,  expressly 
declared  that  the  general  rates  of  the  Dingley  tariff  had  been  made 
excessive,  had  been  made  higher  than  was  needed  for  the  pur- 
poses of  protection,  in  order  to  carry  out  the  policy  of  reciprocity 
which  the  Republican  party  had  promised  in  every  platform,  and 


Reciprocity.  165 

for  the  destruction  of  which  it  had  denounced  the   Democratic 

party  in  every  platform.     The  treaties  were  negotiated;  they  have 

been  left  to  die,  and  no  effort  has  been  made  to  ratify  them  in 

this  Senate." 

******* 

"Yet,  sir,  you  now  write  a  bargain  into  this  measure  that  there 
shall  be  no  such  reduction,  and  that  you  shall  not  use  the  sugar 
duty  for  the  purpose  for  which  it  was  intended — to  reopen  the 
markets  of  Germany  and  other  European  and  American  countries 
by  reciprocity.  Why?  How  came  that  provision  in  the  bill  or  in 
the  treaty? 

"It  was  not  put  there  on  the  insistence  of  Cuba.  Cuba  had 
never  asked  for  it.  She  had  ratified  the  treaty  without  such  a 
provision  being  contained  in  it.  It  was  put  there,  Mr.  President, 
as  a  bargain  with  the  sugar  growers  and  as  a  general  bargain  with 
the  protected  interests  of  the  United  States  that  reciprocity  should 
die  with  this  treaty." 

SENATOR    DOLLIVER,    REPUBLICAN,    ON    RECIPROCITY. 

Senator  Dolliver  of  Iowa  does  not  seem  to  agree  with  the 
President  as  to  the  extent  with  which  he  has  "made  the  deed 
square  with  the  word"  as  to  the  question  of  reciprocity.  Mr. 
Dolliver  was  one  of  the  Republican  members  of  the  Committee 
on  Ways  and  Means  in  the  House  which  framed  the  Dingley 
tariff,  and  no  man  knows  better  the  promises  made  by  his  party 
when  that  bill  was  passed.  Quoting  from  the  speeches  of  Repub- 
lican colleagues  in  the  Senate  and  from  the  reciprocity  section  of 
the  bill,  Mr.  Dolliver  said: 

"It  seems  to  me  to  require  somebody's  attention  when  that 
homely,  sensible,  time-tested  plan  now  in  practice  in  nearly  every 
country  in  the  world  of  fixing  the  rate  of  duty  high  enough  to 
be  made  the  basis  of  subsequent  reciprocal  agreements  is  denounced 
here  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  as  an  infamy.  *  *  * 
The  Congress  of  the  United  States  did  solemnly  authorize  the 
President  to  enter  into  reciprocal  negotiations  with  foreign  coun- 
tries for  the  purpose  of  extending  American  commerce  by  the 
simple  expedient  of  reducing  not  to  exceed  20  per  cent,  the  duties 
assessed  by  the  tariff  law.  *  *  *  I  undertake  to  say  here  that 
more  violence  has  been  done  to  the  protective  system  by  the  quiet 
and  uncommunicative  failure  of  the  Senate  to  take  action  upon 
treaties  which  were  negotiated  under  the  authority  of  the  Act 
of  1897  than  by  all  the  noise  that  has  been  made  on  the  other 
side  of  the  chamber.  *  *  *  It  is  a  reproach  to  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  to-day  that  there  is  hardly  a  line  of 
the  wisdom  of  James  G.  Blaine  remaining  upon  the  statute  books 
of  our  country,  and  that  not  one  step  has  been  taken  to  give 
reality  to  the  magnificent  vision  which  illuminated  the  last  days 
of  poor  McKinley's  earthly  career." 

The  Republican  party  has  "made  the  deed  square  with  the  word" 
by  giving  to  protection  the  duties  that  were  levied  for  reciprocity. 


166  Reciprocity. 

The  passage  of  the  Cuban  treaty  was  secured  only  by  inserting 
the  provision  which  destroyed  all  the  reciprocity  treaties  McKinley 
had  negotiated,  and  made  it  impossible  to  put  back  upon  the 
statute  books  any  part  of  the  Blaine  reciprocity  policy. 


RECIPROCITY   WITH   CANADA. 

"We  favor  liberal  trade  arrangements  with  Canada  and  with  peo- 
ples of  other  countries  where  these  can  be  entered  into  with  benefit 
to  American  agriculture,  manufactures,  mining  or  commerce." 

This  square  declaration  of  the  Democratic  platform  is  in  line 
with  the  business  principles  which  the  Democratic  party  seeks  to 
apply  to  the  conditions  of  international  commerce.  It  is  unequi- 
vocal, not  evasive.  It  proposes  a  general  expansion  of  trade  in 
place  of  the  sham  "reciprocity"  with  which  the  Republican  leaders 
are  accustomed  to  play  for  votes  with  no  intention  of  accomplish- 
ing results. 

First,  regarding  reciprocity  with  Canada.  This  great  country 
on  our  northern  border,  one  of  the  largest  and  finest  on  the  globe, 
has  a  land  area  slightly  larger  than  that  of  the  United  States, 
and  perhaps  little  inferior  to  it  in  the  vast  variety  and  value  of 
its  resources.  It  is  surrounded  and  indented  by  seas  that  teem, 
to  a  degree  beyond  all  others  anywhere,  with  the  wealth  of  ocean ; 
and  they  in  conjunction  with  its  mighty  system  of  internal  trans- 
portation afford  a  splendid  basis  for  maritime  and  commercial  en- 
terprise. 

Its  population,  now  rapidly  increasing,  is  practically  identical 
in  origin,  customs,  religion,  institutions,  customs'  requirements 
with  our  own.  Only  a  political  boundary,  an  imaginary  barrier, 
separates  this  imperial  domain,  this  land  of  inestimable  promise, 
from  us  and  ours. 

Nothing  but  the  most  unexampled  lack  of  foresight  in  political 
history  could  countenance  indifference  to  the  commercial  possibil- 
ities between  the  two  countries,  which  belong  as  naturally  to  the 
same  economic  unity  as  New  England  and  the  Middle  West, 
or  any  other  two  sections  of  the  United  States.  The  Democratic 
platform  specifies  reciprocity  with  Canada  for  powerful  reasons. 

The  fixed  policy  of  the  Republican  party  in  its  treatment  of  the 
Dominion  of  Canada  has  been  to  wring  from  her  such  profits  as 
might  be  gathered  without  giving  anything  in  return,  or  so  to  im- 
poverish her  that  she  must  of  necessity  apply  for  admission  to  the 
sisterhood  of  states  for  self-preservation.  This  deliberately  selfish 
policy  has  cost  the  United  States  the  respect,  almost  the  friend- 
ship of  the  growing  nation  of  the  North;  and  the  people  of  the 
United  States  are  turning  hopefully  toward  the  Democratic  party 
for  a  correction  of  the  great  mistake. 


Reciprocity.  167 

THE    ELGIN    RECIPROCITY    TREATY. 

Gross  misrepresentation  by  Republican  politicians  of  the  opera- 
tion of  the  Elgin  reciprocity  treaty  with  Canada,  in  force  from 
1855  to  1866,  have  given  a  confused  idea  of  what  already  has  been 
accomplished  by  reciprocity.  This  treaty  provided  chiefly  for  the 
free  interchange  of  the  natural  products  of  both  countries. 

It  was  negotiated,  however,  not  for  special  advantages  in  trade 
which  it  was  expected  to  bring  to  the  United  States,  but  to  se- 
cure for  our  Atlantic  fishermen  privileges  which  were  absolutely 
necessary  to  the  profitable  continuance  of  the  fishing  industry.  Its 
immediate  effect  was  to  substitute  good  will  and  prosperity  for 
continued  friction,  which  often  threatened  to  involve  the  two  coun- 
tries in  war. 

The  year  before  the  treaty  was  signed  the  total  trade  between 
the  two  countries  amounted  to  $18,960,156.  The  year  the  treaty 
was  abrogated  the  total  trade  amounted  to  $73,357,508,  an  increase 
of  more  than  $54,000,000.  The  total  balance  in  favor  of  the  United 
States  during  the  treaty  period  was  $19,046,297.  During  the  first 
ten  years  of  the  treaty  the  balance  of  trade  steadily  favored  the 
United  States,  but  during  the  Civil  War  the  United  States  drew 
heavily  upon  Canada  for  all  kinds  of  supplies  and  for  the  last 
three  years  of  the  treaty  imports  exceeded  exports. 

In  1866,  in  anticipation  of  the  abrogation  of  the  treaty,  im- 
ports were  unduly  stimulated,  but  the  trade  soon  resumed  normal 
conditions,  as  far  as  tariff  considerations  were  concerned.  It  is  an 
unavoidable  inference--— although  always  concealed  by  Republican 
stump  speakers — that  we  would  have  imported  heavily  from  Can- 
ada during  this  destructive  and  reconstructive  period,  even  had 
there  been  no  treaty ;  for  our  imports  exceeded  our  exports  not  only 
for  the  last  three  years  of  the  treaty  period  but  for  seven  years  after, 
or  until  1874.  Since  that  date  our  exports  to  Canada  invariably 
have  exceeded  our  imports;  and  conditions  in  the  two  countries 
are  such  that  under  no  conceivable  scheme  of  reciprocity,  it  is 
fair  to  assume,  could  the  balance  be  changed. 

This  treaty  was  not,  as  Republican  orators  charge,  denounced 
because  of  dissatisfaction  with  its  workings,  but  partly  because 
of  political  considerations  which  had  nothing  to  do  with  com- 
merce, and  partly  because  of  the  need  of  greater  revenue  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  the  Civil  War.  At  the  time,  and  repeatedly  since 
then,  Canada  has  made  efforts  to  renew  negotiations,  and  these  in- 
variably have  come  to  naught,  because  of  the  influence  of  special 
and  highly  protected  interests  with  the  United  States  Senate. 
There  has  been  no  time  within  the  past  generation  when  a  treaty 
with  Canada  of  enormous  advantage  to  the  business  interests  of 
this  country  might  not  have  been  negotiated,  but  the  alleged  in- 
terests of  the  very  few  have  been  allowed  to  prevail  against  the 
desires  of  the  many.  •    • 

FISHERIES    UNDER    RECIPROCITY. 

A  second  period  of  reciprocity  in  fish  with  the  British  Prov- 


168  Reciprocity. 

inces  of  North  America  was  experienced  from  1871  to  1885,  un- 
der the  Washington  treaty.  The  operations  of  this  period  have 
been  examined  by  Leonard  A.  Treat,  president  of  the  Boston  Fish 
Bureau,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  authorities  upon  the  At- 
lantic fisheries  in  the  United  States,  who  has  written  as  follows : 

"Fortunately,  during  this  period  there  was  established  an  organiza- 
tion for  collecting  and  collating  statistics  of  the  New  England  fisheries. 
I  shall  draw  largely  from  the  files  of  the  Boston  Fish  Bureau  such  statis- 
tics as  I  have  to  present.  It  has  been  maintained  by  many  of  our  ves- 
sel owners  and  curers  of  salted  codfish  that  the  opening  of  our  ports  to 
the  free  entry  of  the  codfish  products  of  the  British  provinces  would, 
by  the  lowering  of  prices,  be  disastrous  to  this  industry,  compelling  their 
withdrawal  from  the  business,  which  would  no  longer  be  profitable  to 
them  or  the  fishermen. 

"But  how  was  it  under  the  14  years  of  reciprocity?  I  shall  take 
the  last  five  years  of  reciprocity — 1880-1884 — for  comparison  with  the 
five  years  immediately  following  the  abrogation  of  reciprocity,  1885-1889. 
And  first,  prices — for  if  remunerative  prices  could  not  be  obtained,  the 
business  could  not  prove  profitable.  Now  taking  the  highest  prices  rul- 
ing in  each  of  the  last  five  reciprocity  years,  I  find  the  average  high- 
est price  to  be  $4.63  per  hundred  weight,  while  after  abrogation,  the 
average  highest  price  for  the  first  five  years  was  $3.70.  Result:  25  per 
cent,  higher  prices  under  reciprocity. 

"Again,  taking  the  lowest  prices  ruling  in  each  of  these  five-year 
periods  we  are  comparing,  and  the  rate  is  as  $3.72  during  reciprocity 
to  $2.46  after  abrogation,  fully  50  per  cent,  in  favor  of  reciprocity. 

"Finding  a  fall  in  prices,  we  must  expect  as  a  natural  result  to  find 
a  decreasing  number  of  vessels  employed  in  the  codfishery.  In  the  reci- 
procity we  find  the  catch  increased  in  round  numbers  from  250,000  quin- 
tals (a  quintal  is  112  pounds)  to  over  1,000,000  quintals,  and  the  num- 
ber of  vessels  employed  from  579  to  765. 

"But  in  the  five  years'  period  following  abrogation,  we  find  the  catch 
decreased  from  1,000,000  quintals  to  500,000  in  1889— a  50  per  cent,  de- 
crease in  catch — and  the  number  of  vessels  'employed  from  765  vessels 
in  1884  to  295  vessels  in  1889— a  loss  of  60  per  cent. 

"Under  reciprocity  prices  ruled  highest,  the  fleet  was  the  largest  and 
the  catch  was  the  greatest — plenty  of  work  for  plenty  of  men,  with  plenty 
of  money  accruing.  After  abrogation — declining  prices,  decreasing  catch, 
fewer  vessels  employed.  And  yet  some  men  will  still  claim  that  abrogat- 
ing reciprocity  kept  our  salt  codfishery  from  annihilation. 

"During  reciprocity,  vessels  for  salt  codfish  were  sent  to  the  banks 
from  many  ports,  such  as  Chatham,  Kingston,  Plymouth,  Marblehead, 
in  Massachusetts;  Wiscasset,  Portland  and  other  places  in  Maine.  But 
not  for  years  has  one  vessel  been  sent  from  any  one  of  these  ports  on  a 
similar  voyage.  If  reciprocity  with  Canada  were  to  bring  a  change 
to  these  ports,  such  a  change  could  not  be  for  the  worse.  Other  ports 
show  tremendous  shrinkage.  Provincetown  in  1884  sent  85  vessels  for 
salt  cod;  in  1894,  seven  vessels;  Beverly  in  1884  sent  14  vessels;  in  1894, 
four  vessels;  Bucksport,  Me.,  in  1884  sent  12  vessels;  in  1894,  four  vessels. 

"Neither  must  it  be  overlooked  that  while  our  catch  of  1,000,000 
in  each  of  the  years  of  1883  and  1884  has  fallen  to  384,000  in  1903, 
our  population  has  increased  from  56,000,000  to  80,000,000  in  1903.  Or, 
to  put  it  in  another  way,  our  population  has  increased  nearly  50  per 
cent.,  while  our  codfish  catch  has  decreased  60  per  cent. 

"Not  because  of  our  free  fish,  but  because — shall  I  say? — of  protective 
fish  that  Provincetown  fleet  of  85  sail  in  1884  in  10  short  years  shrivelled 
to  seven.  Under  10  years  of  reciprocity  the  Provincetown  fleet  had  grown 
from  38  to  85  vessels,  and  under  10  years  of  tariff  it  decreased  from  85 
to  seven.     Reciprocity  or  tariff — which  shall  it  be? 

"But  how,  I  hear  some  one  ask,  can  it  be  possible  to  maintain  high 
value  for   fish   and   an   increasing   business   here   in   New   England   under 


Reciprocity.  169 

reciprocity?  The  total  catch  of  codfish  on  our  Atlantic  coast  is  estimated 
at  about  3,000,000  quintals,  of  which  this  country  can  consume  about 
400,000,  the  balance  being  consumed  in  the  West  Indies,  Central  and 
South  America,  and  in  those  Catholic  countries  of  Europe  bordering 
on  the  Mediterranean.  Were  New  England  given  reciprocity  she  would 
become  master  of  the  situation,  and  Boston  or  some  other  Atlantic  sea- 
port would  become  the  price  market  of  the  world.  Our  improved  and 
increasing  steam  communication  with  these  countries,  both  water  and 
rail,  would  give  us  the  command  of  all  foreign  markets  with  resulting 
fair  prices  for  all. 

"The  export  demand  for  salt  codfish  is  from  countries  lying  under 
or  near  the  equator.  Codfish  keep  best  in  our  cooler  climate,  and  can 
better  be  carried  in  larger  stocks  here  than  there.  More  frequent  and 
rapid  communication  tends  to  smaller  and  more  frequent  purchases.  A 
cable  from  Italy  would  enable  a  purchaser  there  to  lay  down  by  steamer 
two  weeks  later  such  a  supply  of  fish  as  his  cable  called  for,  or  a  qual- 
ity far  superior  than  by  the  older  yet  even  now  largely  prevailing  pro- 
vincial manner.  Steam  communication  with  the  Mediterranean  ports  is 
not  possible  now,  nor  probable  in  the  near  future  from  Newfoundland, 
while  it  is  an  established  fact  with  us. 

"The  opponents  of  reciprocity  appeal  to  you  to  preserve  the  nursery 
of  our  navy.  I  appeal  to  you  that  these  fishermen,  who  have  taken 
their  lives  in  their  hands,  who  in  dangers  oft.  in  perils  oft,  in  ship- 
wrecks frequent,  shall,  when  they  return  with  the  'harvest  of  the  sea/ 
come  to  a  market  open  to  the  world,  and  not  to  one  narrowed  and  re- 
stricted by  would-be  monopolists." 

EXCESSIVE    DUTIES. 

Our  exports  to  Canada  have  increased  steadily  since  1873,  until 
now  the  Dominion  is  our  third  largest  customer,  and  the  largest 
in  the  world  for  American  manufactures.  The  value  of  our  ex- 
ports aggregate'd  $131,274,346  for  the  fiscal  year  of  1904  just 
closed. 

Our  imports,  in  the  meantime,  harve  increasesd  practically  not 
at  all.  They  were  less  in  1902  than  they  were  in  1866,  and  for 
1904,  they  were  only  about  $3,000,000  more,  or  $51,406,625. 

This  trade  has  been  maintained  under  conditions  as  unfair  to 
the  people  of  the  United  States  as  they  are  to  Canada.  That  is 
to  say,  while  Canada  has  maintained  a  moderate  tariff  upon  our 
exports,  thus  permitting  her  people  to  avail  themselves  of  the 
various  products  of  our  development  at  reasonable  prices,  the  Ke- 
publican  policy  has  been  to  withhold  from  our  people  the  bene- 
fits which  might  come  to  them  and  their  industries  through  reason- 
able opportunity  to  purchase  freely  the  Canadian  food  products 
and  raw  manufacturing  materials  so  necessary  to  our  use.  This 
policy  has,  therefore,  the  double  disadvantage  of  imposing  heavy 
taxes  upon  the  American  people  upon  a  class  of  articles  more  and 
more  needed  in  view  of  dwindling  or  monopolized  domestic  sup- 
ply, as  in  coal,  iron,  lumber,  fish,  etc.;  while  at  the  same  time  it 
has  bred  hostility  among  a  proud  and  growing  people,  who  be- 
lieve the  United  States  is  large,  rich  and  powerful  enough  to  af- 
ford to  grant  a  reasonably  free  market  to  their  products  without 
menace  to  any  domestic  interest. 

The  irritating  commercial  conditions  affecting  the  trade  of  the 
two  countries  can  be  no  better  illustrated  than  by  the  following 


170  Reciprocity. 

table,  showing  the  rate  of  duties  imposed  upon  imports  into  the 
United  States  and  Canada  respectively  during  1903: 

United    States      Canadian 
Rates  of  duty.  Rates  of  duty. 

Articles   of   food    and   animals 72.80  26.98 

Crude    articles    for    manufacture 27.85  22.48 

Wholly  or  partly  manufactured  for  use  as  materials.   25.65  19.78 

Manufactured   articles    ready    for    consumption   49.22  24.30 

Luxuries,    etc 57.47  53.56 

Average    rate    49.03  27.13 

The  most  cursory  glance  shows  that  in  every  class  of  merchan- 
dise the  United  States  duty  is  higher  than  that  of  the  Dominion, 
while  the  average  duties  in  all  classes  are  about  double.  To  state 
the  case  in  another  way,  the  United  States  places  twice  the  ob- 
stacles in  the  way  of  trade  that  Canada  places.  As  far  as  the 
effect  upon  commerce  is  concerned,  this  is  as  if  some  arbitrary  act 
of  an  imperial  power  made  it  possible  to  affix  a  penalty  of  fifty 
cents  on  the  dollar  upon  the  States  west  of  the  Mississippi  for 
trading  with  the  States  lying  east. 

Notwithstanding  unequal  conditions,  some  interchange  of  all  the 
more  common  products  of  the  two  countries  takes  place.  It  is 
not  generally  realized  that  the  United  States  sells  twice  as  much 
of  farm  products  to  Canada  as  Canada  exports  here,  although 
both  countries  find  a  large  market  for  their  farm  products  abroad. 

CANADIAN    PREFERENTIAL    DUTIES. 

One  of  the  most  important  effects  of  the  discouragement  of 
purchases  from  Canada  has  been  to  cause  the  Canadians  to  develop 
their  market  in  Great  Britain. 

The  natural  tendency  of  Canadian  traffic  was  through  the  United 
States,  but  an  exclusive  tariff  has  deprived  American  merchants 
and  transportation  companies  of  the  profit  of  handling  Canadian 
wares,  while  at  the  same  time  it  has  built  up  a  serious  competi- 
tion abroad  for  the  American  farmer. 

In  1866,  Canada  sent  to  Great  Britain  farm  products  valued 
at  only  $3,544,000,  while  in  1902,  her  export  of  the  same  classes 
of  goods  amounted  to  $79,545,000.  Her  exports  of  this  class  to 
the  United  States  in  1866,  or  the  last  year  of  the  reciprocity  treaty, 
amounted  to  $25,041,000,  and  in  1902  they  had  decreased  to 
$7,027,000.  Even  under  the  reciprocity  treaty  many  articles,  par- 
ticularly agricultural  products,  which  figure  in  the  returns  as  im- 
ports from  Canada  into  the  United  States,  were,  as  a  matter  of 
fact,  re-exported  to  Great  Britain;  and  while  this  traffic  was  en- 
couraged, the  Canadians  had  little  thought  but  to  regard  United 
States  ports  as  their  natural  ports  of  export  and  United  States 
railways  as  their  natural  means  of  transportation.  The  abroga- 
tion of  the  reciprocity  treaty  and  the  annihilation  of  the  re-ex- 
port trade  in  Canadian  goods  (except  such  as  came  through  in 
bond)  marked  the  parting  of  the  ways  in  the  destiny  of  the  two 
countries. 


Reciprocity.  171 

A  government  friendly  to  reciprocity  with  the  United  States 
was  elected  by  the  Dominion  of  Canada  in  1896.  Immediately 
upon  its  assumption  of  power  the  Laurier  ministry  was  met  by 
the  exclusive  Dingley  tariff.  Even  then  the  beginning  of  an  enor- 
mous export  trade  with  Great  Britain  had  been  made,  and  in  six 
years  this  had  doubled.  The  following  table  shows  the  exports 
of  Canada  to  Great  Britain  by  five-year  periods  from  1873  to  1903 : 

Year.  Value  of  Exports. 

1873. . $31,431,000 

1878 35,861,000 

1883 39,672,000 

1888 33,648,000 

1893 58,409,000 

1898 93,065,000 

1903 125,199,000 

In  1873,  about  41  per  cent,  of  the  total  exports  of  Canada  went 
to  Great  Britain  and  48  per  cent,  to  the  United  States.  In  1903 
Great  Britain  took  more  than  58  per  cent,  of  Canada's  surplus, 
an  increase  of  17  per  cent.,  and  the  United  States  took  only  32 
per  cent.,  a  decrease  of  16  per  cent. 

The  history  of  Canadian  imports  has  been  exactly  the  reverse. 
In  1873  Canada  bought  54  per  cent,  of  her  imports  of  the  Mother 
Country  and  37  per  cent,  in  the  United  States.  In  1903,  the 
United  States  supplied  her  with  59  per  cent,  of  the  merchandise 
she  purchased  abroad,  a  gain  of  22  per  cent,  while  the  propor- 
tion supplied  by  Great  Britain  had  dwindled  to  25  per  cent.,  a 
decrease  of  19  per  cent.  In  a  generation,  then,  Great  Britain 
had  lost  and  the  United  States  had  gained  a  total  of  41  per  cent, 
of  the  import  trade  of  Canada. 

Recognizing  the  value  to  her  of  the  British  market  and  forced 
to  the  realization  that  the  United  States  cared  nothing  for  trade 
with  Canada  except  to  keep  it  going  all  one  way,  the  Dominion, 
in  1897,  instituted  her  scheme  of  the  preferential  tariff.  Start- 
ing with  a  concession  of  12  per  cent,  on  British  goods,  this  was 
increased  in  1898  to  25  per  cent,  and  in  1900  to  33  1-3  per  cent., 
at  which  figure  it  now  remains.  The  situation  is,  therefore,  that 
all  imports  into  Canada  from  Great  Britain,  except  wines,  malt 
and  spirituous  liquors,  liquid  medicines,  articles  containing  alco- 
hol, and  tobacco,  cigars  and  cigarettes,  are  favored  with  a  reduc- 
tion of  duty  of  33  1-3  per  cent. 

The  effect  of  Canadian  action  in  thus  favoring  a  friendly  and 
generous  customer  over  other  countries,  like  the  United  States, 
which  demanded  everything  for  nothing,  was  noteworthy  in  its 
stimulation  of  the  British  export  trade.  Before  the  adoption 
of  the  preference  the  purchases  of  Canada  from  the  United  King- 
dom were  becoming  less  and  less  in  value,  as  the  following  table 
shows : 


172  Reciprocity. 

1873 $68,522,776 

1883 52,052,465 

1893 43,148,413 

1897 29,412,188 

With  the  adoption  of  the  preferential  tariff  of  25  per  cent.,  im- 
ports from  Great  Britain  began  to  increase,  and  with  the  increase 
in  the  rate  of  reduction  (1900),  the  purchases  of  Canada  from  the 
United  Kingdom  increased  more  rapidly.  This  table  tells  the  story : 

1898 $32,500,917 

1899 37,060,123 

1900 44,789,730 

1901 43,018,164 

1902 49,206,062 

1903 58,896,901 

1904 61,770,379 

From  a  decrease  of  60  per  cent  from  1873  to  1897,  the  prefer- 
ential tariff  has  aided  British  merchants  and  manufacturers  to 
sell  more  than  100  per  cent,  more  goods  in  Canada  in  1904  than 
they  sold  in  1897.  In  the  three  years  ending  in  1903  the  sum  of 
$8,464,596  in  duties  has  been  saved  to  British  sellers  by  the  opera- 
tion of  the  preference. 

Says  Mr.  George  Johnson,  the  able  chief  statistician  of  the 
Dominion : 

"The  conclusion  I  feel  warranted  in  drawing  from  these  figures  is  that 
the  preferential  tariff  has  saved  a  business  which  before  the  adoption 
of  that  tariff  was  rapidly  dwindling,  and  has  in  fact  so  greatly  increased 
it,  that  there  is  a  reasonably  sure  prospect  that  the  palmiest  period  of 
the  trade  in  the  past  thirty  years  will  be  overshadowed  in  the  near 
future." 

Increases  like  this  were  made,  of  course,  at  the  expense  chiefly 
of  the  United  States;  particularly  since  Canada  has  imposed  a 
surtax  of  33  1-3  per  cent,  upon  imports  from  Germany  (1903) 
in  retaliation  for  the  refusal  of  Germany  to  continue  the  admis- 
sion of  Canadian  products  at  "conventional"  rates  of  duty — i.e., 
lower  rates  secured  by  a  previously  existing  reciprocal  arrangement 
between  Germany  and  Great  Britain. 

This  action  of  our  greatest  customer  in  thus  giving  a  prefer- 
ence to  our  greatest  rival  was  due,  on  the  one  hand,  to  the  un- 
friendly tariff  policy  of  the  United  States  and,  on  the  other,  to  the 
free  admission  of  Canadian  products,  chiefly  agricultural,  to  the 
British  market.  It  was  only  after  a  generation  of  rebuff  and  eva- 
sion by  the  tariff  makers  of  the  United  States  that  the  Dominion 
government  regretfully  sought  to  divert  the  course  of  trade  from 
its  natural  channels  and  turn  it  elsewhere.  The  new  current  has 
now  set  in,  and  the  natural  impulse  of  the  two  great  American 
peoples  to  fraternize  and  trade  with  each  other  has  been  checked. 


Reciprocity.  173 

THE    CHAMBERLAIN    PROGRAM. 

The  question  of  reciprocity  with  Canada  is  not  one  of  a  day 
or  a  year,  it  is  one  which  will  intimately  affect  the  future  pros- 
perity of  coming  generations.  It  is  one  of  the  largest,  most  im- 
portant and  most  delicate  questions  with  which  national  admin- 
istrations will  be  called  upon  to  deal.  It  must  be  treated  broadly 
and  with  foresight,  not  used  as  a  political  football.  It  must  be 
studied  as  an  epoch-making  problem  instead  of  dismissed  in  the 
spirit  of  petty  selfishness  which  has  characterized  the  utterances 
of  Republican  monoplists  and  politicians  regarding  it  since  the 
abrogation  of  the  Elgin  treaty. 

Great  Britain  has  not  been  unmindful  of  the  change  in  Cana- 
dian sentiment  with  respect  to  the  United  States,  and  the  so- 
called  Chamberlain  plan,  first  promulgated  in  February,  1903,  has 
entered  as  another  element  threatening  closer  relations  between  the 
United  States  and  the  Dominion. 

Alarmed,  apparently,  by  the  growing  strength  of  reciprocity 
sentiment  in  the  United  States,  the  then  colonial  secretary  launched 
his  plan  of  an  "Imperial  Zollverein"  or  commercial  union  of  Great 
Britain  with  her  colonies.  The  scheme  proposes  the  abandonment, 
in  a  measure,  of  the  historic  British  policy  of  free  trade  and  the 
substitution  of  a  tariff  plan  which  is  thus  concisely  stated  by  the 
commission  selected  by  Mr.  Chamberlain  to  suggest  the  most  feas- 
ible fiscal  policy  to  pursue: 

A.  A  general  tariff,  consisting  of  a  low  scale  of  duties  for  for- 
eign countries  admitting  British  wares  on  fair  terms. 

B.  A  preferential  tariff,  lower  than  the  general  tariff,  for  the 
colonies,  giving  adequate  preference  to  British  manufactures  and 
framed  to  secure  freer  trade  within  the  British  empire. 

C.  A  maximum  tariff  consisting  of  comparatively  higher  duties, 
but  subject  to  reduction  by  negotiation  to  the  level  of  the  general 
tariff. 

This  plan  proposes,  in  a  nutshell,  the  restriction  of  the  greatest 
market  in  the  world,  the  British  Empire,  to  the  countries  compos- 
ing that  empire;  to  the  exclusion  primarily  of  the  United  States 
and  of  all  other  countries,  except  upon  such  terms  as  might  be  se- 
cured through  the  breaking  down  of  tariffs.  It  implies  that  Great 
Britain  has  reached  the  limit  of  patience  in  permitting  a  free  mar- 
ket for  the  wares  of  high  protectionist  countries,  and  is  deter- 
mined to  do  a  little  trading  for  herself  along  lines  suggested  by 
her  rivals. 

Should  this  policy  of  Mr.  Chamberlain  succeed — and  it  is  a 
general  opinion  both  here  and  in  England  that,  notwithstanding 
temporary  setbacks,  eventually  it  will — its  importance  to  the  United 
States  can  not  be  overestimated. 

Great  Britain  buys  of  us  much  more  than  one-third  of  our 
sales  to  all  the  world,  more  than  our  sales  to  all  the  remainder  of 
Europe,  more  than  twice  our  sales  to  North  America  and  more 
than  three  times  our  sales  to  South  America,  Asia,  Oceania  and 
Africa  put  together.     Our  sales  to  British  possessions,  exclusive 


174  Reciprocity. 

of  the  United  Kingdom,  are  some  $20,000,000  more  than  to  South 
America,  Asia,  Oceania  and  Africa.  Great  Britain  takes  half  our 
surplus  of  wheat,  more  than  half  our  export  of  flour  and  of  other 
cereals  in  proportion. 

The  Chamberlain  proposition,  by  giving  Canadian  agricultural 
exports  an  advantage  in  the  British  market  over  those  of  the  United 
States,  would  aim  to  make  and  recognize  Canada  as  the  granary 
of  the  empire,  and  thus  deprive  the  American  farmer  of  his  largest 
foreign  market.  Through  Chamberlain,  Great  Britain  proposes  reci- 
procity in  Canada  and  a  dose  of  her  own  tariff  policy — although 
not  so  drastic  a  one — for  the  United  States. 

Thus  is  presented  the  sorry  spectacle  of  two  of  our  largest  cus- 
tomers banded  in  a  titanic  struggle  to  shake  themselves  free  of 
depeodence  of  the  United  States;  proposing  retaliation  instead  of 
reciprocity;  the  strangulation  instead  of  the  encouragement  of 
commerce  with  the  United  States:  a  businesslike  and  legitimate 
warfare,  moreover,  and  one  which  the  policy  of  the  United  States 
has  deliberately  invited.  Canada  already  has  given  some  evidence 
of  friendliness  to  the  Chamberlain  plan,  although  reserving  to  her- 
self the  right  to  legislate  strictly  for  the  benefit  of  her  own  interests ; 
and  she  has  played  her  part  in  it  so  far  also  by  arranging  a  scheme 
of  tariff  concessions  with  South  Africa  and  Australasia. 

REPUBLICAN    RECIPROCITY    A    SHAM. 

It  is  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  only  of  late  years  has  American 
-commerce  assumed  relatively  important  proportions  and  many  of 
our  industries  been  placed  upon  an  export  basis.  Until  within  a 
comparatively  short  time,  our  foreign  trade  was  only  an  incident 
where  now  it  occupies  a  fundamental  position.  Republican  "stand- 
patism"  is  as  indifferent  to  this  structural  change  in  the  business 
of  the  country  as  in  the  early  days  when  it  was  clamoring  for  the 
protection  of  "infant  industries."  As  has  been  well  said  by  a  Re- 
publican of  commanding  ability,  now  ostracized  by  his  party  for 
attempting  in  good  faith  to  carry  out  the  pledges  of  his  party,  the 
Hon.  John  A.  Kasson :  "Protection  abroad  for  our  exports  has  be- 
come equally  important  with  protection  at  home,  and  in  many 
cases  has  become  more  important." 

The  Republican  party,  by  its  repudiation  of  the  principle  of 
genuine  reciprocity,  has  lost  the  confidence  of  the  business  men 
of  the  country  and  invited  a  policy  of  retaliation  among  the  best 
foreign  customers  of  the  American  producer,  of  whatever  class. 
It  has  played  with  the  name  of  reciprocity  and  refused  anything  of 
the  substance.  Its  traditions  and  its  practices  are  wholly  opposed 
to  fairness  in  trade.  It  refuses  to  apply  business  principles  to  the 
problems  of  international  commerce.  Until  this  application  is 
made,  the  valuable  export  trade  which  has  been  developed  through 
the  tolerance  of  foreign  customers,  who  have  hoped  against  hope 
for  better  things,  will  rest  upon  a  precarious  and  unstable  basis. 

The  Republican  idea  of  reciprocity  is  and  always  has  been  to  im- 
pose a  tariff  upon  articles  not  produced  in  this  country  and  then  to 


Reciprocity.  175 

trade  that  tariff  down  for  the  purpose  of  forcing  the  export  of 
goods  desired  by  foreign  customers. 

Kepublican  reciprocity  has  no  more  to  show  for  itself  than 
this  program.  This  is  the  only  reciprocity  which  the  monopolies 
existing  under  the  United  States  tariff  will  permit  the  Republican 
party  to  negotiate.  The  most  representative  mouthpiece  of  monop- 
oly in  Congress,  Mr.  Dalzell,  of  Pennsylvania,  is  quoted  in  the  Re- 
publican Text  Book  as  saying:  "Republican  reciprocity  is  reci- 
procity in  non-competing  articles  and  in  nothing  else." 

A  Republican  is  quoted  by  the  Republican  Text  Book  as  having 
said  upon  the  floor  of  Congress,  February  8,  1904:  "I  believe  in 
the  reciprocity  of  Blaine  and  McKinley,  reciprocity  in  non-competi- 
tive goods,  but  not  in  reciprocity  in  competitive  goods,  which  is 
simply  free  trade."  That  the  Republican  leaders  of  Congress  do 
not  believe  in  any  kind  of  reciprocity  which  reciprocates  was  made 
evident  by  the  failure  of  the  treaties  negotiated  under  the  Dingley 
bill.  The  most  important  of  these  treaties  was  that  with  France, 
of  which  the  President  declared  that  it  would  increase  the  exports 
of  our  manufactures  to  France  tenfold.  It  was  alleged  by  the  Re- 
publican opponents  of  this  reciprocity  treaty  that  the  slight  re- 
duction made  in  the  duties  would  "sacrifice"  certain  important 
industries  of  one  section  of  the  country. 

The  ridiculous  sophistry  of  this  allegation  is  discovered  in  the 
fact  that  in  every  case,  after  granting  all  the  concessions  made  by 
the  treaty,  a  protective  duty  of  more  than  50  per  cent.,  or  actually 
double  the  total  labor  cost,  would  have  remained  upon  the  product 
of  each  industry. 

Republican  professions  of  friendship  for  practical  reciprocity 
have  not  been  backed  by  performance.  That  party  does  not  and 
can  not  stand  for  commercial  interchange  upon  fair  terms. 

A    STOLEN    PLANK. 

After  a  few 'timid  utterances  upon  the  important  question  of 
reciprocity  and  the  sage  conclusion  that  "the  policy  of  reciprocity 
can  be  most  largely  extended  in  the  direction  of  tropical  countries," 
the  Republican  Campaign  Text  Book  closes  its  original  discussion 
of  the  subject  with  the  remarkable  declaration  that  "On  this  ques- 
tion the  Republican  platform  of  1904  says: 

"  'We  favor  liberal  trade  arrangements  with  Canada  and  with  peo- 
ples of  other  countries  where  they  can  be  entered  into  with  benefit  to 
American    agriculture,   manufacture,   mining   or   commerce.' " 

Useful  as  this  plank  might  be  to  the  party  whose  leading  men 
just  now  are  engaged  in  a  solemn  attempt  to  rough-ride  upon  both 
sides  of  the  question,  it  must  be  stated,  in  the  interest  of  truth 
and  historical  accuracy,  that  this  declaration  is  not  to  be 
found  in  the  platform  adopted  by  the  Republican  party  this  year 
at  Chicago.  On  the  contrary,  this  explicit  declaration  in  favor 
of  reciprocity  with  Canada  is  to  be  found  only  in  the  platform 
adopted  by  the  Democratic  party  at  St.  Louis.  It  can  readily  be 
understood  that  the  approval  of  a  policy  so  generally  endorsed  by 


176  Reciprocity. 

the  business  men  of  the  country  would  have  strengthened  the  Re- 
publican platform  greatly  and  have  commended  it  to  thousands 
who  now  regard  it  with  little  favor  because  of  its  omission.  The  ap- 
propriation of  this  Democratic  plank  by  the  compilers  of  the  Re- 
publican text  book  gives  greater  evidence  of  good  judgment  than 
was  shown  by  the  platform  builders  at  Chicago.  The  Republican 
platform,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  makes  only  incidental  reference  to 
the  subject  of  reciprocity,  which  a  majority  of  the  voters  of  the 
country,  without  doubt,  regard  as  one  of  the  most  important  now 
before  the  American  people. 


THE   PHILIPPINES. 

THE  REPUBLICAN  ATTITUDE   TOWARD  THE  LIBERTY-SEEKING  INHABIT- 
ANTS   OF    THE    PHILIPPINES.      VIEWS  OF  GROVER  CLEVELAND, 
WILLIAM  JENNINGS   BRYAN,  RICHARD  OLNEY,  PRESIDENT 
SCHURMAN,  GENERAL  MILES  AND  OTHERS. 

The  United  States  has  no  issue  involving  greater  responsibility 
than  the  retention  of  the  Philippine  archipelago  with  its  liberty- 
seeking  population.  In  the  ever-increasing  casuistry  the  opinions 
expressed  by  fearless  statesmen,  great  educators  and  soldiers  can 
well  be  taken  into  account — they  are  better  entitled  to  credence  than 
the  partisan  statements  of  persons  forced  by  official  employment  to 
support  an  Administration  of  which  they  are  part. 

An  Administration  constantly  eulogizing  war  is  bound  to  regard 
conquest  as  the  legitimate  adjunct  of  strife. 

The  conflict  in  the  East  between  Eussia  and  Japan  has  a  preg- 
nant bearing  upon  America's  future  in  the  spectacle  which  it  has 
offered  of  a  great  power  reduced  to  pitiful  straits  through 
need  for  defending  an  isolated  position,  removed  thousands  of  miles 
from  its  base  of  supplies.  Russia's  home  strength  could  not  be 
transmitted  to  Port  Arthur — and  hence  the  spectacle  of  a  giant 
bleeding  to  death  at  an  extremity.  In  the  event  of  America  being 
forced  into  a  foreign  war,  the  difficulty  that  would  attend  the  de- 
fense of  a  scattered  archipelago  in  the  Orient  is  only  too  obvious. 

BRYAN    DENOUNCES    REPUBLICAN    PHILIPPINE    POLICY. 

William  Jennings  Bryan,  in  his  speech  of  acceptance  of  the  Pres- 
idential nomination  in  1900,  arraigned  imperialism  in  these  words : 

"What  is  our  title  to  the  Philippine  Islands  ?  Do  we  hold  them 
by  treaty  or  by  conquest  ?  Did  we  buy  them  or  did  we  take  them  ? 
Did  we  purchase  the  people?  If  not,  how  did  we  secure  title 
to  them?  Were  they  thrown  in  with  the  land?  Will  the  Repub- 
licans say  that  inanimate  earth  has  value,  and  that  when  that 
earth  is  molded  by  the  Divine  Hand  and  stamped  with  the  like- 
ness of  the  Creator  it  becomes  a  fixture  and  passes  with  the  soil? 
If  governments  derive  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the 
governed,  it  is  impossible  to  secure  title  to  people,  either  by  force 
or  by  purchase.  We  could  extinguish  Spain's  title  by  treaty, 
but  if  we  hold  title  we  must  hold  it  by  some  method  consistent 
with  out  ideas  of  government.  When  we  made  allies  of  the  Fil- 
ipinos and  armed  them  to  fight  against  Spain,  we  disputed  Spain's 
title.  If  we  buy  Spain's  title,  we  are  not  innocent  purchasers. 
But  even  if  we  had  not  disputed  Spain's  title,  she  could  transfer 
no  greater  title  than  she  had,  and  her  title  was  based  on  force 
alone.  We  cannot  defend  such  a  title,  but  as  Spain  gave  us  a 
quit  claim  deed,  we  can  honorably  turn  the  property  over  to  the 


178  The  Philippines. 

party  in  possession.  Whether  any  American  official  gave  the  Fil- 
ipinos moral  assurance  of  independence  is  not  material.  There  can 
be  no  doubt  that  we  accepted  and  utilized  the  services  of  the  Fil- 
ipinos, and  that  when  we  did  so,  we  had  full  knowledge  that  they 
were  fighting  for  their  own  independence,  and  I  submit  that  his- 
tory furnishes  no  example  of  turpitude  baser  than  ours  if  we  now 
substitute  our  yoke  for  the  Spanish  yoke. 

THE    ARGUMENT    FOR    IMPERIALISM. 

"Let  us  consider  briefly  the  reasons  which  have  been  given  in 
support  of  the  imperialistic  policy.  Some  say  that  it  is  our  duty 
to  hold  the  Philippine  Islands.  But  duty  is  not  an  argument. 
It  is  a  conclusion.  To  ascertain  what  our  duty  is,  in  any  emer- 
gency, we  must  apply  well  settled  and  generally  accepted  princi- 
ples. It  is  our  duty  to  avoid  stealing,  no  matter  whether  the  thing 
to  be  stolen  is  of  great  or  little  value.  It  is  our  duty  to  avoid 
killing  a  human  being,  no  matter  where  the  human  being  lives 
or  to  what  race  or  class  he  belongs.  Every  one  recognizes  the 
obligation  imposed  upon  individuals  to  observe  both  the  human 
and  moral  law,  but,  as  some  deny  the  application  of  those  laws 
to  nations,  it  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  quote  the  opinion  of  others. 
Jefferson,  than  whom  there  is  no  higher  political  authority,  said: 
"I  know  of  but  one  code  of  morality  for  men,  whether  acting  singly 
or  collectively."  Franklin,  whose  learning,  wisdom  and  virtue 
are  a  part  of  the  priceless  legacy  bequeathed  us  from  the  Revolu- 
tionary days,  expressed  the  same  idea  in  even  stronger  language 
when  he  said:  "Justice  is  as  strictly  due  between  neighbor  na- 
tions as  between  neighbor  citizens.  A  highwayman  is  as  much 
a  robber  when  he  plunders  in  a  gang  as  when  singly ;  and  the  na- 
tion that  makes  an  unjust  war  is  only  a  great  gang." 

"Men  may  dare  to  do  in  crowds  what  they  would  not  dare  to  do 
as  individuals,  but  the  moral  character  of  an  act  is  not  determined 
by  the  number  of  those  who  join  in  it.  Force  can  defend  a  right, 
but  force  has  never  yet  created  a  right.  If  it  was  true, 
as  declared  in  the  resolution  of  intervention,  that  the  Cubans 
"are  and  of  right  ought  to  be  free  and  independent"  (language 
taken  from  the  Declaration  of  Independence),  it  is  equally  true 
that  the  Filipinos  "are  and  of  right  ought  to  be  free  and  inde- 
pendent." The  right  of  the  Cubans  to  freedom  was  not  based  upon 
their  proximity  to  the  United  States,  nor  upon  the  language  which 
they  spoke,  nor  yet  upon  the  race  or  races  to  which  they  belonged. 
Congress  by  a  practically  unanimous  vote  declared  that  the  prin- 
ciples enunciated  at  Philadelphia,  in  1776,  were  still  alive  and  ap- 
plicable to  the  Cubans. 

"Who  will  draw  a  line,  between  the  natural  rights  of  the  Cubans 
and  the  Filipinos?  Who  will  say  that  the  former  have  a  right 
to  liberty  and  the  latter  have  no  rights  which  we  are  bound  to 
respect?  And,  if  the  Filipinos  "are,  and  of  right,  ought  to  be 
free  and  independent,"  what  right  have  we  to  force  our  govern- 
ment upon  them  without  their  consent?     Before   our   duty   can 


The  Philippines.  179 

be  ascertained,  and  when  their  rights  are  once  determined,  it  is 
as  much  our  duty  to  respect  those  rights  as  it  was  the  duty  of 
Spain  to  respect  the  rights  of  the  people  of  Cuba,  or  the  duty  of 
England  to  respect  the  rights  of  the  American  colonists,  Eights 
never  conflict;  duties  never  clash.  Can  it  be  our  duty  to  usurp 
political  rights  which  belong  to  others?  Can  it  be  our  duty  to 
kill  those  who,  following  the  example  of  our  forefathers,  love 
liberty  well  enough  to  fight  for  it? 

"If  it  is  said  that  we  have  assumed  before  the  world  obligations 
which  make  it  necessary  for  us  to  permanently  maintain  a  gov- 
ernment in  the  Philippine  Islands,  I  reply,  first,  that  the  high- 
est obligation  of  this  nation  is  to  be  true  to  itself.  No  obligation 
to  any  particular  nation,  or  to  all  nations  combined,  can  require 
the  abandonment  of  our  theory  of  government  and  the  substitu- 
tion of  doctrines  against  which  our  whole  national  life  has  been 
a  protest.  And,  second,  that  our  obligations  to  the  Filipinos, 
who  inhabit  the  islands,  are  greater  than  any  obligation  which  we 
can  owe  to  foreigners  who  have  a  temporary  residence  in  the  Phil- 
ippines or  desire  to  trade  there. 

THE    RIGHT    OF    SELF-GOVERNMENT. 

"It  is  argued  by  some  that  the  Filipinos  are  incapable  of  self- 
government  and  that  therefore  we  owe  it  to  the  world  to  take 
control  of  them.  Admiral  Dewey,  in  an  official  report  to  the 
Navy  Department,  declared  the  Filipinos  more  capable  of  self- 
government  than  the  Cubans,  and  said  that  he  based  his  opinion 
upon  a  knowledge  of  both  races.  But  I  will  not  rest  the  case 
upon  the  relative  advancement  of  the  Filipinos.  Henry  Clay, 
in  defending  the  rights  of  the  people  of  South  America  to  self- 
government,  said:  "It  is  the  doctrine  of  thrones  that  man  is 
too  ignorant  to  govern  himself.  Their  partisans  assert  his  in- 
capacity in  reference  to  all  nations;  if  they  cannot  command  uni- 
versal assent  to  the  proposition,  it  is  then  remanded  to 
particular  nations;  and  our  pride  and  our  presumption  too 
often  make  converts  of  us.  I  contend  that  it  is  to  ar- 
raign the  disposition  of  Providence  himself,  to  suppose  that  he 
has  created  beings  incapable  of  governing  themselves,  and  to  be 
trampled  on  by  kings.  Self-government  is  the  natural  government 
of  men."  Clay  was  right.  There  are  degrees  of  proficiency  in 
the  art  of  self-government,  but  it  is  a  reflection  upon  the  Creator 
to  say  that  he  denied  to  any  people  the  capacity  of  self-govern- 
ment. Once  admit  that  some  people  are  capable  of  self-govern- 
ment, and  that  others  are  not,  and  that  the  capable  people  have 
a  right  to  seize  upon  and  govern  the  incapable,  and  you  make 
force — brute  force — the  only  foundation  of  government,  and  in- 
vite the  reign  of  the  despot.  I  am  not  willing  to  believe  that  an 
all-wise  and  an  all-loving  God  created  the  Filipinos,  and  then  left 
them  thousands  of  years  helpless  until  the  islands  attracted  the 
attention  of  European  nations." 


180  The  Philippines. 

EX-PRESIDENT    CLEVELAND    ON    THE    PHILIPPINE    PROBLEM. 

In  his  article  published  in  "The  Saturday  Evening  Post/'  of 
Philadelphia,  February  20,  1904,  ex-President  Grover  Cleveland 
spoke  of  the  Philippine  problem  in  these  words: 

"When  our  Government  entered  upon  a  war  for  the  professed 
purpose  of  aiding  to  self-government  and  releasing  from  foreign 
rule  a  struggling  people  whose  cries  for  liberty  were  heard  at 
our  very  doors,  it  rallied  to  its  enthusiastic  support  a  nation  of 
freemen,  in  whose  hearts  and  minds  there  was  deeply  fixed  by 
heredity  and  tradition  the  living  belief  that  all  just  powers  of 
government  are  derived  from  the  consent  of  the  governed. 

"It  was  the  mockery  of  Fate  that  led  us  to  an  unexpected  and 
unforeseen  incident  in  this  conflict,  and  placed  in  the  path  of 
our  Government,  while  professing  national  righteousness,  rep- 
resenting an  honest  and  liberty-loving  people,  and  intent  on  a 
benevolent,  self-sacrificing  errand,  the  temptation  of  sordid  ag- 
grandizement and  the  false  glitter  of  world  power. 

"No  sincerely  thoughtful  American  can  recall  what  followed 
without  amazement,  nor  without  sadly  realizing  how  the  apathy 
of  our  people's  trustfulness  and  their  unreflecting  acceptance  of 
alluring  representations  can  be  played  upon. 

"No  greater  national  fall  from  grace  was  ever  known  than 
that  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  when  in  the  midst 
of  high  design,  while  still  speaking  words  of  sympathy  with  the 
weak  who  struggled  against  the  strong,  and  while  still  professing 
to  exemplify  before  the  world  a  great  Republic's  love  for  self- 
government  and  its  impulse  to  stay  the  bloody  hand  of  oppres- 
sion and  conquest,  it  embraced  an  opportunity  offered  by  the  ex- 
igencies of  its  beneficent  undertaking,  to  possess  itself  of  ter- 
ritory thousands  of  miles  from  our  coast,  and  to  conquer  and  gov- 
ern, without  pretense  of  their  consent,  millions  of  resisting  peo- 
ple— a  heterogeneous  population  largely  mixed  with  elements  hardly 
within  the  light  of  civilization,  and  all  far  from  the  prospect  of 
assimilation  with  anything  American. 

"In  one  hand  the  party  in  power  held  aloft  before  our  people 
the  dazzling  and  misleading  promise  of  commercial  advantage 
and  the  glory  of  rivaling  monarchical  expansion,  while  with  the 
other  it  slaughtered  thousands  of  the  abject  possessors  of  the  soil 
it  coveted,  and  sent  messages  of  death  and  disease  to  thousands 
of  American  homes. 

"In  the  wildest  exhibition  of  partisan  rancor  the  Democratic 
party  cannot  be  accused  of  reactionary  opposition  to  any  move- 
ment within  the  lines  fixed  by  our  national  mission  and  traditions 
that  tends  to  increase  our  country's  greatness.  It  demands,  how- 
ever, that  this  mission  and  these  traditions  shall  above  all  things 
be  inviolably  preserved  as  guides  to  our  national  activity  and 
standards  for  the  measurement  of  every  national  achievement.  De- 
mocracy will  not  be  cajoled  into  silence  by  the  transient  appear- 
ance of  a  manufactured  or  heedless  public  sentiment,  but  will 


The  Philippines.  181 

speak,  and  trust  for  its  vindication  to  the  sober  second  thought 
of  our  people.  Refusing  to  accept  the  shallow  and  discreditable 
pretense  that  our  conquest  in  the  Philippines  has  gone  so  far  as 
to  be  beyond  recall  or  correction,  we  insist  that  a  nation  as  well 
as  an  individual  is  never  so  magnanimous  or  great  as  when  false 
steps  are  retraced  and  the  path  of  honesty  and  virtue  is  regained. 
"The  message  of  the  Democracy  to  the  American  people  should 
courageously  enjoin  that,  in  sincere  and  consistent  compliance 
with  the  spirit  and  profession  •  of  our  interference  in  behalf  of 
•Cuba's  self-government,  our  beneficent  designs  toward  her  should 
-also  extend  to  the  lands  which,  as  an  incident  of  such  interference, 
have  come  under  our  control;  that  the  people  of  the  Philippine 
Islands  should  be  aided  in  the  establishment  of  a  government  of 
their  own;  and  that  when  this  is  accomplished  our  interference 
in  their  domestic  rule  should  cease." 

HON.    RICHARD    OLNEY. 

Ex-Secretary  of  State  Olney,  addressing  the  Harvard  Law  School 
Association  in  June  last,  expressed  these  opinions  of  the  Republican 
programme  in  the  Philippines : 

"This  is  a  gathering  of  lawyers — of  lawyers  from  all  parts  of  the 
country  and  among  the  most  intelligent  and  influential  of  the  pro- 
fession. I  make  no  apology,  therefore,  for  calling  attention  to  cer- 
tain marked  features  of  the  times  in  which  we  are  living — to  fea- 
tures with  which  lawyers  as  a  class  are  peculiarly  concerned,  as  they 
are  with  everything  which  relates  to  the  principles  of  government 
and  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  land. 


"What  I  ask  you  to  note  is  that  the  old  order  is  changing,  chang- 
ing swiftly  and  vitally,  and  that  whether  the  change  be  for  good  or 
for  evil,  is  to  be  temporary  or  lasting,  are  matters  to  which  the 
American  bar  can  not  address  itself  too  seriously.  A  revolution,  in- 
deed, is  in  progress,  none  the  less  real  that  it  may  not  be  generally 
recognized;  only  the  more  important  that  it  relates  to  ideas  and  to 
ideals  rather  than  to  things  visible  and  material ;  only  the  more  in- 
sinuating and  sure  in  its  advance  that  it  follows  legal  forms,  and 
marches  silently  and  peacefully  without  beat  of  drum  or  drawing  of 
sword.  *  *  *  A  new  school  of  thought  has  arisen  and  the 
American  lawyer  of  to-day  finds  himself  grappling  with  ideas  for 
which  he  will  search  in  vain  any  writings  or  utterances  of  the  great 
American  jurists  of  two  generations  ago. 

******* 

"Upon  the  American  lawyer,  steeped  in  the  doctrine  and  tradi- 
tions of  the  past,  the  inquiry  at  once  forces  itself,  what  place  has 
despotism — even  the  most  benevolent  and  most  intelligent — in  our 
American  political  system,  and  where  by  searching  shall  we  find  it 
out  ?  We  may  pursue  the  inquiry  after  the  manner  of  the  Sunday 
newspapers  and  their  puzzle  pictures.  Given  the  Constitution — the 
nation?.  1  chart  within  whose  four  corners  the  lawyer  must  look  for  a 


1 82  The  Philippines. 

warrant  for  every  governmental  act — puzzle  to  find  therein  the 
despot. 

"But  the  despot  in  our  governmental  scheme  is  hy  no  means  the 
only  thing  present  conditions  invite  us  to  look  for.  There  are 
others.  The  orator  of  the  day,  for  example,  with  a  laudable  frank- 
ness which  ignored  any  claim  of  benefit  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States  from  its  present  Oriental  experiment,  defended  it  a  few  days 
since  on  humanitarian  grounds.  According  to  him,  we  are  rich 
enough  and  can  afford  it,  and  therefore  it  is  our  duty  to  sacrifice 
American  lives  and  American  treasure  indefinitely  and  without 
stint  for  the  education  and  elevation  of  Filipinos  according  to 
American  standards. 

"But  out  of  any  such  proposition  at  once  issues  another  legal 
puzzle  for  the  American  lawyer — to  find  in  the  national  Constitu- 
tion the  principle  of  altruism;  to  find  in  a  frame  of  government 
declared  on  its  face  by  the  people  adopting  it  to  be  designed  to 
'secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity'  any 
authority  for  purely  philanthropic  enterprises — any  right  in  that 
government  to  turn  itself  into  a  missionary  to  the  benighted  tribes 
of  islands  in  the  South  seas  7,000  miles  from  our  shores;  or  any 
power  to  tax  the  toiling  masses  of  this  country  for  the  benefit  of 
motley  groups  of  the  brown  people  of  the  tropics  between  whom  and 
the  taxpayers  there  is  absolutely  no  community  either  of  interest 
or  of  sympathy. 

"Again,  international  law  being  part  of  American  law  and  the 
equality  of  nations  inter  se  without  regard  to  size  or  strength,  being 
the  very  basis  of  all  international  law,  still  another  search  is  needed 
to  find  in  American  law  any  right  in  a  strong  nation  to  appropriate 
the  sovereignty  or  territory  of  a  weak  nation,  either  in  the  name  of 
'collective  civilization'  or  in  any  other  name  or  on  any  pretext 
whatsoever.  And,  if  the  search  be  successful  and  the  doctrine 
vindicated  that  there  are  superior  peoples  in  whose  interest  inferior 
peoples  may  rightfully  be  subjected  to  a  process  which  would  be 
expropriation  if  it  did  not  lack  the  element  of  compensation  to  the 
victims,  question :  Is  not  a  rule  which  is  good  for  nations  good  also 
for  individuals,  and  why  may  not  the  lives  and  property  of  the 
weaker  and  inferior  citizens  in  any  commmunity  be  rightfully  ex- 
propriated for  the  benefit  of  the  stronger  and  superior? 

"Again,  the  first  principle,  as  well  as  essential  merit  of  a  written 
constitution  of  government,  being  that  even  the  most  desirable  end 
must  be  pursued  and  attained  only  in  conformity  with  the  funda- 
mental law — must  not  our  national  code  be  most  carefully  interro- 
gated for  some  symptom  of  the  doctrine  that  the  end  sanctifies 
the  means  and  that  to  'get  there'  by  short  cuts  or  paths  unprovided 
or  forbidden  is  anything  else  than  sheer  lawlessness  and  usurpa- 
tion? 

"Again,  is  the  great  end  of  government  what  the  founders  of  the 
republic  conceived  it  to  be,  namely,  the  maintenance  of  social  order 
and  the  affording  of  equal  opportunity,  or  have  times  and  men  so 
changed  that  paternalism  supersedes  individualism  and  that  we  are 


The  Philippines.  183 

to  look  with  favor  on  an  ever  widening  field  of  public  activity  and 
an  ever  narrowing  field  of  private  enterprise? 

"Again,  as  consequences  of  the  Civil  War  and  of  the  commerce 
power  and  the  Fourteenth  Amendment  as  judicially  interpreted, 
has  the  State  become  so  weak  and  so  limited  in  function  and  the 
general  government  so  strong  and  so  pervasive  that  the  latter 
now  counts  as  the  chief  factor  in  the  life  of  the  American  citizen, 
that  the  State  comes  second  in  his  interests  and  affections,  and  that 
the  sphere  of  local  self-government  is  seriously  curtailed? 

"That  new  conceptions  of  law  and  of  government  like  those  just 
indicated,  with  others  akin  to  them,  are  rife  among  us  to-day ;  that 
they  are  accompanied  and  accentuated  by  a  political  theory  that  the 
'saints'*  should  enjoy  the  earth  and  that  the  conglomeration  of  races, 
miscalled  the  Anglo-Saxon,  is  the  'saints'  is  not  to  be  denied.  They 
can  not  be  ignored  because  in  seeming  violent  contradiction  to  what 
Americans  have  professed  to  love  and  have  loudly  boasted  of  in  the 
past.  They  can  not  be  whistled  down  the  wind  as  pure  specula- 
tions since  they  are  the  basis  of  novel  measures  and  policies  of  the 
most  momentous  character. 

"It  is  imperative,  therefore,  that  the  lawyers  of  the  day  should 
give  them  earnest  consideration.  It  is  for  them  to  say  whether  there 
is  a  break  with  all  our  past  which  ought  to  be  and  is  to  be  perpetu- 
ated; whether  American  principles  as  embodied  in  American  con- 
stitutions and  State  papers,  once  deemed  models  of  wisdom  and 
inspirations  to  humanity  the  world  over,  are  now  to  be  relegated 
to  the  limbo  of  antiquated  superstitions;  whether  the  flag  shall 
symbolize  the  ideas  and  the  ideals  of  the  great  Americans  who  are 
identified  with  all  that  is  most  glorious  in  our  past  history  or  shall 
stand  for  the  theories  of  the  new  guides  and  teachers  of  the  present 
hour." 

"OUR    COUNTRY"-AN    OPINION    FROM    GENERAL    MILES. 

In  April  last,  speaking  before  the  Iroquois  Club  in  Chicago, 
General  Nelson  A.  Miles  said: 

"We  hear  the  boasting  of  what  we  are  going  to  do  as  a  'world 
power/  There  never  was  a  world  power  that  compared  in  phys- 
ical grandeur  to  the  great  moral  world  power  which  we  exercised 
for  a  century  as  a  nation  of  free,  independent,  just  and  humane 
people,  a  nation  of  millions  of  earnest,  patriotic  citizens,  who 
not  only  conducted  their  own  affairs  with  justice  and  equality, 
but  wielded  a  splendid  influence  in  behalf  of  the  oppressed  of  other 
lands  struggling  for  independence.  That  was  indeed  a  world 
power  which  commanded  the  love  and  devotion  of  our  own  people, 
as  well  as  the  liberty-loving  people  of  every  quarter  of  the  world. 
Should  we  ever  lose  that  national  character,  our  boast  of  being  a 
world  power  by  mere  brute  force  would  be  justly  held  in  contempt 
and  our  existence  as  a  republic  would  be  of  short  duration.  The 
world  is  too  familiar  with  the  spectacle  of  a  strong  power  expand- 


184  The  Philippines. 

ing  by  subjugation.  Rome,  the  strongest  of  empires  based  on 
force,  thus  wrote  her  history  and  wrought  her  ruin. 

"To  say  nothing  of  the  thousands  of  lives  that  have  been  lost 
or  ruined  in  the  conquest  of  the  Philippines,  we  have  expended 
enough  treasure,  drawn  from  the  people  of  this  country,  to  have 
put  water  on  every  quarter-section  of  our  arid  land,  thereby  ben- 
efiting millions  of  our  home-builders,  •  or  to  have  built  a  splendid 
system  of  good  roads  over  our  entire  country. 

"We  find  8,000,000  Malays  crowded  into  these  islands  in  an 
area  not  as  large  as  the  territory  of  New  Mexico,  a  population 
greater  than  that  which  now  occupies  the  western  half  of  the  United 
States.  Our  flag  was  raised  in  glory  over  the  halls  of  the  Montezu- 
mas,  and  lowered  with  honor.  Again  it  was  raised  in  glory  over 
the  capital  of  the  Celestial  empire,  and  lowered  with  honor.  It 
was  raised  in  glory  over  the  Island  of  Cuba,  and  now  with  honor 
has  given  place  to  the  last  of  the  seventeen  republics  that  have 
been  established  in  the  western  hemisphere,  copied  after  our  own 
and  embracing  50,000,000  of  people. 

"I  rejoice  that  the  most  thoughtful  and  humane  of  our  fellow- 
countrymen  are  now  advocating  granting  the  people  of  the  Phil- 
ippine Islands  the  blessings  that  we  have  given  to  those  of  Cuba, 
thereby  establishing  the  first  republic  in  the  Orient.  When  this 
just  and  generous  act  is  accomplished,  the  8,000,000  inhabitants 
of  those  islands  will  hail  it  with  unspeakable  joy,  and  the  great 
majority  of  the  people  of  this  country  will  indorse  the  benevolent 
act.  Two  hundred  days  would  be  sufficient  time  in  which  to  ac- 
complish that  glorious  result.  We  need  not  cultivate  an  appetite 
for  the  horizon  when  we  have  the  best  country  on  earth,  with  un- 
developed resources  that  will  occupy  our  people  for  hundreds  of 
years." 

PRESIDENT    SCHURMAN'S    VIEWS    ON     PHILIPPINE     INDEPENDENCE. 

At  the  banquet  given  in  honor  of  the  Filipino  commissioners 
by  the  New  York  Chamber  of  Commerce,  in  June  last,  Professor 
Jacob  Gould  Schurman  made  an  address  on  independence  for  the 
Philippines,  in  the  course  of  which  he  uttered  these  opinions.  Pro- 
fessor Schurman,  it  is  remembered,  was  President  of  the  first  Amer- 
ican Commission  in  the  Philippine  islands: 

"Some  of  our  people  may  want  to  retain  the  Philippines,  as  an  Ameri- 
can colony,  for  reasons  of  commercial  or  military  advantage,  or  for 
prestige  or  glory  in  the  Orient.  They  are,  however,  a  minority,  influen- 
tial, perhaps,  yet  numerically  not  large.  Practically  none  of  our  citi- 
zens, I  am  sure,  want  to  admit  the  Philippine  Islands  as  territories  or 
states  into  our  constitutional  and  federal  American  Union.  Some  de- 
velopment from  the  present  status  along  the  lines  of  home  rule  and  ulti- 
mate independence  is,  I  think,  the  more  general  desire  and  expectation. 
But  there  is  no  consensus  of  opinion  as  to  details.  Some  favor  inde- 
pendence in  a  few  years;  critics  call  them  idealists,  yet  history  proves 
that  idealists  in  politics  are  generally  the  most  practical  statesmen. 
Others  say  it  will  take  a  century  to  fit  you  gentlemen  to  govern  yourselves ; 
nut  I  suspect  that  the  phrase  'a  century'  is  merely  an  Oriental  mode  of 
speech  for  'a  short  time.'  We  prepared  the  Panamans  for  independence 
in  twenty-four  hours  and  the  Cubans  in  twenty-four  months.     Ten  years 


The  Philippines.  185: 

is  3,650  days.  Are  the  Panamans  3,650  times  as  ripe  in  their  capacity  for 
political  development  as  the  Filipino — the  7,000,000  civilized  and  Chris- 
tian  Filipinos? 

"Well,  the  question  is  for  the  American  people  and  the  Filipino  people 
to  settle.  Our  people  love  liberty,  they  have  given  independence  to  Cuba, 
they  refuse  to  establish  colonies  in  Central  or  South  America.  We  be- 
lieve  in  government  of  the  people  by  the  people  themselves.  We  believe 
in  the  government  of  the  Filipinos  by  the  Filipinos.  And  one  day  I  have- 
no  doubt  the  Filipinos  will  be  masters  of  their  own  political  destiny  like 
Canada  or  like  Cuba." 

CRITICISM    OF    SECRETARY    TAFT'S    PHILIPPINE    POLICY. 

Mr.  Moorfield  Storey,  of  the  New  England  Anti-Imperialist" 
League,  an  eminent  Boston  lawyer,  thus  assails  the  Philippine 
policy  of  Judge  Taft,  transferred  a  few  months  since  from  con- 
trol of  American  affairs  in  the  Philippine  Islands  to  the  Secretary- 
ship of  War: 

"How  is  it  with  the  Americans  at  home?  Does  Secretary  Taft  really 
think  that  they  can  be  trusted  'rightfully  to  solve  the  problem  when  it 
arises'?  Is  he  willing  to  let  them  decide  even  the  preliminary  question 
whether  the  problem  has  arisen?  Apparently  not,  for  in  his  speech  to  the- 
Chamber  of  Commerce  he  says  of  the  men  who  have  signed  a  petition. 
for  Filipino  independence,  and  whom  in  the  Outlook  he  describes  as  'a. 
number  of  excellent  and  prominent  gentlemen': 

"  'Why  should  the  good  people  who  signed  the  petition  intermeddle  with 
something  the  effect  of  which  they  are  very  little  able  to  understand?' 

"Who  are  these  men  whose  ability  to  understand  the  Philippine  situa- 
tion is  denied?  The  list  includes  Cardinal  Gibbons  and  Archbishop  Far- 
ley, more  than  fifty  bishops,  more  than  sixty  judges,  many  of  our  most 
prominent  men  in  other  walks  of  life,  a  long  list  of  college  presidents  and 
leading  educators,  men  like  ex-President  Cleveland,  President  Eliot,  of 
Harvard,  President  Schurman,  of  Cornell,  himself  not  without  experience 
in  the  Philippines;  ex-Senator  Edmunds,  Charles  Francis  Adams,  An- 
drew Carnegie,  Wayne  Mac  Veagh,  and  thousands  of  others  who  are  re- 
spected throughout  the  country.  These  men  are  the  spiritual,  the  intel- 
lectual leaders  of  the  American  people. 

"If  these  men  are  'little  able  to  understand,'  where  in  our  broad  land 
are  we  to  look  for  intelligence?  If  such  American  leaders  must  not  'in- 
termeddle,' what  reason  have  we  to  share  Secretary  Taft's  'abiding  con- 
fidence in  the  power  of  the  American  people  to  reach  a  right  conclusion'? 
When  he  says  that  'the  people  of  the  United  States  have  under  their 
guidance  and  control  these  islands,'  why  does  he  tell  them,  when  they  try 
to  guide,  that  they  are  intermeddling  with  what  they  are  unable  to  un- 
derstand ? 

"The  government  of  the  Philippines  by  the  American  people  upon  this 
theory  is  to  be  a  government  not  only  without  the  consent  of  the  gov- 
erned, but  without  the  consent  of  the  governors.  Does  not  Secretary 
Taft  see  that  he  must  concede  to  ex-Senator  Edmunds,  President  Schur- 
man, and  men  like  these  the  ability  to  understand  the  Philippine  situa- 
tion, or  else  admit  that  there  are  no  Americans  who  have  this  ability,  un- 
less indeed  he  claims  peculiar  intellectual  gifts  for  himself  and  his  late 
associates   on  the  commission? 

"If  the  American  people  lack  the  needed  ability  in  this  generation, 
is  it  not  a  violent  assumption  that  their  sons  and  grandsons  will  be  more 
able  and  more  intelligent?  If  the  Americans  of  to-day  are  unfit  to  deal 
with  the  problem,  must  the  Philippines  remain  in  the  hands  of  people 
unable  to  understand  their  needs,  until  a  new  and  wiser  American  people 
has  supplanted  the  present  generation?  This  is  not  a  comforting  hypothe- 
sis either  for  Americans  or  Filipinos. 

"Surely  if  the  Americans  on  the  islands  and  the  Americans  at  home 


1 86  The  Philippines. 

are  alike  not  to  be  trusted,  no  one  is  left,  unless  by  American  people  we  are 
to  understand  only  the  President  and  his  appointees,  the  Secretary  of 
War  and  the  Philippine  commission. 

"If  Secretary  Taft  is  right  we  must  have  not  only  'a  new  set  ot 
merchants'  in  the  islands,  but  a  new  generation  of  Americans  at  home 
before  the  American  people  can  think  of  governing.  Meanwhile  the  fate 
of  some  8,000,000  of  Asiatics  hangs  upon  the  life  and  health  of  the  half- 
dozen  Americans  who  alone  have  the  ability  to  understand  their  needs, 
unless  indeed  there  is  a  sacramental  virtue  in  an  appointment  to  the 
Philippine  Commission,  which  gives  the  men  who  receive  it  an  ability 
denied  to  Cardinal  Gibbons,  President  Eliot,  Andrew  Carnegie  and  their 
associates.  Is  it  not  perfectly  apparent  that  Secretary  Taft  does  not 
mean  that  the  American  people  should  deal  with  the  Philippine  problem, 
but  that  it  should  be  left  wholly  in  the  hands  of  the  President  and  such 
men  as  he  may  appoint  to  govern  the  islands? 
********* 

"Secretary  Taft  told  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  that  'we  have  tran- 
quillity in  the  islands.'  He  is  afraid  that  a  promise  of  independence  in 
the  future  would  disturb  it  by  raising  unfounded  hopes.  'Order  reigns  in 
Warsaw.'  Does  the  secretary  suppose  that  a  people  which  has  done  and 
which  has  suffered  so  much  since  1898  to  win  its  independence,  which 
has  been  subdued  at  such  frightful  cost  by  war,  by  torture,  by  reconcen- 
tration,  has  ceased  to  desire  independence?  Is  there  in  human  history  an 
example  of  such  instant  submission  to  an  alien  conqueror?  How  many 
of  England's  oppressive  acts  have  Irishmen  forgotten?  Are  the  memories 
of  our  Civil  War  effaced?  Is  it  possible  that  the  Filipinos  have  forgotten 
their  husbands,  their  fathers,  their  brothers,  and  their  sons,  whose  graves 
are  yet  freshly  green? 

"The  secretary  deceives  himself  if  he  fancies  thai;  our  silence  will  make 
them  forget  the  cause  which  they  have  so  much  at  heart.  Even  if  they 
are  'tranquil'  now,  how  long  will  they  remain  so  with  the  American 
resident  population  abusing  them  and  the  government  denying  them  any 
hope  of  better  things?  Let  them  understand  from  us  that  their  object 
is  our  object,  that  we  will  work  with  them  for  their  independence,  that 
they  shall  have  what  Cuba  has,  and  they  will  be  patient,  but  we  cannot 
assure  tranquillity  by  postponing  the  thought  of  independence  for  gener- 
ations, and  leaving  it  to  be  granted  then  by  men  whose  capital  will  have 
been  invested  in  these  islands,  and  who  will  have  a  hundred  reasons  for 
holding  them  where  we  have  one. 

"  'Generations'  hence  means  never,  and  such  postponement  closes  the 
door  of  hope  to  all  men  now  living  and  their  sons  and  grandsons.  To 
suppose  that  because  we  do  not  say  independence,  the  Filipinos  do  not 
think  of  it,  pray  for  it,  and  plot  for  it,  is  to  imitate  the  ostrich  and  to 
deny  the  Filipinos  the  ordinary  attributes  of  men.  Secretary  Taft  would 
suppress  the  dearest  aspirations  of  a  whole  people  and  expect  them  to 
submit  without  a  murmur.  He  really  denies  the  American  people  any 
right  to  discuss  the  Philippine  question,  and  insists  that  we  must  all 
submit  to  the  views  which  are  entertained  by  him.  This  is  not  popular 
government,  and  that  it  is  suggested  shows  how  readily  tyranny  abroad 
become  absolutism  at  home.  His  policy  is  sustained  by  assumptions  as  to 
human  nature  which  are  at  variance  with  all  experience.  They  cannot 
bear  discussion.  His  words  are  a  silk  glove  for  an  iron  hand,  and  they 
mean  that  the  United  States  ought  to  govern  the  Philippine  Islands  as 
it  likes  and  as  long  as  it  likes,  making  them  daily  more  valuable  to  it 
and  harder  to  part  with,  and  that  its  power  must  be  exercised  by  ad- 
ministrative officers,  who  will  be  uncontrolled  by  constitution  or  by  pub- 
lic opinion,  since  the  Filipinos  without  the  ballot  will  have  no  voice 
that  their  rulers  will  respect,  and  the  Americans  will  as  now  believe  their 
own  countrymen  and  let  the  government  deal  as  it  will  with  these  un- 
known subjects.  It  is  absolute  government  for  8,000,000  of  men,  now 
and  for  ever,  which  Secretary  Taft  preaches. 


The  Philippines.  187 

"Against   it   let  us   set   the   everlasting   truths   of   the   Declaration   of 

Independence. 

********* 

"He  says  that  those  who  desire  Philippine  independence  ask  the 
United  States  'to  turn  the  government  (of  the  Philippines)  over  to  a 
small  minority  made  up  of  a  cabal  of  violent  military  men,  maintain- 
ing their  power  by  an  army  and  terrorism  and  assassination.'  Waiv- 
ing the  question  how  our  own  power  has  been  established  and  maintained, 
and  saying  nothing  of  Samar,  I  would  emphatically  deny  that  any  such 
request  is  made  by  any  opponent  of  Mr.  Taft. 

"We  ask  that  the  people  of  the  Philippines  be  given  the  opportunity 
to  form  a  government  for  themselves,  to  frame  their  own  constitution, 
and  to  choose  their  own  rulers.  We  point  to  the  course  adopted  in 
Cuba  as  a  precedent,  though  we  wish  no  Piatt  amendment.  We  would 
have  this  country  by  agreement  with  foreign  powers  secure  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  new  state  as  the  independence  of  Switzerland  and  Bel- 
gium is  secured.  A  nation  which  boasts  that  it  has  compelled  'the 
open  door'  in  China  can  at  least  do  this.  We  would  remind  our  fel- 
low-countrymen of  the  gloomy  prophecies  which  preceded  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Cuban  republic,  now  falsified.  We  would  recall  the 
examples  of  Mexico  and  Japan,  which  have  risen  to  power  by  our  as- 
sistance, but  not  under  our  sway.  We  would  see  the  Philippines  an- 
other Cuba,  and  so  on  the  anniversary  when  we  celebrate  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  we  shall  be  enabled  again  with  heads  erect  to 
uphold  it  in  all  its  original  significance  instead  of  trying  to  explain 
it  away  and  limit  its  application,  as  Senator  Douglas  did  in  defense 
of  domestic  slavery,  and  as  Secretary  Taft  did  in  defense  of  'criminal 
aggression'  in  his  recent  speech. 

"The  policy  of  the  administration  in  the  Philippine  Islands  is  wrong, 
— morally,  economically,  politically  wrong. — and  from  wrong  nothing 
but  evil  can  come.  'I  tremble  for  my  country  when  I  reflect  that  God 
is  just,'  said  Jefferson,  but  his  countrymen  went  on  cheerfully  claiming 
that  they,  as  the  superior  race,  had  a  right  to  own  and  use  as  they  would 
their  inferiors,  the  negroes,  and  that  slavery  was  a  benevolent  institu- 
tion, promoting  the  real  welfare  of  the  slave,  while  incidentally  profit- 
ing the  master. 

"The  argument  of  the  slave  owner  then  is  the  argument  of  Secretary 
Taft  now.  and  it  prevailed  'until  every  drop  of  blood  drawn  by  the  lash"? 
was  'paid  by  another  drawn  by  the  sword,'  and  Jefferson's  fears  were 
realized  in  the  Civil  War,  with  its  long  train  of  evil  consequences.  The 
American  of  to-day  will  do  well  to  lay  this  lesson  of  history  to  heart, 
and  to  remember  that  God  is  still  just,  lest  another  generation  may  rean 
a  yet  more  bitter  harvest  from  the  seed  of  evil  which  Secretary  Taft 
and  his  associates  have  sown." 


THE  POLITICAL  SIDE  OF  THE  PHILIPPINE  QUESTION. 

VIEWS  OF  REPUBLICANS. 

Senator  Spooner,  of  Wisconsin,  (Congressional  Eecord,  vol.  32, 
p.  1386,  Fifty-fifth  Congress)  said: 

"I  have  heard  it  said  we  must  expand  territorially  in  order  to  become 
a  world  power.     Are  we,  in  order  to  be  a  world  power,  to  extend  our  ter- 
ritorial limits  to  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth? 
*  *********** 

"I  have  not  been  able  to  see  that  it  is  necessary,  in  order  to  secure  a  safe 
guarding  of  our  national  interests  in  our  relations  with  the  outside  world, 


188  The  Philippines. 

that  we  should  forever  burden  our  people  to  cover  the  seas  with  costly  ar- 
madas. We  have  had  no  participation  in  the  struggles  of  the  Old  World* 
nations  over  the  balance  of  power.  We  have  sympathized  with  them  in. 
their  struggles ;  we  have  sympathized  with  their  peoples  in  the  terrible  bur- 
dens put  upon  them  to  maintain  great  standing  armies  and  great  navies.. 
But  their  quarrels  have  not  been  our  quarrels;  their  policies  have  not  been 
our  policies.  While  they  have  fought  we  have  fed  them  and  manufactured 
products  for  their  use.  It  may  not  be  sentimental  or  romantic,  but 
it  is  true  we  have  grown  rich  by  staying  at  home  and  attending  to  our  own; 
business. 

************ 

"I  look  with  apprehension  upon  a  policy  which  may  place  the  United* 
States  in  a  position  where  by  force  of  environment  or  neighborship  we  cant 
be  made  a  participant  in  the  struggles  of  the  Old  World  nations  over  the- 
balance  of  power  in  the  Orient." 

Senator  Spooner  on  another  occasion  said : 

"In  the  event  of  war  the  most  distant  outpost  where  our  flag  could  be- 
found  would  be  the  point  of  first  attack,  and  we  would  be  obliged  to  main- 
tain a  navy  adequate  to  protect  the  millions  of  people  in  the  Philippines- 
seven  thousand  miles  away,  Hawaii,  and  our  Atlantic  and  Pacific  coasts- 
If  our  navy  were  not  adequate  to  all  that,  our  ships  being  sent  far  away, 
our  home  coast  would  be  unprotected.  This  would  involve  an  awful  in- 
crease of  taxation." 

Admiral  Sampson  said  in  an  address  delivered  in  Boston  (see 
Reed's  "Modern  Eloquence")  : 

"Our  new  possessions  will  increase  by  one  hundred  per  cent,  the  dangers, 
of  a  foreign  war." 

"TOO    HEAVY    TO    BE    BORNE." 

Senator  Dolliver,  at  the  recent  session  of  Congress,  said: 
"The  time  may  come  when  we  will,  in  sheer  exhaustion,  abandon  our 
work   in   the   Philippine    Islands.     Our   burdens    have   been  grievous,   and 
sometimes  I  have  thought  they  have  been  almost  too  heavy  to  be  borne." 

COLONIALISM    AND    TRADE. 

Senator  Spooner  again  stated  the  enlightened  view  of  this  ques- 
tion when  he  said  in  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress : 

"I  shrink  from  the  notion  that  the  interests  of  this  country  will  be 
subserved  by  making  permanently  a  part  of  our  land  territory  thousands 
of  miles  away,  inhabited  by  people  aliens,  not  of  our  blood,  not  of  our  way 
of  thinking,  foreign  to  all  our  associations,  living  in  a  tropical  climate, 
Avhere  the  white  man  cannot  work,  under  labor  conditions  of  necessity 
which  we  would  not  permit  to  exist  in  the  United  States. 
*  **********# 

"It  is  insisted  that  we  must  have  territorial  expansion  in  order  to  ex- 
tend our  trade.  I  do  not  think  so.  I  have  been  strongly  inclined  to  think 
that  in  the  long  run,  with  all  the  embarrassments  and  complications  and 
dangers  it  will  bring  upon  our  people,  it  will  retard  rather  than  develop 
the  foreign  trade  of  the  United  States.  We  have  been  growing  rapidly  in 
our  trade  without  territorial  expansion.  To  acquire  distant,  non-assimilable 
peoples  in  order,  through  permanent  dominion,  to  force  our  trade  upon 
them  seems  to  me  to  be  the  poorest  imaginable  national  policy.  How  far 
will  that  be  carried?  We  want  the  trade  of  the  world,  and  we  intend  to 
have  our  share  of  it.  Are  we  to  obtain  it  by  carrying  this  doctrine  of  ex- 
pansion to  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth? 

"Permanent  dominion  over  the  Philippines  by  the  United  States  means 
to  me  an  endless  and  vast  burden  upon  the  industries  of  our  people. 


The  Philippines.  189 

"Our  isolation,  Mr.  President,  is  one  factor  which  has  aided  us  in  devot- 
ing our  energies  to  the  development  of  our  resources  only  just  begun. 

*  *********** 

"Nor  can  I  contemplate  with  equanimity  the  adoption  of  any  policy 
which  may  bring  into  perpetual  competition  with  our  people  the  products 
>of  a  labor  which  in  the  very  nature  of  things  must  be  cheaper  than  ours." 

WHAT    SHALL    WE    DO    WITH    THE    PHILIPPINES? 

It  will  not  do  to  say,  as  Mr.  Roosevelt  does,  {hat  it  would  be 
"unwise"  for  him  to  inform  the  American  public  what  is  the  next 
thing  he  intends  to  do  in  the  Philippine  Islands.  If  he  were  deal- 
ing only  with  the  Filipinos,  he  might  contemptuously  tell  them 
that  it  is  none  of  their  business  what  he  proposed  to  do;  but  as 
the  American  people  are  interested  in  this  question,  they  are  en- 
titled to  know  for  what  purpose  and  with  what  object  and  for  what 
probable  length  of  time  this  administration  is  spending  its  money 
1  by  the  hundreds  of  millions.  The  Democratic  party  declares  plainly 
and  unequivocally  what  it  intends  to  do.  President  Roosevelt 
simply  tells  the  American  people  that  it  would  be  unwise  to  tell 
them  what  "his  next  step  will  be." 

If  the  Republican  party  will  not  tell  us  what  it  intends  to  do 
with  the  Philippines,  it  might,  at  least,  tell  us  some  things  it  will 
not  do. 

THE    PHILIPPINES    AND    STATEHOOD. 

We  know  that  the  leading  Filipinos  and  those  most  friendly  to 
and  most  trusted  by  our  own  representatives  in  the  Philippines 
demand  statehood  in  the  American  Union,  and  the  only  permanent 
.alternative  to  that  is  absolute  independence.  The  Federal  party 
in  the  Philippines,  which  has  been  the  friend  of  the  United  States 
from  its  formation,  and  from  whose  membership  nearly  all  the 
native  officers  are  drawn,  declared  for  statehood  in  its  first  platform, 
and  that  platform  before  its  adoption  was  submitted  to  and  revised 
by  Governor  Taft  and  the  American  members  of  the  Commission. 

In  the  memorial  of  the  Federal  party  sent  to  Congress  a  like 
specific  demand  was  made  for  American  citizenship  and  future 
Statehood,  coupled  with  the  declaration  that,  "we  reject  every  thing 
which  tends  toward  a  colony."  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  ob- 
ject and  purpose  of  the  Federal  party  has  been  openly  proclaimed 
and  understood  from  the  beginning;  and  it  was  with  a  full  knowl- 
edge of  its  platform  declaration  that  Hon.  Luke  E.  Wright,  Act- 
ing Governor  of  the  Philippines  in  the  absence  of  Governor  Taft, 
and  now  Governor-General,  made  the  following  statement  in  an 
address  delivered  before  the  Federal  party  on  Washington's  birth- 
day, 1901 : 

"It  is  because  the  American  authorities  believe  in  the  patriotic  purpose 
of  the  Federal  party;  because  they  believe  the  party  understands  and  ap- 
preciates the  intention  of  America,  that  they  extend  the  right  hand  of  fel- 
lowship to  it.  It  is  welcomed  into  the  field  because  the  policy  it  announces 
is  in  accordance  with  American  principles." 

In  the  same  address  Governor  Wright  held  out  to  the  Filipinos 
:in  plain  words  the  promise  of  "citizenship  in  the  great  American 


190  The  Philippines. 

Republic."  The  policy  which  the  Federal  party  distinctly  "an- 
nounces" is  the  incorporation  of  eight  or  ten  million  Malays  into 
the  body  of  our  citizenship  and  the  admission  of  a  Malay  archipel- 
ago to  Statehood  in  the  Union.  Governor  Wright  declares  that 
"the  policy  it  announces  is  in  accordance  with  American  princi- 
ples." 

Such  utterances  from  such  high  governmental  sources  in  response 
to  a  specific  demand  from  the  Filipino  people  seemed  to  call  for 
some  plain  declaration  of  policy  from  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States;  yet  when  Senator  Carmack  offered  an  amendment  declar- 
ing the  opposition  of  Congress  to  the  admission  of  the  Philippines 
to  American  statehood,  it  was  defeated  by  the  almost  unanimous 
vote  of  the  Republican  party. 

It  would  not  be  at  all  surprising  if  a  party  which  has  freely  ad- 
mitted States  unprepared  for  statehood  and  Africanized  historic 
commonwealths  to  increase  its  own  power  should  in  some  desperate 
emergency  admit  the  Philippines  to  statehood  merely  to  strengthen 
itself  in  Congress  and  the  Electoral  College.  However  that  may  be, 
it  is  plain  that  the  Government  is  now  maintaining  a  precarious 
peace  in  the  Philippines  by  holding  out  to  the  natives  the  hope  of 
future  statehood.  The  Committee  of  visiting  Filipinos  now  in  this 
country  are  frank  and  outspoken  in  declaring  themselves  for  either 
statehood  or  independence. 

"IN    THE    INTEREST    OF    THE    PHILIPPINES." 

President  Roosevelt  says  that  we  are  "governing  the  Philippines 
in  the  interest  of  the  Philippine  people  themselves."  If  the  Presi- 
dent thinks  so,  he  is  of  a  very  different  opinion  from  his  Secretary 
of  War  and  his  Governor- General  of  the  Philippines.  The  truth  is 
that  our  government  of  the  Philippines  has  been  narrow  and  selfish 
in  a  number  of  respects.  * 

When  we  annexed  the  Philippines  we  were  overwhelmed  with  de- 
scriptions of  the  vast  wealth  and  prosperity  we  should  derive  from 
developing  the  trade  of  that  country.  Then  we  promptly  erected 
tariff  barriers  against  it,  lest  our  prosperity  should  be  destroyed  by 
that  very  trade.  We  have  maintained  this  tariff  against  Philippine 
products  over  the  vigorous  protest  of  Governors  Taft  and  Wright, 
who  declare  that  it  is  both  injurious  to  the  prosperity  of  that  country 
and  destructive  of  the  loyalty  of  its  people.  Yet  a  Republican  Con- 
gress has  insisted  on  dealing  with  the  Philippines  as  a  foreign  coun- 
try when  it  comes  to  tariff  taxation.  It  has  cheerfully  consented, 
however,  to  consider  them  as  a  part  of  the  United  States  for  the 
purpose  of  applying  our  coast-wise  shipping  law  to  trade  between 
the  Philippines  and  the  United  States.  Governor  Taft  protested 
vigorously,  but  in  vain,  against  the  passage  of  this  lawj  warning 
Congress  that  if  it  should  pass  "most  disastrous  results  would  fol- 
low." He  again  appealed  to  Congress  and  begged  that  if  it  would 
insist  on  the  passage  of  such  a  law  it  should  first  "strike  down  the 
tariff  wall  made  by  the  Dingley  tariff"  against  the  Philippine 
Islands,  as  some  compensation  for  "the  necessary  increase  of  freight 


The  Philippines.  191 

rates"  that  would  necessarily  follow  from  giving  a  few  American 
ship  owners  a  monopoly  of  the  carrying  trade  to  the  Philippines. 
In  his  protest  against  the  passage  of  this  law,  Governor  Taft  says : 
"The  people  of  the  islands  may  well  ask,  'What  advantage  are  we 
to  get  out  of  association  with  the  United  States  in  a  business  way 
if  our  trade  is  to  be  used  only  for  the  purpose  of  increasing  the 
business  of  American  ships,  while  the  limitation  of  the  coast-wise 
laws  by  increasing  the  freight  rates  will  reduce  the  business  that  we 
now  have  with  that  country  ?'  " 

Yet,  in  spite  of  these  protests  the  law  was  passed  to  take  effect 
in  1905,  without  any  effort  made  on  the  part  of  the  President  or 
the  leaders  of  his  party  to  secure  a  reduction  of  the  tariff  on  Philip- 
pine products.  Senator  Carmack  offered  an  amendment  to  the  bill 
providing  that  the  freight  charges  should  not  exceed  by  more  than 
100  per  cent,  the  lowest  bid  offered  for  transporting  such  freight 
in  foreign  vessels,  which  on  the  call  of  the  yeas  and  nays  was  de- 
feated by  strict  party  vote.  Governor  Taft  himself  had  said  that  he 
preferred  to  give  the  American  vessels  an  advantage  of  100  per  cent, 
in  freight  charges  rather  than  subject  the  commerce  of  the  Philip- 
pines to  such  a  monopoly. 

President  Roosevelt  tells  us  that  we  are  governing  the  Philippines 
for  their  own  good,  but  his  Philippine  Commissioners  have  been 
continually  protesting  from  the  very  beginning  against  the  narrow- 
ness and  selfishness  of  our  policy,  and  President  Roosevelt  himself 
has  never  lifted  hand  or  voice  against  it. 

"THE    OPEN    DOOR." 

How  soon  we  have  forgotten  the  principles  upon  which  we  were 
going  to  act  when  we  took  possession  of  the  Philippine  Islands! 
Then  we  were  to  have  the  "open  door."  This  was  distinctly  pro- 
claimed in  annex  to  Protocol  No.  15  in  the  treaty  of  peace — "It 
being  the  policy  of  the  United  States  to  maintain  in  the  Philippines 
an  open  door  to  the  world's  commerce."  Yet  when  certain  interests 
demanded  it,  we  promptly  imposed  an  export  duty  on  all  hemp 
going  from  the  Philippines  to  any  other  country  except  the  United 
States.  Protests  are  now  on  file  in  the  State  Department  from 
nearly  every  country  in  Europe  against  this  violation  of  our  specific 
promise  to  maintain  the  "open  door"  to  the  commerce  of  the  world. 


THE   PHILIPPINES   CONSIDERED   COMMERCIALLY. 

Whatever  its  obligations  to  civilization  and  mankind,  the 
first  duty  of  a  republican  government  is  to  its  citizens.  Oper- 
ating under  a  restrictive  charter,  its  revenues  derived  entirely  from 
taxes  on  its  citizens,  and  having  no  surplus  fairly  applicable  to 
any  purpose  other  than  the  discharge  of  its  obligations  and  a  re- 
duction of  coming  taxes,  it  is  not  justified  in  entering  upon  a 


'I92  The  Philippines. 

policy  or  into  a  purchase,  the  object  or  effect  of  which  is  to  enrich 
one  class  of  its  citizens  at  the  expense  of  the  mass  of  the  people. 

Our  Federal  government  is  a  governmental  corporation,  limited 
to  the  powers  granted  it  by  the  Constitution  and  expressly  pro- 
hibited from  exercising  any  power  not  specifically  conferred.  Ar- 
ticle X.  of  the  amendments  of  the  Constitution  says:  "The  pow- 
ers not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitution,  nor 
prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively 
or  to  the  people."  Both  the  Constitution  and  the  amendment  jus't 
*  quoted  were  designed  to  protect  the  rights  of  the  minority  from 
the  encroachments  of  the  majority. 

This  republic,  fraternal  in  theory,  unlike  a  monarchy,  kingdom 

or  despotism,  which  is  paternal,  has  no  fund  on  which  to  draw 

for  objects  not  demonstrated  to  be  for  the  good  of  the  majority 

-of  its  people,  its  sole  revenues  being  derived  from  the  taxes  paid 

by  all. 

This  being  the  character  of  our  government  we  will  proceed 
io  state  impartially  the  facts  from  which  we  can  determine  whether 
or  not  in  justice  to  the  rights  of  the  whole  American  people  we  are 
warranted  in  continuing  our  present  policy  in  regard  to  the  Phil- 
ippines ;  and  whether  an  increased  tax  should  be  imposed  upon  the 
American  people  in  order  to  provide  funds  with  which  to  pay  army 
-contractors  for  munitions  of  war  and  supplies,  as  they  are  prac- 
tically the  only  people  commercially  benefited. 

The  Philippine  question  and  our  whole  colonial  policy  has  for  its 

inception '  the  desire  to  extend  private  enterprise  at  the  expense 

of  the  people  and  affords  the  Republican  party  another  opportunity, 

of  which  it  has  eagerly  availed  itself,  to  demonstrate  its  contempt 

•for  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  Constitution. 

So  far  has  it  departed  from  the  original  conception  of  repre- 
sentative government  and  equal  rights,  .that  it  humorously  main- 
tains the  justice  of  imposing  upon  the  whole  people  a  burden  in 
actual  money  of  more  than  $690,000,000  to  June  30,  1903,  and  a 
yearly  increased  expenditure  of  $50,000,000  and  more,  that  a  few 
favored  interests,  principally  army  contractors,  may  extend  their 
Jtrade  nominally  with  these  islands,  but  actually  only  with  the  War 
Department. 

The  taxpayer  is  entitled  to  know  what  it  has  cost  the  govern- 
ment to  assert  its  sovereignty  over  these  islands,  and  what  it  will 
•cost  in  the  future  to  maintain  the  meagre  and  commercially  un- 
utilizable  sovereignty  thus  far  achieved.  They  are  entitled  to  know 
the  probable  return  to  be  derived  from  this  expenditure  of  their 
taxes  and  whether  or  not  a  greater  trade  with  these  islands  could 
not  have  been  obtained  without  such  expenditure. 

We  will  consider  first  the  territory  purchased;  second,  limita- 
tions and  restrictions  upon  the  use  of  that  territory;  third,  is  sov- 
ereignty (ownership)  essential  to  trade;  fourth,  cost  to  date  and 
probable  cost  in  future  of  present  policy;  fifth,  trade  for  last  eleven 
years  with  said  territory. 


The  Philippines.  193 


PROPERTY   PURCHASED. 


The  Philippine  archipelago  was  discovered  by  Magellan  on  the 
3 1st  day  of  March,  1521,  and  in  1542,  a  fleet  of  five  vessels  was 
sent  out  by  Spain  to  these  islands  but  accomplished  nothing.  In 
1565,  Spain  sent  Miguel  Lopez  de  Legaspi  who  reached  Cebu  in 
1565.  In  his  company  were  members  of  the  St.  Augustine  Broth- 
erhood, who  introduced  Christianity  into  the  Philippines.  Le- 
gaspi, in  1571,  removed  from  Cebu  to  Luzon,  and  made  Manila 
the  Spanish  seat  of  government.  Spain  gradually  extended  her 
dominion  over  the  low  lands  and  sea  coast  of  these  islands,  but 
never  obtained  control  of  the  whole  territory.  Such  portions  as 
she  controlled  remained  in  her  possession,  with  but  the  exception 
of  a  few  years,  until  their  cession  to  the  United  States  by  the 
Treaty  of  Paris  in  1898. 

The  Philippines  lie  wholly  in  the  torrid  zone  between  longitude 
120  and  180  and  latitude  5  and  20,  and  so  indefinite  is  the  in- 
formation in  regard  to  them,  that  they  are  variously  estimated 
as  consisting  of  from  1,100  to  2,000  islands,  and  generally  con- 
sidered to  be  about  1,200. 

Luzon,  in  which  is  Manila  the  seat  of  government,  is  the  largest 
and  northernmost  island  of  the  group  and  lies  between  11  degrees 
and  42  minutes  and  21  degrees  12  minutes  north  latitude  and  126 
degrees  5  minutes  east  longitude.  Its  length  is  480  miles  and  the 
area  is  40,982  square  miles.  This  island  is  very  narrow  and  is  trav- 
ersed from  north  to  south  by  ranges  of  mountains,  some  of  the 
peaks  attaining  a  height  of  over  8,000  feet.  The  average  width 
of  the  island  does  not  exceed  100  miles,  although  its  extremest 
width  is  about  150  miles. 

The  next  island  in  point  of  size  is  Mindanao,  which  is  inhabited 
principally  by  Moros  and  is  practically  unexplored  and  undevel- 
oped. The  Visayan  group,  consisting  of  Panay,  Negros,  Cebu, 
Masbate,  Samar,  Leyte  and  Bohol,  inhabited  by  the  Visayans,  are 
the  most  densely  populated  islands  of  the  archipelago. 

The  Philippine.  Islands  are  of  volcanic  formation  and  are  in 
the  earthquake  and  typhoon  zones  of  the  tropics. 

The  population  of  the  Philippines  previous  to  American  occu- 
pation was  variously  estimated  at  from  8,500,000  to  9,500,000. 
The  first  Philippine  Commission  concluded  that  8,000,000  was 
a  fair  estimate. 

The  climate  differs  according  to  altitude,  some  witnesses  who 
appeared  before  the  first  Philippine  Commission  testifying  that 
at  Benguet,  in  the  mountains,  ice  formed  in  the  winter.  The 
mountain  districts,  however,  are  sparsely  settled,  generally  inac- 
cessible and  need  not  be  considered,  as  the  :  centers  of 
population  are  invariably  along  the  sea  coast  or  in  areas 
of  low  altitude.  The  climate  generally  may  be  described 
as  tropical  and  the  mean  temperature  the  year  around  is  in  the 
neighborhood  of  about  81°.  The  extremes  of  temperature  during 
the  year  do  not  exceed  36°.     European  races,  accustomed  to  great 


194  The  Philippines. 

variations  of  temperature,  undergo  marked  mental  and  physical 
deterioration  in  these  islands,  losing  their  virility  and  mental  and 
physical  energy.  Their  women  rarely  become  mothers  of  more  than 
one  child.  The  permanent  occupation  of  a  territory  largely  de- 
pends upon  the  adaptability  of  that  territory  to  the  reproduction 
of  the  dominant  race.  Otherwise,  its  retention  demands  constant 
replenishment  from  the  home  of  said  race.  The  climate  is  par- 
ticularly fatal  to  American  and  European  women  and  children, 
and  every  year  during  the  summer,  there  is  an  exodus  of  these 
to  the  mountains  of  Japan.  Nor  is  this  baneful  climatic  influ- 
ence confined  to  the  women  and  children.  So  generally  is  this  fact 
recognized  that  the  European  or  American  employees  of  all  for- 
eign houses  are  granted  a  leave  of  absence  of  six  months  out  of 
each  three  years,  or  one  year  out  of  every  five,  with  pay,  in  which 
to  recover  their  health  and  strength  in  some  northern  country. 
It  is  true  that  a  few  especially  rotoust  and  healthy  Spaniards  have 
spent  many  years  consecutively  in  the  islands  without  visible  de- 
terioration of  health. 


LIMITATIONS    AND    RESTRICTIONS    UPON    DEVELOPMENT 
OF    ISLANDS. 

Our  Spanish  grantors  did  not  convey  to  us  a  property  free  and 
clear  but  one  encumbered  by  the  restrictions  of  charters  already 
granted  by  Spain,  imposing  a  recognition  on  our  part  of  Spanish 
obligations,  as  will  be  seen  by  Article  IV.  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace : 

"The  United  States  will,  for  the  term  of  ten  years  from  the  date  of 
the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  the  present  treaty,  admit  Spanish 
ships  and  merchandise  to  the  ports  of  the  Philippine  Islands  on  the  same 
terms  as  ships  and  merchandise  of  the  United  States." 

From  the  above  it  is  clear  that  the  United  States  can  exercise 
no  exclusive  trade  relations  with  these  islands  until  the  expiration  of 
the  date  named.  Nor  is  this  the  only  limit  placed  upon  imperial  ex- 
ploitation of  these  islands. 

Paragraph  2  of  Article  VIII.  of  the  same  treaty  imposes  even 
greater  restrictions.     The  article  is  as  follows : 

"And  it  is  hereby  declared  that  the  relinquishment  or  cession,  as  the 
case  may  be,  to  which  the  preceding  paragraph  refers,  cannot  in  any  re- 
spect impair  the  property  or  rights  which  by  law  belong  to  the  peaceful 
possession  of  property  of  all  kinds,  of  provinces,  municipalities,  public 
or  private  establishments,  ecclesiastical  or  civic  bodies,  or  any  other  asso- 
ciations having  legal  capacity  to  acquire  and  possess  property  in  the  afore- 
said territories  renounced  or  ceded,  or  of  private  individuals,  of  whatso- 
ever nationality  such  individuals  may  be." 

In  other  words,  according  to  the  Treaty  of  Peace  to  which  the 
faith  and  honor  of  the  United  States  is  solemnly  pledged,  all  char- 
ters .and  franchises  granted  by  Spain  must  be  maintained 
by  us  for  their  full  life.  If,  as  is  the  case,  some  Spanish 
chartered  corporation  holds  the  exclusive  banking  privilege  of  the 
issue  of  bank  notes  in  the  Philippine  Islands  it  prevents  our  char- 
tering or  permitting  any  other  bank  of  issue  to  issue  its  notes  in 


The  Philippines.  195 

these  islands,  and  cuts  off  a  most  important  field  for  the  employ- 
ment of  capital. 

Prior  to  our  occupation  exclusive  railroad  franchises  had  been 
granted  by  Spain  in  these  islands  and  unless  we  forfeit  those  fran- 
chises American  railroad  corporations  must  purchase  permission 
of  the  present  grantees. 

The  artificial  restraints  imposed  upon  the  development  of  these 
islands  commercially  by  the  Treaty  of  Peace  do  not  leave  us 
free  to  grant  franchises  to  whom  we  will  and  consequently  capital 
here  must  secure  its  opportunity  from  Spanish  grantees. 

So  well  recognized  is  this  condition  that  the  present  Philippine 
Commission  under  the  guise  of  the  development  of  the  islands, 
but  really  for  the  purpose  of  traversing  Luzon  principally  with 
roads  for  stragetic,  and  not  commercial  purposes,  introduced  and 
there  was  passed  on  the  14th  of  last  April  a  bill  by  which  the 
Philippine  treasury  is  to  guarantee  to  the  promoters  of  these  roads 
five  per  cent.,  not  to  exceed  $1,500,000,  upon  the  stock  of  such  roads 
for  a  period  not  to  exceed  thirty  years.  A  promoter  under  such  a 
guaranty  takes  no  risk  for  in  that  time  the  Philippine  treasury 
will  have  paid  150  per  cent,  on  the  original  investment. 


COLONIAL    EXPLOITATION. 
THE     ATTEMPTED     COMPACT     WITH     "PROMOTERS"     FOR    THE 

PHILIPPINES. 

The  characteristic  feature  of  this  mischievous  measure  was  con- 
tained in  the  fourth  section  of  it,  which  was  as  follows : 

"Section  4.  That  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  in  the  construction,  equip- 
ment, operation,  and  maintenance  of  railroads  using  steam,  electricity,  or 
other  power,  in  the  Philippine  Islands,  the  general  government  thereof  is 
authorized  to  guarantee  an  income  of  not  exceeding  5  per  cent,  upon  cas^ 
capital  actually  invested  in  the  construction  and  equipment  of  such  rail- 
roads, or  any  part  thereof,  the  guaranty  to  be  in  such  form  and  under 
such  provisions  requiring  repayment  of  any  sum  paid  thereunder  as  said 
government  shall  deem  to  be  to  the  public  interest,  and  the  act  making 
the  guaranty  shall  declare  the  proper  rules  for  ascertaining  clearly  the 
cash  capital  actually  invested  in  said  railroads,  and  the  net  income  ac- 
tually received  on  said  capital  so  invested,  and  shall  set  forth  the  limit 
of  invested  capital  to  which  said  guaranty  shall  apply,  and  shall  provide 
for  supervision  by  said  government  of  the  conduct  of  the  finances  of  the 
road  and  its  location,  construction,  and  maintenance,  as  well  as  by  the 
presence  in  the  board  of  directors  of  two  or  more  government  directors, 
the  number  and  manner  of  their  selection  to  be  determined  by  law,  as 
also  by  such  further  supervision,  through  the  auditing,  engineering,  and 
railroad  bureaus  of  said  government,  as  the  public  interest  shall  require. 

"The  said  guaranty  may  be  made  in  the  form  of  a  guaranty  of  interest 
on  bonds  or  other  income  on  preferred  or  common  stock,  or  in  such  other 
form  as  may  be  determined  by  said  government,  and  shall  be  made  on  such 
other  terms  and  conditions  as  said  government  shall  approve:  Provided, 
hoioever,  That  the  total  annual  contingent  liability  of  said  government 
under  the  guaranties  authorized  by  this  section  shall  not  at  any  time  ex- 
ceed the  sum  of  $1,500,000,  and  that  no  such  guaranty  shall  continue  for 
a  longer  period  than  thirty  years." 


196  The  Philippines. 

This  section  was  the  chief  point  of  attack  by  the  opponents  of 
the  bill.  The  Democratic  minority  of  the  House  Committee  on 
Insular  Affairs  stated  their  position  in  a  strong  adverse  report,  in 
the  course  of  which  they  said : 

"We  aTe  opposed  to  the  theory  upon  which  the  bill  is  framed,  op- 
posed to  its  whole  scope  and  purpose,  which  is  to  tax  the  people 
of  the  Philippine  Islands  without  their  consent  and  to  superimpose 
upon  them  the  burdens  of  large  funded  indebtedness  and  guaranties 
for  profits  of  private  enterprises;  all  of  which  are  repugnant  to 
our  ideas  of  right  and  fair  dealing,  as  well  as  inimical  to  the  best 
interests  of  the  Philippine  people,  and  subversive  of  the  first  and 
plainest  principles  of  government." 

They  also  said : 

"The  government  which  seeks  this  legislation  at  the  hands  of 
Congress  is  in  no  sense  representative  of  the  free  and  untram- 
melled thought  and  aspirations  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  islands. 
It  is  an  American-imposed,  force-maintained  oligarchy — the  blend- 
ing of  a  military  despotism  and  a  civil  autocracy — exercising  mili- 
tary and  civil  powers,  and  making  and  administering  the  laws 
under  which  are  governed  7,500,000  people.  Those  who  are  to 
bear  the  additional  burdens  of  taxation  to  be  imposed  for  these 
proposed  railroad  subsidies  have  not  been,  and  are  not  to  be,  con- 
sulted." 

The  bill  was  discussed  very  briefly,  and  under  the  special  order 
of  the  House,  no  amendments  could  be  offered  to  it.  Mr.  Williams 
of  Illinois  made  the  principal  speech  on  the  Democratic  side  of 
the  question.  This  speech  covers  the  grounds  of  the  dispute  so 
well  that  it  is  given  below  almost  in  full.    Mr.  Williams  said : 

"There  is  very  little  to  encourage  any  discussion  of  a  bill  of 
this  character  after  the  House  has  already  adopted  a  rule  that  pre- 
vents any  amendment.  I  was  surprised  at  the  explanation  or 
defense  made  by  the  distinguished  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania 
(Mr.  Dalzell),  when  this  rule  was  under  consideration.'  He  of- 
fered as  an  excuse  that  the  House  was  now  in  the  closing  days  of 
the  session,  and  therefore  it  was  necessary  to  limit  the  time  for 
the  consideration  of  this  bill. 

"The  Committee  on  Kules  might  have  limited  the  time  for  its 
consideration,  and  still  have  left  to  this  House  the  right  to  amend 
this  bill.  I  know  sometimes  it  occurs  that  bills  containing  but 
a  single  proposition,  or  embracing  a  single  subject,  might  stand 
or  fall  as  an  entirety ;  and  there  is  much  more  reason  for  the  Com- 
mittee on  Eules  denying  the  right  of  amendment  in  such  cases  than 
there  is  in  the  case  now  before  the  House.  The  bill  under  consid- 
eration embraces  more  than  one  subject,  and  yet  you  have  got  to 
accept  it  or  reject  it  as  as  entire  proposition. 

"1  insist  that  in  justice  to  the  people  of  the  Philippine  Islands, 
for  whom  this  Congress  is  now  legislating,  this  House  should  have 
had  the  right  to  consider  and  vote  upon  amendments  to  some  of 
the  provisions  of  this  bill.  There  is  one  provision  at  least  that 
in  my  judgment  is  indefensible.     It  is  a  provision  that  does  not 


The  Philippines.  197 

meet  the  approval  of  all  the  Republicans  in  this  House;  and  the 
distinguished  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Insular  Affairs  was 
frank  enough  to  admit  in  his  opening  speech  that  there  were  Re- 
publicans who  were  already  complaining  against  the  fourth  sec- 
tion or  railroad  provision  of  this  bill.  It  ought  to  be  amended ;  it 
ought  to  be  stricken  out  entirely,  or,  if  not,  materially  amended. 
Whether  it  was  the  intention  or  not,  the  Committee  on  Rules,  in 
the  interest  of  the  great  corporate  concerns  in  this  country  that 
are  to  reap  the  benefit  of  this  outrageous  legislation  against  the 
people  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  has  prevented  any  amendment 
being  considered." 

"Mr.  Tawney.     What  amendment  does  the  gentleman  refer  to  ?" 

"Mr.  Williams,  of  Illinois.  I  refer  to  one  of  the  amendments  of- 
fered in  the  committee,  to  strike  out  sections  4  and  5  of  this  bill. 
The  bill  has  not  been  discussed.  There  are  not  two  lawyers  on  that 
side  of  the  House  who  will  agree  on  the  construction  of  that  am- 
biguous provision.  Refund  what?  Repay  when?  All  in  the  discre- 
tion of  the  Philippine  Commission,  no  definite  provision  requiring 
that  the  guaranty  shall  ever  be  refunded.  What  is  to  be  the  effect  of 
this  ?  The  effect  of  it  is  shown  in  the  answer  of  Judge  Taft  to  a  ques- 
tion asked  him  by  myself  when  he  appeared  before  the  committee. 
He  admits  that  there  are  several  railroads  that  might  be  built  with- 
out subsidy ;  but  he  says  f ranklv  that  if  this  bill  becomes  law  every 
company  attempting  to  build  a  railroad  is  likely  to  contend  for  a 
subsidy.  You  are  simply  forcing  the  people  of  the  Philippine 
Islands  to  pay  a  subsidy  for  every  railroad  that  is  to  be  built  here- 
after in  the  Philippine  Islands." 

"Mr.  Tawney.  In  the  event  that  this  guaranty  is  made  by  the 
Philippine  government,  will  it  have  to  pay  anything  if  the  earn- 
ings of  the  railroads  ever  equal  5  per  cent.  ? 

"Mr.  Williams,  of  Illinois.  Let  me  show  the  gentleman  how  easy 
it  will  be  to  prevent  any  of  the  earnings  from  ever  being  credited 
on  this  guaranty.  A  railroad  company  constructs  its  railway,  say, 
for  $10,000,000,  of  an  inferior  character,  if  you  please.  It  goes 
into  operation.  It  puts  its  earnings  into  the  betterment  of  the  road, 
in  building  better  bridges,  better  depots,  and  other  improvements, 
and  the  earnings  of  the  railroad  go  to  enhancing  the  value  of  the 
property,  while  the  people  of  the  islands  pay  the  5  per  cent,  that 
makes  up  the  dividends  to  the  stockholders. 

"Only  four  months  ago  Governor  Taft  thought  some  of  these 
railroads  could  be  built  without  any  subsidy  at  all  and  he  only  asked 
for  3  or  4  per  cent,  guaranty  to  be  given  to  other  roads.  But  since 
he  came  to  the  United  States  and  has  had  an  opportunity  to  dis- 
cuss this  matter  with  railroad  builders  he  has  raised  his  guaranty 
to  5  per  cent.  And  who  pays  it?  The  people  of  the  Philippine 
Islands.    What  for?     To  educate  them,  they  say. 

"It  has  only  been  lately,  not  much  over  a  year,  since  we  were  com- 
pelled to  furnish  them  with  about  $3,000,000  for  the  necessaries  of 
life,  and  yet  we  are  to  take  out  of  their  pockets  a  million  and  a 
half  a  year  instead  of  letting  them  use  it  in  building  school-houses, 


198  The  Philippines. 

employing  teachers  to  educate  themselves,  and  for  other  necessaries, 
and  give  it  to  the  railroad  syndicates  in  the  United  States  in  order 
to  encourage  American  capital ;  and  that  is  the  kind  of  legislation 
that  is  being  enacted  by  this  House  for  the  people  of  the  Philippine 
Islands ! 

"If  these  islands  have  all  the  valuable  resources  so  often  claimed 
for  them  in  the  House,  railroads  should  go  there  without  being 
subsidized.  If  you  authorize  the  commission  to  make  this  guar- 
anty, the  islands  will  not  get  a  single  road  without  it.  Why  not 
wait  till  those  roads  are  constructed  which  foreign  capital  is  will- 
ing to  build  without  any  guaranty  or  aid?  You  can't  build  all 
these  roads  at  once.  The  labor  there  will  not  justify  it.  Then 
why  not  build  them  as  they  are  being  built  in  other  countries,  by 
building  those  lines  first  that  are  needed  worst  and  building  them 
without  subsidies;  and  before  you  fasten  this  measure  upon  the 
people  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  wait  until  they  get  a  legislative 
body  of  their  own  people  ? 

"Under  this  law  the  Philippine  Commission  can  place  a  debt  of 
5  per  cent,  interest  running  for  thirty  years  on  the  islands  for  the 
purpose  of  constructing  railroads  that  some  of  their  people  will 
not  see  in  a  lifetime.  They  can  tax  the  people  of  one  island  to 
build  railroads  in  some  other  island  which  would  be  of  no  benefit 
whatever  to  them.  Who  is  going  to  get  the  railroads  if  we  put 
this  power  in  the  hands  of  this  American  agent  of  ours  in  the 
Philippine  Islands?  What  has  been  the  experience  of  our  own 
legislative  body  here  in  this  country  ?  Do  you  tell  me  that  lobbies 
will  have  no  effect." 

BANKING. 

The  banking  of  the  islands  is  at  present  controlled  by  the  Hong 
Kong  and  Shanghai  Banking  Company,  an  English  corporation, 
with  an  enormous  capital  and  surplus,  having  agencies  in  all  the 
chief  cities  of  the  world,  and  the  chartered  Bank  of  India,  Aus- 
tralia and  China,  another  English  corporation  almost  equally  as 
strong  and  having  similar  agencies.  These  two  corporations  con- 
trol the  rate  of  exchange  not  only  in  the  Philippines,  but  through- 
out Eastern  Asia  and  Australasia.  They  control,  through  own- 
ership of  a  majority  of  its  stock,  the  Banco  Espanol-Filipino,  which 
has  the  exclusive  power  of  note  issue  in  the  archipelago. 

The  banking  system  of  the  islands  is  so  totally  different  from 
ours  as  to  require  explanation.  There  is  no  such  thing  as  a  bank 
of  deposit  and  discount  as  commonly  known  here.  There  is  no 
commercial  paper  to  discount,  each  merchant  being  to  a  large  ex- 
tent his  own  banker.  On  his  deposits  with  the  banks  he  is  al- 
lowed interest.  Under  the  exclusive  charter  of  the  Filipino  bank, 
American  banks  of  .issue  can  not  be  established,  and  the  Ameri- 
can merchant  or  trader  would  lack  the  bank  accommodation  he 
receives  in  America. 

The  conditions  of  trade  are  entirely  different.  The  large  Eng- 
lish exporting  houses,   the  great   German   importing  houses   and 


The  Philippines.  199 

the  Spanish  and  Swiss  houses  as  well  as  the  Chinese  merchants, 
have  large  capital  and  are  content  to  turn  over  their  capital  twice 
a  year.  A  Manila  house  with  a  capital  of  half  a  million  dollars 
is  well  satisfied  to  do  a  business  of  a  million  dollars  a  year,  whereas 
an  American  house  in  America  with  a  capital  of  half  a  million 
of  dollars  would  expect  to  do  at  least  five  millions  of  dollars  a 
year.  The  slowness  with  which  capital  is  turned  over  in  the  Phil- 
ippines as  compared  with  the  United  States,  the  greater  amount 
of  capital  required  to  do  a  given  amount  of  business,  the  absence 
of  the  banking  facilities  to  which  the  American  merchant  is  ac- 
customed, and  on  which  he  is  largely  dependent,  renders  absolutely 
improbable  and  clearly  unprofitable  the  diversion  of  American 
capital  from  the  profitable  field  of  American  employment  to  the 
unprofitable  field  of  Philippine. 

The  investment  of  money  in  large  amounts  is  not  a  matter  of 
sentiment,  and  even  could  permanent  peace  be  assured,  the  em- 
ployment of  capital  there  will  'be  determined  solely  by  whether  or 
not  it  can  be  used  there  "as  safely  and  to  better  advantage  than 
elsewhere.     Investments  do  not  necessarily  follow  the  flag. 

Even  providing  that  franchises  could  be  obtained  for  large  un- 
dertakings in  these  islands,  it  would  be  impossible  in  America  to 
secure  this  capital,  and  this  inability  is  not  due  to  ignorance  of 
the  islands,  but  rather  to  knowledge  concerning  them.  As  early 
as  1899,  the  representatives  of  several  large  banking  houses  in 
New  York  went  to  Manila  and  carefully  investigated  the  situa- 
tion, and  the  masterly  inactivity  of  their  principals  is  the  best 
proof  of  the  reports  they  received.  Other  Americans  spent  months 
studying  the  commercial  opportunities  in  the  islands,  and  only 
a  few  have  remained  to  sell  cooling  and  other  beverages  to  thirsty 
Americans.  The  only  American  industry  which  has  attracted 
American  capital  to  the  Philippine  Islands  is  the  liquor  business. 

RAILROADS. 

While  the  dense  population  of  Luzon  and  of  the  Visayas,  the 
civilized  portions  of  the  Philippines,  and  containing  more  than 
nine-tenths  of  its  entire  population,  would  with  an  assurance  of 
permanent  peace,  seem  to  offer  a  fair  field  for  railroad  enterprises 
this  promise  is  dispelled  the  moment  actual  conditions  are  un- 
derstood. The  freights  which  these  roads  would  carry  (and 
freights  are  regarded  as  the  chief  source  of  support  of  a  railroad) 
principally  the  exports  and  imports  of  the  islands  are  not  of  a 
perishable  nature.  They  do  not  demand  quick  transportation 
nor  could  they  stand  a  more  expensive  transportation  charge  than 
that  which  they  now  pay.  Even  the  Manila  and  Dagupan  Rail- 
road, which  is  less  subject  to  water  competition  than  almost  any 
conceivable  line  in  these  islands,  has  never  been  self-supporting 
despite  its  large  earnings  from  the  passenger  traffic  of  the  native 
pilgrims  who  annually  visit  the  Shrine  of  the  Virgin  of  Anti  Polo, 
and  which  earnings  no  new  road,  unless  it  could  establish  some 
equally  famous  shrine  along  its  route,  could  reasonably  expect. 


200  The  Philippines. 

The  answer  of  the  well-informed  banker  or  investor  to  any  prop- 
osition to  invest  in  a  Philippine  enterprise  would  be:  "These  is- 
lands may  possess  enormous  mineral  riches,  but  that  has  not  yet 
been  demonstrated,  although  for  three  hundred  years  they  have 
been  open  to  the  civilized  world,  and  capital  has  been  invited  there. 
To-day  and  for  centuries  past,  the  country  has  been  agricultural, 
producing  products  of  a  non-perishable  nature,  not  requiring  quick 
transit,  and  nature  has  afforded  the  islanders  the  cheapest  and 
most  natural  means  of  transport  in  its  innumerable  rivers  and 
water  ways.  No  matter  what  the  natural  resources  or  what  the 
rights  and  wrongs  of  the  contention  may  be,  while  the  present 
climatic,  governmental  and  seismatic  conditions  prevail,  I  am  not 
justified  in  risking  my  own  or  advising  others  to  risk  their  capital 
in  hazardous  enterprises,  while  there  are  safe  and  profitable  in- 
vestments at  home  or  in  other  countries  with  staple  governments 
supported  by  their  own  people,  and  the  needs  of  which  peoples 
I  understand." 

The  Kepublican  Text  Book,  page  305,  states: 

"Banks.  In  addition  to  the  banks  existing  in  Manila  prior  to  Ameri- 
can occupation,  branch  banks  have  been  established  by  the  Guaranty 
Trust  Company,  of  New  York,  and  the  International  Banking  Corporation, 
and  one  private  American  bank  has  been  established. 

"The  inauguration  of  these  banks  is  a  great  step  forward  in  connecting 
the  trade  and  financial  affairs  of  the  Philippines  with  those  of  the  United 
States." 

The  Guaranty  Trust  Company  of  New  York,  within  the  last 
three  or  four  months,  has  discontinued  its  agency  in  the  Phil- 
ippines, although  it  had  been  the  Government  depository  there. 

The  International  Banking  Corporation,  with  modest  offices  on 
the  upper  floors  of  No.  1  Wall  street,  which  is  now  the  Government 
depository  in  Manila,  still  retains  an  agency  there.  No  private 
American  bank  is  now  in  existence  in  the  Philippines,  the  In- 
ternational Banking  Corporation  being  the  only  American  bank 
in  the  islands. 

The  withdrawal  of  the  Guaranty  Trust  Company  of  New  York 
and  the  absence  of  "the  private  American  bank"  is  a  step  back- 
ward. It  is  a  pity  that  American  banking  enterprise  should  emu- 
late the  example  of  the  crab  rather  than  that  of  the  horse. 


COMMERCE. 

The  chief  industry  of  the  islands  is  agriculture;  the  manufacture 
of  cigars  and  cigarettes,  the  weaving  of  Pina  cloth,  the  export, 
principally  to  China,  of  birds'  nests,  give  occupation  to  a  small 
portion  of  the  natives,  but  the  country  is  essentially  agricultural. 
The  methods  employed  are  primitive,  because  labor  is  cheap. 

Much  stress  has  been  laid  by  Republicans  upon  the  enormous 
profit  to  be  derived  from  the  marketing  of  the  valuable  hard  woods 


The  Philippines.  201 

of  vthe  Philippines,  in  which  connection  it  is  well  to  state  that  while 
many  valuable  woods  are  found  in  both  the  Philippine  and  other 
Asiatic  tropical  countries  the  more  accessible  have  been  already 
to  a  large  extent  cut.'  Nearly  all  of  the  Eastern  Asian  shipping 
ports  annually  import  from  the  Pacific  coast  American  wood 
suitable  for  spars,  beams,  etc.,  even  of  coasting  vessels.  In  the 
Philippines  the  trees  constituting  the  more  valuable  woods  are  so 
separated,  the  underbrush  so  dense,  and  the  lack  of  roads  so 
common  as  to  render  them  inaccessible  and  their  preparation  for 
the  market  through  the  employment  of  large  plants  commercially 
unprofitable.  In  fact,  in  most  of  the  civilized  and  densely  popu- 
lated parts  of  the  islands  the  valuable  and  accessible  timbers  have 
already  been  cut  and  only  the  inaccessible  or  inferior  timbers  re- 
main. 

So  far  as  the  American  workman  is  concerned  the  Philippines 
will  never  offer  a  field  for  his  employment  owing  to  the  cheaper 
wage  and  less  wants  of  the  natives  as  well  as  the  climatic  condi- 
tions, which  prevent  the  Caucasian  engaging  in  continuous  manual 
labor  in  these  islands.  Only  the  European  capitalists  and  the 
American  bounty  or  tariff-fed  contractor  can  hope  to  commercially 
utilize  the  islands. 

The  Philippine  Tariff  is  a  further  restriction.  The  present  Com- 
mission passed  an  act  placing  different  duties  on  the  various  arti- 
cles imported  into  the  Philippines.  In  almost  every  instance  these 
duties  were  specific  and  not  ad  valorem,  and  therefore  their  rate 
can  only  be  determined  by  taking  the  price  of  the  article  imported 
at  the  time  the  duty  is  paid.  This  is  a  most  serious  handicap  on 
business. 

The  Filipinos  themselves  in  their  constitution  adopted  at  Malo- 
los  and  in  various  proposed  constitutions  submitted  to  the  first 
Philippine  Commission  proposed  a  revenue  tariff  with  very  low 
rates,  or  absolute  free  trade. 

The  25  per  cent,  reduction  on  the  Dingley  bill  rates  on  Philip- 
pine goods  exported  to  the  United  States  will  have  but  little  effect 
in  encouraging  exports,  especially  when  it  is  borne  in  mind  that 
export  duties  are  imposed  by  the  Philippine  Tariff  on  many  of  their 
chief  products. 

While  the  duties  collected  on  Philippine  exports  to  the  United 
States  are  returned  to  the  Insular  treasury  and  used  for  insular 
purposes,  they  still  constitute  a  charge  on  these  imports  which  ad- 
here to  them  and  must  be  finally  paid  by  the  consumer.  The  mere 
fact  that  the  duties  are  returned  to  the  islands  makes  no  difference 
to  the  producer  or  to  the  consumer,  because  these  returned  duties 
in  no  case  reach  either  of  these  persons,  and  continue  to  hamper 
trade. 

ANGLO-SAXON    CIVILIZATION. 

The  United  States  from  want  of  experience  in  dealing  with 
tropical  and  Asiatic  peoples  has  predicated  its  hope  of  remunera- 
tive trade  with  the  Philippines  upon  educating  these  natives  to  an 


202  The  Philippines. 

Anglo-Saxon  standard  of  civilization  or  needs;  forgetting  that 
there  is  also  an  Asiatic  and  tropical  civilization,  with  fewer  needs 
and  better  adapted  to  the  climatic  and  industrial  conditions  which 
prevail  and  must  continue  to  prevail  in  these  islands,  unless  the 
Filipino  people  are  to  be  exterminated  by  forcing  upon  them  a 
standard  of  life  utterly  incompatible  with  their  environment. 

The  intense  mental  and  physical  life  necessary  to  support  the 
Anglo-Saxon  standard  would  mean  the  extermination  of  any  South 
Asiatic  or  tropical  people. 

Their  wants  are  few.  Nature  is  abundant  in  her  supply  of  the 
absolute  necessities  of  the  people  and  any  attempt  to  impose  upon 
them  the  commercially  and  industrially  intense  life  of  the  ordinary 
citizens  of  this  country  would  be  fatal  when  their  delicate  constitu- 
tions and  climatic  environment  are  considered. 

Their  standards  and  philosophy  of  life  are  so  radically  different 
from  ours  that  the  average  American  entirely  fails  to  comprehend 
them  and  in  his  impatience  accuses  them  of  imbecility. 

In  our  labor  markets,  to  complete  a  given  enterprise  in  a  limited 
time  all  the  contractor  has  to  do  is  to  offer  sufficient  pecuniary  re- 
ward. The  average  American  workman  is  always  willing  to  do 
more  work  for  more  money.  This  is  not  true  of  the  Philippine 
laborer  or  servant.  If  a  Filipino  laborer  were  offered  double  the 
wages  by  a  prospective  employer  than  he  was  receiving  from  his 
present  employer  he  would  answer,  "Why  should  I  do  more  work 
than  I  now  have  to  do?  My  present  master  treats  me  fairly  and 
pays  me  enough  for  me  to  secure  what  I  need.  If  I  leave  him  you 
will  expect  me  to  do  much  more  work.  The  Philippine  sun  is  hot 
and  I  do  not  need  to  work  more  than  I  now  do." 

Neither  Americans,  Europeans  nor  Filipinos  can1  work  in  the 
tropics  as  they  do  in  the  temperate  zone  and  it  is  futile  to  attempt 
to  make  them  do  so. 

The  wants  of  the  average  native  are  few.  He  consumes  no  malt 
or  distilled  liquors,  eats  but  little  meat,  his  diet  consisting  chiefly 
of  rice  and  fish;  his  clothing,  while  sufficient  for  decency,  is  scant, 
consisting  of  pantaloons,  an  undershirt  and  a  combination  of  shirt 
and  coat  worn  outside  of  the  pantaloons,  and  a  hat  made  of  native 
grass.     The  ordinary  Filipino  goes  bare-footed. 

The  cloth  from  which  his  garments  are  made  is  generally  of 
the  cheapest  quality  of  German  cotton  goods  and  rarely  costs  more 
than  50  to  60  cents  for  a  suit;  woolen  clothing  is  rarely  used. 
Of  course,  the  wealthy  Filipinos  and  rich  Mestizos  buy  expensive 
clothing  and  many  jewels,  the  women's  clothing  coming  principally 
from  France  and  Spain,  while  their  kerchiefs  are  made  of  the  cele- 
brated Pina  cloth  of  domestic  manufacture ;  that  of  the  men  chiefly 
from  Spain  and  Germany. 

American  clothing,  shoes  and  household  utensils  are  entirely 
unsuited  to  these  people,  and  there  is  no  likelihood  of  our  ever  find- 
ing any  profitable  market  in  the  Philippines  for  any  cloth  stuffs 
other  than  the  cheapest  grades  of  cotton  goods. 


The  Philippines.  203 

LABOR    QUESTION. 

For  the  American  or  foreigner  engaging  in  any  enterprise  in 
the  Philippines  the  labor  question  is  one  of  the  most  important 
which  he  has  to  meet.  The  native  laborer  is  extremely  independ- 
ent and,  while  industrious  at  times,  refuses  to  accommodate  him- 
self to  ordinary  industrial  conditions.  His  numerous  religious  ob- 
servations and  fiestas  become  a  source  of  great  annoyance  to  a  con- 
tractor or  business  man,  so  much  so  that  the  Chinese '  are  very 
largely  employed  on  work  which  has  to  be  completed  within  a  given 
time.  The  native  is  primarily  an  agriculturist  and  his  delicate 
physique  and  lack  of  great  physical  strength  and  endurance  render 
him  an  unsuccessful  competitor  with  the  Chinese  in  the  severer 
kinds  of  manual  work.  A  large  proportion  of  the  artisans  of 
Manila  and  the  chief  cities  and  towns  in  the  Philippines,  especially 
the  seaports,  are  Chinese. 

There  is  a  great  racial  antipathy  between  the  Chinese  and  the 
natives,  due  first  to  the  frugality,  industry  and  patience  of  the 
Chinamen,  making  him  one  of  the  most  desirable  laborers  to  be  had, 
and,  second,  to  the  frequent  incursions  of  Chinese  pirates  to  which 
the  Philippine  people  were  subjected  during  the  earlier  years  of 
Spanish  dominion.  So  acute  was  this  antipathy  and  it  led  to  so 
much  discontent  that  the  Spanish  Government  imposed  various  re- 
strictions upon  the  incoming  of  the  Chinese,  without  which  these 
industrious  Mongolians  would  soon  have  dominated  the  labor  and 
industrial  markets,  as  they  already  had  done  in  the  lesser  whole- 
sale and  retail  trade  of  .the  islands. 

Much  testimony  was  taken  by  the  first  Philippine  Commission 
on  the  subject  of  the  admission  or  exclusion  of  the  Chinese.  Some 
witnesses  contended  that  they  were  essential  to  the  development  of 
the  country,  others  that  they  were  not,  but  all  practically  agreed 
that  they  should  be  admitted  under  well  defined  restrictions  or 
for  a  limited  time  for  the  performance  of  specific  work. 


OBSTACLES    TO    DEVELOPMENT. 

The  natural  restrictions  and  limitations  are  even  greater  than 
the  artificial.  As  stated  the  Philippine  Islands  are  of  volcanic 
origin,  tropical  location,  in  the  earthquake  area,  and  their  western 
shores,  the  populous  and  civilized  part  of  the  islands,  are  washed  by 
the  China  Sea,  perhaps  the  most  dangerous  and  turbulent  sheet 
of  water  in  the  world,  subject  to  typhoons  of  considerable  frequency 
and  great  destructiveness.  The  rain  fall  in  these  islands  is  so  great 
at  times  as  to  wash  away  the  best  built  bridges  and  undermine  the 
finest  roads.  The  road  from  Manila  out  to  the  City  Water  Works 
pumping  station,  some  six  miles  distant,  is  as  fine  a  macadam  road 
as  can  be  found  anywhere;  but,  in  1899,  a  severe  rain  fall  cut 
gullies  six  or  eight  feet  in  this  road  and  rendered  it  impassable  until 
repaired. 


"204  The  Philippines. 

The  greatest  natural  obstacle  to  permanent  investment  in  the 
Philippines  is  the  frequency  of  earthquakes  and  the  necessarily 
fragile  character  of  their  buildings.  There  is  not  an  old  masonry 
building  or  cathedral  in  the  islands  that  does  not  bear  evidence  of 
their  destructiveness.  Some  have  cracks  extending  from  base  to 
dome  and  it  is  a  common  sight  to  see  shattered  columns  of  broken 
statuary  on  the  ground  near  cathedrals.  To  avoid  the  danger  of 
injury  from  earthquakes  the  great  cathedral  of  San  Sebastian  is 
made  of  steel. 

The  mercantile  buildings  and  houses,  above  a  masonry  or  brick 
foundation  of  12  to  14  feet  in  height,  are  entirely  of  wood,  except 
that  the  roofs  of  the  more  expensive  buildings  are  of  corrugated 
iron.  The  buildings  are  no  more  than  two  stories  in  height  and  are 
especially  designed  to  withstand  destruction  by  earthquakes.  There 
is  no  portion  of  the  globe  so  subject  to  violent  siesmic  disturbances 
as  the  Philippines.  In  the  earthquake  of  1641  entire  towns  were 
destroyed  and  the  surface  of  the  country  changed.  The  city  of 
Manila  became  a  mass  of  ruins,  thousands  of  people  were  killed 
and  the  streets  choked  with  the  ruins  of  fallen  buildings  and  cathe- 
drals. 

There  has  been  since  that  time  an  average  of  at  least  one  de- 
structive earthquake  every  twenty  years. 

These  conditions  preclude  the  investment  of  large  sums  of  money 
in  permanent  undertakings  requiring  large  building  or  fixed  struc- 
tures. 

Land  transportation  companies,  railroads,  are  rendered  both  un- 
necessary and  unprofitable  by  the  numerous  natural  waterways 
which  gridiron  the  fertile  and  cultivated  portions  of  the  islands 
and  furnish  a  natural,  cheap,  and  to  the  natives,  attractive  means 
of  transportation  for  their  non-perishable  exports  which  alone  seek 
the  markets  of  the  world,  and  which  would  be  seriously  handicapped 
if  loaded  with  heavy  rail  transportation  charges. 

The  peculiar  situation  of  the  Philippines  almost  on  the  equator 
puts  them  entirely  out  of  the  line  of  travel  of  boats  from  the  Pacific 
coast  of  America  to  Asia.  Owing  to  the  fact  that  the  maximum 
circumference  of  the  earth  at  the  equator  gradually  diminishes 
as  we  approach  the  poles  the  favorite  route  for  these  vessels  is  up 
the  Pacific  coast  by  way  of  the  Aleutian  Islands,  and  down  the 
east  coast  of  Asia  touching  at  the  important  ports  of  Yokohoma, 
Kobe,  Nagasaki,  Shanghai  and  Hong  Kong,  or  else  by  way  of  the 
Hawaiian  Islands  touching  at  Honolulu  and  thence  to  Hong  Kong 
and  up  to  Nagasaki.  By  either  of  these  routes  ships  would  have 
to  go  more  than  a  thousand  miles  out  of  their  way  to  touch  the 
Philippines,  which  do  not  furnish  cargoes  sufficient  to  justify  the 
large  vessels  of  any  of  the  American  China-Japanese  trade  in  so 
doing. 

To  reach  Manila,  situated  as  it  is  inland,  on  the  Bay  of  Manila, 
on  the  west  coast  of  the  Island  of  Luzon,  equi-distant  of  the  length 
of  said  island,  which  is  480  miles,  a  boat  from  America  must  go  at 
least,  240  miles  out  of  her  way.  Manila  Bay  is  a  large  gulf  subject  to 


The  Philippines.  205 

violent  storms,  and  so  shallow  that  a  boat  drawing  14  feet  of  water 
cannot  approach  the  city  nearer  than  four  miles.  Only  boats 
drawing  not  more  than  8  feet  can  reach  the  city  itself.  Ocean- 
going vessels  are  all  loaded  and  unloaded  by  lighters,  and  although 
millions  have  been  spent  in  attempts  to  deepen  Manila  harbor  the 
severe  tropical  rain  falls  and  floods  have  filled  it  up  faster  than  men 
and  machinery  could  deepen  it. 

The  city,  however,  does  form  a  stopping  port  between  South- 
eastern Asia,  Australasia  and  Australia,  but  as  Singapore,  Batavia 
and  Columbo  all  furnish  larger  cargoes  than  Manila,  only  a  small 
percentage  of  the  Australian  steamers  make  this  a  regular  stop. 
The  trade  between  the  last  named  points  is  entirely  in  other  hands. 
No  great  capital  can  be  created  which  is  situated  out  of  the  ordinary 
lines  of  travel  and  fed  by  a  very  small  territory  and  a  limited  popu- 
lation. Manila,  commercially,  can  be  little  more  than  the  port  of 
receipt  and  distribution  of  Luzon  products  and  imports.  Iloilo,  on 
the  east  coast  of  Panay,  and  Cebu,  on  the  island  of  the  same  name, 
are  successful  rivals  and  handle  the  sugar  business  and  a  large 
part  of  the  hemp  of  the  Visayan  group. 

The  trade  of  the  eastern  Pacific  Coast  is  already  centered 
chiefly  in  Hong  Kong,  a  free  port,  and  Shanghai,  in  China,  and 
Kobe,  Nagasaki,  and  Yokohoma  in  Japan,  and  Dalny  and  Vladi- 
vostok in  Manchuria.  These  cities  all  have  vast  contiguous  ter- 
ritory and  dense  populations  to  drain  and  supply,  save  the  two 
Russian  cities  last  mentioned.  Hong  Kong,  founded  less  than  three- 
quarters  of  a  century  ago,  is  to-day  the  most  important  commercial 
center  in  Eastern  Asia.  This  is  due  to  a  variety  of  causes,  princi- 
pally its  location  in  the  southeastern  part  of  China,  its  proximity 
to  Canton  and  the  enormous  Chinese  population  contiguous.  The 
same  conditions  apply  to  Shanghai  and  the  Japanese  cities  named. 
None  of  these  conditions  prevail  in  regard  to  Manila,  and  in  its 
more  than  300  years  of  existence  its  commercial  importance  is  in- 
significant compared  to  that  of  any  of  the  cities  named.  These 
conditions  must  continue  and  render  Manila  for  all  time  chiefly 
important  as  the  center  of  government  of  the  Philippine  Archi- 
pelago. 


IS   SOVEREIGNTY  ESSENTIAL  TO  TRADE? 

That  the  trade  of  countries  is  not  dependent  in  any  sense  upon 
sovereignty  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  our  exports  to  Cuba  with  a 
population  of  1,600,000,  over  whom  we  assert  no  sovereignty, 
but  only  a  very  limited  suzerainty  amount  to  $21,769,572,  and 
our  imports  from  there  are  $62,341,942,  while  our  exports  to  the 
Philippine   Islands  with  a  population  of   8,000,000   are   $4,028,- 


206  The  Philippines. 

G77,  and  our  imports  from  them  are  $11,372,584  for  the  year  end- 
ing June  30,  1903. 

Our  trade  with  British  South  Africa  with  a  population  of  less 
than  5,000,000  inhabitants  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1903, 
was  $33,788,629. 

The  chief  imports  of  the  Philippines  are  from  Germany,  Eng- 
land, France,  Spain  and  China.  Our  trade  with  these  islands 
rests  entirely  upon  the  prices  at  which  we  can  supply  the  islands 
with  the  products  which  they  demand. 

So  far  from  our  sovereignty  being  a  means  of  increasing  our 
trade  with  the  Philippines,  it  has  just  the  contrary  effect :  first,  for 
a  period  of  at  least  two  years  it  rendered  unproductive  the  most 
fertile  and.  wealthy  part  of  the  islands,  millions  upon  millions 
of  property  were  destroyed,  whole  provinces  devasted,  and  an 
agricultural  people  concentrated  in  what  we  term  zones  of  Amer- 
ican influence,  'but  which  in  the  case  of  Spain's  attempt  to  reduce 
Cuba  to  submission  were  known  as  reconcentration  camps.  We 
emulated  the  despised  methods  of  Spain  in  the  Philippines,  and 
even  within  the  last  two  months  an  order  has  been  issued  by  Gover- 
nor-General Wright,  ordering  the  concentration  of  the  inhabitants 
of  one  of  the  Visayan  Islands,  although  we  have  been  repeat- 
edly informed  that  peace,  tranquillity  and  eager  acceptance  of 
American  rule  everywhere  prevail,  save  in  the  Moro  country. 

The  three  years  of  war,  which  war  is  not  yet  wholly  terminated, 
have  rendered  practically  the  whole  Filipino  people  hostile.  Hos- 
tility is  not  a  good  foundation  for  commercial  intercourse.  Amer- 
ican enterprise  is  looked  upon  with  less  favor  than  that  of  any  other 
country,  save  perhaps  China,  by  the  Filipino. 

If  these  islands  had  been  justly  treated  and  given  an  autonomy 
similar  to  that  of  Cuba, — for  they  are  more  capable  of  self-gov- 
ernment than  are  the  Cubans,  as  has  been  attested  by  many  com- 
petent observers  acquainted  with  both  peoples, — America  would 
have  been  regarded  as  their  friend.  We  would  not  then  have  been 
embarrassed  with  Spanish  limitations  upon  franchises,  nor  com- 
pelled, in  order  to  maintain  protection  at  home,  to  engraft  upon 
the  government  of  these  helpless  islanders  a  system  designed  for 
the  restraint  of  trade.  American  capital  and  merchandise  would 
have  been  welcomed  in  the  islands.  The  islanders  would  have 
regarded  us  as  their  friends  not  as  their  enemies.  Commerce  is 
not  predicated  upon  antagonism.  Self-government  for  the  Phil- 
ippines would  not  decrease  but  increase  the  consumption  of  Amer- 
ican goods.  Had  these  people  been  treated  justly,  they  would 
have  only  too  gladly  extended  to  us  most  advantageous  privileges. 
Indeed  they  would  have  allowed  us  to  name  our  own  terms.  We 
have  unfortunately  antagonized  and  alienated  a  people  out  of  whom 
we  might,  wifh  little  cost,  have  made  to  ourselves,  a  lasting  friend. 


The  Philippines.  207 


COST   TO  THE   UNITED   STATES   TO   JUNE  30,  1903. 

Purchase  Price   (Quit-Claim  deed  from  dispossessed  owner)..  .  .   $20,000,000 

Purchase  price,  Friars'  lands    7,239,000 

Increased  army  expenditure  for  five  years  over  average  expendi- 
ture previous  thereto,  1899,  1900,  1901,  1902  and  1903 500,000,000 

Boats  for  patroling  island  waters   and   increase  in  naval  ex- 
penses  due   solely   to   Philippine   acquisition   during   said 

period.       (Estimated) 25,000,000 

Appropriation  for  first  Philippine  Commission  $250,000;  spent 

by  Commission 179,000 

Transport  service  and   cost  of  vessels.     (Estimated) 50,000,000 

$602,418,000 

In  addition  to  the  above  known  amounts  must  be  considered 
claims  filed  against  the  United  States  for  destruction  of  property 
of  aliens  and  non-beligerents,  which  amounted  in  1899  to  over  $20,- 
000,000,  but  as  they  are  subject  to  adjudication  by  the  courts,  the 
total  awards  can  not  be  established.  This  is  a  minimum  estimate 
of  the  cost  to  June  30,  1903,  from  the  facts  obtainable.  Informa- 
tion in  regard  to  the  exact  cost  is  very  difficult  of  access. 

The  average  cost  of  the  maintenance  of  the  United  States  army 
under  Mr.  Cleveland's  two  administrations  did  not  exceed  $46,- 
000,000  per  annum;  whereas  for  the  years  1900,  1901,  1902  and 
1903  (the  year  1899  being  omitted  as  not  constituting  any  fair  es- 
timate of  the  average  cost  owing  to  the  fact  that  active  operations 
-against  the  Philippines  were  then  proceeding)  averages  $127,000,- 
000  a  year  or  a  difference  of  $81,000,000  a  year  increased  ex- 
pense for  War  Department  under  Eepublican  administration  and 
colonial  policy  as  opposed  to  free  government  under  constitutional 
restraints  by  a  Democratic  administration. 

But  this  does  not  measure  the  cost  to  the  taxpayers  of  the  United 
States.  The  initial  $600,000,000,  the  probable  $50,000,000  annu- 
ally, stupendous  as  these  figures  are,  yet  fail  to  indicate  the  loss 
to  our  people.  Consider  the  average  productivity  of  $600,000,000 
employed  in  agriculture,  manufacturing,  or  any  activity  of  life, 
the  yearly  interest  of  which  at  the  legal  rate  would  be  $36,000,000. 
In  other  words,  a  capital  sufficient  at  six  per  cent,  to  earn  $36,- 
000,000  has  been  subtracted  from  the  wealth  of  the  individual 
citizens  of  this  country. 

In  addition  to  the  foregoing  is :  Increased  cost  of  Navy  Depart- 
ment due  to  colonial  expansion  and  principally  chargeable  against 
the  retention  of  the  Philippines.  For  the  five  years  preceding 
1898,  the  year  of  the  Spanish  war,  which  is  omitted  although  the 
chief  operations  of  the  navy  in  the  Philippines  occurred  during  that 
year,  the  expenses  of  the  Navy  Department  were:  1893,  $30,136,- 
•084;  1894,  $31,710,294;  1895,  $28,797,796;  1896,  $27,147,732 ; 
1897,  $34,561,546,  making  a  total  of  $152,553,452,  or  an  annual 
average  of  $30,470,690. 

For  five  years  of  occupation  of  Philippines  and  extension   of 


208  The  Philippines. 

colonial  policy:  1899,  $63,942,104;  1900,  $55,953,078;  1901, 
$60,506,978;  1902,  $67,803,138  and  1903,  $82,618,024,  making 
a  total  of  $330,823,322,  or  an  annual  average  of  $66,164,664,  show- 
ing an  average  annual  increase  in  the  Navy  Department  of  $35,- 
693,974  and  a  total  difference  for  the  five  years  of  $178,469,870. 
For  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1905,  the  appropriations  for 
the  navy  amount  to  $98,005,140. 

Under  colonial  expansion  the  cost  of  the  Navy  Department  has 
increased  more  than  one  hundred  per  cent.,  and  while  it  is  true  that 
we  have  the  vessels  remaining,  representing  a  large  portion  of  this 
cost,  it  is  equally  true  that  without  foreign  dependencies  the 
greater  part  of  this  increased  cost  need  not  have  been  incurred. 

If  our  present  colonial  policy  is  persisted  in  the  Navy  Depart- 
ment in  the  next  five  years  will  show  an  annual  expenditure  of 
more  than  $100,000,000  a  year,  and  in  order  to  put  the  United 
States  on  anything  like  an  equality  with  even  second  and  third  rate 
naval  powers  the  expenditure  will  have  to  reach  $150,000,000  a  year. 

To  continue  the  present  colonial  policy  with  its  already  enor- 
mous and,  in  the  future  greatly  increasing,  expenditure  is  to 
abandon  deliberately  our  advantages  of  geographical  isolation  and 
a  restricted  coast  line  and  to  impose  upon  this  country  the  burdens 
of  militarism  and  an  enormous  navy  which  are  absolutely  indis- 
pensable to  its  continuance.  While  a  colonial  policy  may  be  justi- 
fied by  the  densely  populated  and  land  area  restricted  powers  of 
Europe  it  certainly  is  not  justified  by  the  sparsely  settled,  largely 
undeveloped  and  enormous  land  holding  United  States. 

The  expenses  of  such  a  policy  must  go  on  increasing  as  the 
militarism  of  Europe  becomes  more  and  more  marked.  We  must 
keep  pace  with  European  colony-holding  countries  if  we  are  to  con- 
tinue that  policy  ourselves. 

In  addition  to  the  initial  expense  cost  already  shown  must  be 
added  that  of  pensions  for  the  survivors  of  those  killed,  to  the  in- 
valided, the  disabled  and  the  destitute.  An  army  permanently  in- 
creased, a  biennial  sending  of  American  soldiers  to  unhealthy 
tropical  islands  where  the  death  rate  is  very  high,  and  where  in- 
sanity is  a  common  result  of  residence  in  these  islands,  as  is  shown 
by  the  very  large  number  of  insane  soldiers  returned  from  the 
islands,  must  make  a  large  number  of  pensioners. 

The  exact  cost  to  the  United  States  is  a  matter  absolutely  beyond 
accurate  computation.  It- certainly  can  not  have  been  less  than 
$600,000,000  as  a  minimum,  and  how  much  beyond  that  can  be 
determined  relatively  from  a  study  of  the  above  facts. 

COST    TO    THE    PHILIPPINES. 

The  cost  to  the  Filipinos  is  not  ascertainable  in  money  owing 
to  the  fact  that  the  amount  of  destruction  directly  attributable 
to  hostilities  can  not  be  ascertained.  All  industrires  in  whole  prov- 
inces situated  in  the  most  densely  populated  and  fertile  parts  of 
Luzon  and  the  Visayas  ceased  for  months  and  months,  and  in 
some  instances  for  more  than  two  years.     Villages  were  burned, 


The  Philippines.  209 

and  the  people  concentrated  in  limited  areas  and  fed  from  the 
government's  stores.  Their  ability  as  producers  was  for  the  time 
being,  absolutely  eliminated.  So  great  was  the  destruction  of 
property  and  so  widespread  the  destitution  in  certain  sections, 
that  the  Federal  Government  made  an  appropriation  of  $3,000,000 
for  the  purchase  of  supplies  for  the  famine-stricken  natives. 
The  exact  number  of  Filipinos  who  were  killed  in  the  differ- 
ent engagements  and  those  who  died  from  wounds  or  priva- 
tions incident  to  hostilities  and  reconcentration  can  not  be  accur- 
ately ascertained,  but  the  native  population  in  certain  provinces  was 
very  seriously  reduced. 

COST    OF    RETENTION. 

In  addition  to  this  expense  already  incurred  should  be  calculated 
the  cost  of  maintaining  what  sovereignty  we  have  already  achieved 
in  the  islands,  and  which  sovereignty  beyond  the  range  of  Amer- 
ican guns  is  ineffective  for  the  protection  of  commercial,  indus- 
trial or  transportation  enterprises  controlled  by  Americans. 

Nor  is  this  all.  Not  to  speak  of  the  army  of  71,000  in  the  islands 
during  the  first  eighteen  months  there  is  still  a  standing  army  of 
15,000  soldiers,  which  means  an  annual  subtraction  from  the  pro- 
ducing labor  of  this  country  of  an  adult  male  population  equiva- 
lent to  that  of  a  large  city.  . 

In  considering  the  cost  of  the  retention  of  the  Philippines,  the 
fact  must  be  remembered  that  the  coast  line  of  these  1,200  to  1,400 
islands  constitutes  more  than  15,000  miles.  The  coast  line  of  the 
Philippine  Islands  is  more  than  twice  as  long  as  that  of  the 
United  States.  This  renders  them  peculiarly  liable  to  attack  of 
any  hostile  power,  and  the  ease  with  which  we  took  these  islands 
from  Spain  is  but  an  illustration  of  how  difficult  it  would  be  to 
defend  them  and  how  easily  they  could  be  taken  from  us  in  case 
of  war  with  a  strong  naval  power.  So  long  as  we  remained  a 
country  geographically  isolated  with  our  seaboard  cities  well  for- 
tified, a  great  navy  was  unnecessary,  but  the  holding  of  col- 
onies thousands  of  miles  distant  from  the  home  government  im- 
poses on  that  government  the  responsibility  and  expense  of  protect- 
ing them. 


TRADE  OF   THE   UNITED   STATES   WITH   THESE   ISLANDS 
PREVIOUS   TO   AND   SINCE   OUR   OCCUPATION. 

In  the  fiscal  year  ending  1903  the  exports  from  the  United  States 
to  the  Philippines  were  $4,028,677  and  our  imports  from  these  is- 
lands for  the  same  period  were  $11,372,584. 

The  imports  from  foreign  countries  to  these  islands  for  the  year 
ending  June  30,  1902,  were  $28,105,948  and  the  exports  were  $16,- 
229,768. 


210  The  Philippines. 

After  four  years  of  occupation  we  find  that  the  United  States 
sells  to  the  Philippine  Islands  but  one-seventh  of  its  imports,  and 
this  at  a  cost  of  more  than  $647,000,000  expense  to  that  date  for 
our  assertion  of  sovereignty.  But  even  this  shows  no  actual 
growth  in  legitimate  commerce,  as  will  appear  from  examination 
of  the  following  table  from  the  Treasury  Department's  Eeport  on 
Commerce  and  Navigation   (p.  833,  vol.  2,  year  1903). 

EXPORTS  FROM   UNITED  STATES  TO  PHILIPPINES  FROM  1893  TO  1903. 

Articles.  1893.      1894.        1895.        1896.      1897.        1898. 

Agricultural    Implements    $135      $9,464      $1,592      $1,096    $2,262      $1,462 

Animals: 

Books,    maps,    engravings,    etchings,    etc 44  627  48        

Breadstuffs      7,873  61  11/293  18.290  10,068  200 

Cars,    carriages,    other    vehicles    and    parts    of..  2,553  2,202  959  5,182  1,707  2,511 

Chemicals,    drugs,    dyes    and    medicines 1,667  1,453  320  3,390  3,316  3,241 

Clocks   and    watches    and    parts    of 415     2,576  45       

Coal    14,450 

Cotton,    mfg.    of: 

Cloths     2,413  40,684  900  2,527  1,940  1,304 

All    other 6,031  5,077  2,455  7,187  224         

Fruits    and    nuts 16     29  156         

Instruments,    etc.,    for   scientific    purposes 3,500  4,007  120  676  3,054  2,744 

Iron    and    steel,     and    mfg.     of 9,006  16,388  13,343  10,204  9,036  7,431 

Leather,     mfg.     ef 102  3,611  1,491  3,503  220  1,012 

Malt     liquors      863  245  1,415  663  337 

Oils:      mineral,     refined 105,936  35,495  67,837  89,958  45,908  65,995 

Paper    and    mfg.     of T. 21     20  10       544 

Provisions,   comprising  meat  and  dairy  products  1,700  5,671  396  1,718  544  905 

Spirits,     distilled    , 

Varnish     2,442  191  2,605  1,500  2,239  3,449 

Vegetables     15     571       

Wood    and"mfg.'of..'.'.V.'...V.V..'.V.V.V.V.V.'.V.V.  826  520  277  262         343  406 

All     other     articles     9,758      19,748      12,782      14,151    12,869      21,826 

Total     domestic     exports 154,378    145,466    119,255    162,341    94,597    127,787 

Total     foreign     exports 105       17 


Total     exports    of    merchandise 154,378  145,466    119,255    162,446    94,597    127,804 

Articles.  1899.        1900.  1901.  1902.  1903. 

Agricultural    implements $60  $1,725  $3,128  $14,144  $9,203 

Animals: 

Horses     211,550  115,160         i     

Mules      230,400  117,500         

Books,    maps,    engravings,    etchings,    etc 4,499  18,770  44,160  140,574  64,901 

Breadstuffs 12,599  168,726  570,376  435,444  278,891 

Cars,    carriages,   other  vehicles  and  parts   of....  1,649  54,117  180,696  101,213  77,904 

Chemicals,    drugs,    dyes    and   medicines 13,748  48,955  38,147  77,224  60,366 

Clocks  and  watches   and   parts   of 2,615  19,014  12,659  53,557  9,459 

Coal      100,978  142,633  144,995  210,374  137,617 

Cotton,    mfg.    of: 

Cloths      1,895  19  457  57,407  161,863  264,947 

All     other     3,232  lC287  19,907  84,782  51,623 

Fruits    and    nuts     3,869  27,217  18,410  31,249  32,626 

Hay     7,820  162,199  323,994  358,816  168,046 

Instruments,   etc.,   for  scientific  purposes 3,040  13,112  35,839  69,400  106,718 

Iron    and    steel,    and    mfg.    of 19,584  383,892  503,127  957,342  657,353 

Leather,      mfg.      of 1,167  32,909  25,449  121,003  147,723 

Malt    liquors    91,817  563,950  762.176  466,404  310,495 

Oils:    mineral,     refined     46  7,921  119.424  235,397  279,648 

Paper    and     mfg.     of 3,145  52,843  66,141  284,788  111,340 

Provisions,    comprising  meat  and  dairy  products  33,090  60,244  47,374  156,863  127,936 

Spirits,     distilled     40,930  156,252  316,024  185,188  124,875 

Varnish     1,617  3,529  6,557  7,611  4,864 

Vegetables     1,635  54,814  187,698  58,213  92,551 

Wines      10,950  8,397  22,652  24,170  8,397 

Wood    and    mfg.    of    7,862  84,127  41,560  418,994  499,563 

All     other    articles     32,411  98,584  233,620  611,398  410,834 

Total     domestic     exports 401,258  2,635,624  4,014.180  5,251.867  4,028,677 

Total     foreign     exports     2,935  4,825  12,844  6,603  10,232 

Total    exports    of    merchandise    404,193  2,640,449  4,027,024  5,258,470  4,038,809 


The  Philippines.  21 1 

From  the  above  it  will  be  observed  that  the  total  exports  of 
the  United  States  to  the  Philippines  for  the  six  years  beginning 
1893  and  ending  1898,  were  as  follows:  For  the  years  1893  to 
1898:  1893,  $154,378;  1894,  $154,466;  1895,  $119,255;  1896, 
$162,341;  1897,  $94,597;  1898,  $127,787,  a  total  of  $812,824. 
Annual  average,  $133,470. 

For  the  years  1899  to  1903,  inclusive,  the  expenses  were  as  fol- 
lows: 1899,  $401,258;  1900,  $2,635,624;  1901,  $4,014,180;  1902, 
$5,251,867 ;  1903,  $4,028,677,  a  total  of  $16,331,606.  Annual  aver- 
age, $3,266,321. 

Under  the  heading  "Animals"  appear  horses,  1900,  $211,550; 
1901,  $115,160;  mules,  1900,  $230,400;  1901,  $117,500.  That 
these  horses  and  mules  were  sent  exclusively  for  the  use  of  the 
American  troops  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  from  1893  to  1899  none 
were  exported,  nor  were  any  exported  in  1902  and  1903;  in  these 
years  the  American  army  in  the  Philippines  was  being  reduced. 

Under  the  heading  "Books,  maps,  engravings,  etchings,  etc.,"  the 
aggregate  shipments  to  the  Philippine  Islands  from  the  United 
States  previous  to  1899  did  not  exceed  $719.  In  1895,  the  first 
year  of  any  shipment,  $44,  in  1896,  $627;  in  1897,  $48,  whereas 
in  the  five  years  of  American  occupation  the  shipments  were  as 
follows:  1899,  $4,499;  1900,  $18,770;  1901,  $44,160;  1902,  $140,- 
574,  and  1903,  $64,901;  total  for  the  five  years,  $272,904.  The 
export  of  this  item  fell  from  $140,574  in  1902  to  $64,901  in  1903. 
This  falling  off  is  due  first  to  the  fact  that  many  of  the  English 
text-books  for  the  American  schools  in  the  Philippines  were  pur- 
chased in  1902,  and  also  to  the  fact  that  the  American  reading  pub- 
lic in  the  Philippines  was  greatly  reduced  by  the  return  to  the 
United  States  of  a  large  proportion  of  the  army. 

"Breadstuffs."  In  1896  $18,290  of  breadstuffs  were  exported. 
This  is  the  largest  amount  sent  previous  to  1899.  For  the  year 
1899,  $12,599;  1900,  $168,726;  1901,  $570,376;  1902,  $435,- 
444;  1903,  $278,891.  In  1900  of  the  $168,726  for  this  item  $126,- 
563  represents  327,741  bushels  of  oats.  Oats  are  not  used  as  bread- 
stuffs  by  the  Filipinos,  nor  even  by  the  Filipino  horses,  which  are 
fed  on  native  grasses,  but  are  the  chief  food  of  American  horses  and 
mules.  In  other  words,  three-fourths  of  the  so-called  breadstuffs 
shipped  in  1900  consisted  of  oats  for  the  use  of  the  American  army. 

It  will  be  observed  that  as  the  army  was  withdrawn  the  export 
of  breadstuffs  to  the  Philippines  decreased. 

"Cars,  carriages,  other  vehicles  and  parts  of."  The  same  observa- 
tion applies,  they  declined  from  $180,696  in  1901  to  $77,901  in 
1903. 

Even  chemicals,  drugs,  dyes,  etc.,  show  a  decline  from  $77,224 
in  1902,  to  $60,366  in  1903. 

"Cotton,  manufactures  of"  show  an  increase. 

"Fruits,  nuts,  etc."  (presumably  preserves  or  canned  goods)  show 
a  decline  of  1902,  $358,816  to  $168,046  in  1903. 


212  The  Philippines. 

"Iron  and  steel,  manufactures  of,"  show  a  decline  from  $957,34$ 
in  1902,  to  $657,353  in  1903.  At  this  rate  of  decline  we  would  soon 
be  selling  the  Philippines  even  less  than  the  insignificant  amount 
we  sold  previous  to  our  occupation.  Doubtless  this  last  item  is  ac- 
counted for  by  the  purchases  of  the  Philippine  government  for  in- 
ternal improvements,  and  in  no  sense  represents  bona  fide  purchaser 
by  the  producing  classes  of  the  Philippines. 

Malt  liquor,  including  beer,  ale,  etc.,  present  one  of  the  most  in- 
teresting items  in  the  whole  table  and  demonstrate,  by  their  very 
small  consumption  for  the  years  1893  to  1898,  inclusive,  during 
which  time  only  $3,523  worth  were  exported,  that  the  Filipinos  are 
not  large  consumers  of  malt  liquors,  while  the  exports  for  1899  to 
1903,  successively,  $91,817,  $563,950,  $762,176,  $466,404  and 
$310,495,  make  a  total  for  five  years  of  $2,194,842  or  623  times  as 
much  as  in  the  previous  six  years.  These  figures  if  scrutinized  will 
show  that  as  the  American  army  was  withdrawn  the  sale  of  malt 
liquors  decreased. 

"Oils,  mineral  and  refined."  This  is  accounted  for  principally  by 
the  exports  of  the  Standard  Oil  Company  which  have  increased 
throughout  the  East  generally  in  very  much  greater  ratio  than  in 
the  Philippines. 

"Paper,  manufacture  of,"  has  fallen  from  $284,788  in  1902  to 
$111,340  in  1903. 

Provisions,  comprising  meat  and  dairy  products,  show  a  decline 
of  $30,000  from  1902  to  1903. 

Spirits,  distilled.  No  exports  previous  to  1899.  For  the  years 
1899  to  1903,  inclusive,  the  successive  years  are  as  follows:  1899, 
$40,930;  1900,  $156,252;  1901,  $316,024;  1902,  $185,188;  1903, 
$124,875,  making  a  total  of  $823,269,  showing  conclusively  that 
this  item  was  entirely  for  American  use.  As  the  American  troops 
were  withdrawn  the  exports  of  distilled  spirits  declined. 

The  next  two  items,  "Woods,  manufactures  of"  and  "All  other 
articles"  are  too  indefinite  to  permit  of  analysis.  While  the  first 
item  shows  an  increase  of  about  $71,000  from  1902  to  1903,  the 
next  item  shows  a  decline  of  $200,000. 

The  total  exports' from  the  United  States  in  1902  were  $5,251,- 
876.  The  total  exports  from  the  United  States  in  1903  were  $4,- 
028,677,  showing  a  decline  of  $1,223,190. 

Beyond  all  question  the  increased  exports  have  been  almost  wholly 
due  to  the  presence  of  the  American  army.  The  withdrawal  of 
that  army  has  in  nearly  every  instance  been  followed  by  decrease  of 
expo^s. 

As  a  commercial  proposition  it  is  not  good  business  to  maintain  a 
large  army  in  the  Philippines  in  order  to  make  a  foreign  market. 
These  Americans  if  at  home  would  probably  have  the  same  tastes, 
and  while  perhaps  in  our  temperate  climate  their  consumption  of 
malt  liquors  and  distilled  spirits  might  be  less  than  in  the  tropics, 
they  would  be  able  to  earn  more  money  with  which  to  indulge  those 
tastes. 


The  Philippines.  213 


DEDUCTION. 


<Cost  to  the  United  States  to  June  30,  1903.  ..  .   $602,418,000.00 

(this  being  a  most  conservative  estimate  and 

omitting  charges  of  Navy  Department,  except 

for  patrol  service  and  other   items  appearing 

on  p.  207.) 
Average   interest   at   3%    for   two    and   one-half 

years  on  above 45,181,350.00 

$647,599,350.00 
Assume  25%  profit  to  persons  supplying  exports 
of  United  States  to  Philippines  for  same  five 
years,  $16,3331,606  = 4,082,901.50 

Net  cost  to  American  people $643,517,448.50 

Exports  of  Philippines  to  United  States  are  not 
included  because  in  no  possible  sense  dependent 
upon  our  retention  of  these  Islands. 


THE  PANAMA   AFFAIR. 

One  of  the  chief  claims  of  the  Republican  party  in  its  national 
platform  is  that  all-  credit  for  the  great  work  of  connecting  the 
Pacific  and  Atlantic  by  a  canal,  which  is  at  last  begun,  is  due  en- 
tirely to  itself.  This  claim  is  not  just;  neither  were  the  meth- 
ods proper,  by  which  the  possession  of  the  route  for  the  canal  was 
accomplished. 

To  make  clear  the  position  of  the  Democratic  party  on  these 
points,  it  is  necessary  to  recount  the  facts  of  the  case. 

The  "act  to  authorize  the  construction  of  a  canal  connecting  the 
waters  of  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans,"  approved  June  28,  1902, 
authorized  the  President  to  obtain  "by  treaty," — and  in  no  other 
way, — control  of  such  territory  "from  Colombia,"  as  might  be  nec- 
essary for  that  purpose ;  and  it  provided  also  that  if  he  should  be 
unable  to  do  so  "within  a  reasonable  time"  and  upon  "reasonable 
terms,"  he  should  then  proceed  to  acquire  the  necessary  territory 
from  Costa  Eica  and  Nicaragua.  This  act,  known  as  the  Spooner 
Act,  also  appropriated  ten  million  dollars  to  be  used  by  the  Presi- 
dent "toward  the  project  contemplated  by  either  route."  It  also 
authorized  him  "to  pay  for  the  property  of  the  New  Panama  Canal 
Company  forty  million  dollars,"  when  he  "shall  have  obtained  by 
treaty  the  necessary  territory  from  Colombia."  Of  course  it  did 
not  in  any  way  contemplate  any  arrangement  with  Panama  direct, 
but  was  founded  on  the  probability  that  the  treaty  authorized  by 
it,  and  which  was  subsequently  signed  by  Messrs.  Herran  and  Hay, 
and  was  ratified  by  the  Senate  on  March  17,  1903,  would  be  ratified 
by  Colombia.  The  Act  did  not  authorize  the  President  to  employ 
the  navy  of  the  United  States  to  "prevent  the  landing  of  Colom- 
bian troops  within  fifty  miles  of  Panama,"  which  he  subsequently 
did,  or  commit  any  other  act  hostile  to  Colombia.  It  did  not  autho- 
rize him  under  any  circumstances  to  wage  war,  but  required  him, 
in  case  of  failure  to  come  to  terms  with  Colombia,  to  secure  another 
route  for  the  canal.  The  Constitution  does  not  authorize  the  Presi- 
dent to  declare  war,  but  limits  the  power  to  do  so  exclusively  to 
Congress.  Nor  does  it  authorize  him  to  wage  war,  unless  Congress 
has  declared  war. 

In  October,  1903,  Colombia,  acting  strictly  within  her  rights, 
rejected  the  Hay-Herran  treaty.  Then  the  first  overt  act  in  the 
Panama  revolution  was  performed  by  the  Navy  Department  in 
Washington,  and  not  on  the  Isthmus — in  the  immediate  interest  of 
the  New  Panama  Canal  Company. 

On  November  2,  190 S,  the  gunboat  Nashville  reached  Colon,  in 
the  Department  of  Panama,  Colombia,  having  been  ordered  there 
by  this  Government;  arid  on  the  same  day  an  order  was  sent  from 
the  Navy  Department  at  Washington  to  the  Nashville,  the  Boston, 
and  the  Dixie,  containing  these  instructions: 


The  Panama  Affair.  2 1 5 

"Prevent  landing  of  any  armed  force  with  hostile  intent  .  .  . 
at  any  point  within  fifty  miles  of  Panama.  Government  forces 
reported  approaching  the  Isthmus  in  vessels.  Prevent  landing,  if 
in  your  judgment  landing  would  precipitate  conflict." 

This  meant  war  with  the  "Government  forces"  of  Colombia,  if 
it  meant  anything. 

At  3:40  p.  m.,  the  next  day,  November  3,  1903,  the  Assistant 
Secretary  of  State  cabled  from  Washington  to  the  Consul-General 
of  the  United  States  at  Panama,  which  is  less  than  "fifty  miles" 
from  Colon,  and  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Isthmus,  as  follows: 

"Uprising  on  Isthmus  reported.  Keep  Department  promptly 
and  fully  informed." 

The  Consul-General  replied:  "No  uprising  yet,  reported  there 
will  be  to-night" ;  showing  that  he  had  notice  of  the  secret  revolu- 
tionary programme. 

During  that  day  the  Colombian  warship  Cartagena  arrived  at 
Colon,  "within  fifty  miles  of  Panama,"  and  Generals  Tobal  and 
Amaya  landed,  and  sought  transportation  for  their  troops  to  Pan- 
ama city.  This  was  denied  by  the  officials  of  the  Panama  Railroad 
Company ;  but  the  two  officers  were  allowed  to  go  to  Panama  without 
their  troops.  They  were  thrown  into  prison  at  Panama  that  evening. 
This  act  of  the  revolutionists  had  manifestly  been  anticipated  by 
the  Navy  Department.  The  next  step  of  the  revolutionists  was  to 
organize  a  junta  and  appoint  a  mulatto  named  Mollendes  to  be 
Mayor  of  Colon,  and  thus  to  "precipitate  conflict"  with  "Govern- 
ment forces"  at  that  point  immediately. 

Mollendes  returned  to  Colon  from  Panama  on  the  4th;  and  on 
the  same  day  Commander  Hubbard  landed  blue  jackets  from  the 
Nashville,  and  thus  indirectly  gave  military  support  to  the  in- 
surrection on  Colombian  soil. 

On  November  6,  the  Republic  of  Panama  was  recognized  by  the 
President  of  the  United  States. 

On  the  same  day  Monsieur  Bunau  Varilla,  a.  French  citizen, 
largely  interested  in  the  stock  of  the  New  Panama  Canal  Company, 
was  appointed  by  the  Panama  junta  to  be  minister  to  the  United 
States;  he  being  already  in  this  country,  as  if  in  anticipation  of 
the  President's  action,  and  of  a  cordial  reception  by  him  as  minis- 
ter of  Panama. 

Bunau  Varilla  and  Secretary  Hay  at  once  proceeded  to  prepare 
a  treaty.  Immediately  afterward  the  junta  appointed  Dr.  Amador 
and  Mr.  Boyd  as  commissioners  to  .negotiate  a  treaty  with  the 
United  States.  These  gentlemen  arrived  in  Washington  on  the 
18th.  All  they  had  to  do  here  was  to  endorse  the  treaty  which 
had  already  been  prepared  by  Bunau  Varilla  and  Hay,  and  which 
was  signed  on  the  22d  of  January  following.  These  later  measures 
were  severely  criticised  by  Senator  Hoar,  and  by  many  of  the 
Democratic  statesmen  and  publicists,  because  done  in  plain  viola- 
tion of  the  Spooner  Act,  and  amounting  to  a  usurpation  by  the 
President  of  the  war  power  vested  exclusively  in  Congress — be- 
cause, in  fine,  they  were  lawless  measures,  not  to  be  condoned  or 


216  The  Panama  Affair. 

approved  except  by  those  who  hold  to  the  opinion  that  the  end 
justifies  the  means. 

These  criticisms  brought  forth  a  special  message  to  Congress 
from  the  President,  dated.  January  4,  1904,  in  which  he  used 
language  implying  that  even  prior  to  the  rejection  of  the  Hay- 
Herran  treaty  by  Colombia,  he  had  already  conceived  a  plan  in- 
volving either  the  independence  of  Panama,  or  its  annexation  to 
the  United  States.  In  that  message  he  said  that  it  had  been  his 
opinion  that  if  the  Hay-Herran  treaty  should  be  rejected,  the  peo- 
ple of  Panama  "might  declare  their  independence  upon  just 
grounds,  and- establish  a  government  competent  and  willing  to  do 
its  share  in  this  great  work  of  civilization;"  and  that  it  had  been 
his  intention  to  consult  Congress,  which,  by  the  way,  was  not  then 
in  session,  "as  to  whether  we  would  enter  into  an  arrangement  with 
Panama  direct,  or  take  other  steps  needful,  in  order  to  begin  the 
enterprise." 

But,  on  reflection,  he  evidently  concluded  it  was  unnecessary  to 
"consult  Congress,"  and  took  all  the  "steps  needful,"  before  Con- 
gress assembled. 

That  the  end  was  desirable  most  Americans  admit,  yet  the 
Democrats  insist  that  the  means  were  unjustifiable;  and  the  whole 
controversy  hinges  upon  the  nature  of  the  means  employed,  and  not 
upon  the  end. 

The  President's  course  in  his  dealings  with  Colombia  and  with 
the  Panama  question  furnishes  a  characteristic  story  of  hasty  and 
unconstitutional  action  and  usurpation  of  power.  Whether  it  was 
the  duty  of  the  Senate  to  accept  the  situation  he  had  created  as  an 
accomplished  fact  which  it  could  not  change,  or  to  defeat  the  treaty 
he  had  negotiated  with  the  Government  which  he  had  practically 
set  up  by  force,  or  by  the  threat  of  force,  may  be  a  matter  of  ques- 
tion, but  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  character  of  the  President's 
conduct  throughout. 

Mr.  Eoot  is  no  longer  a  member  of  the  President's  official  family 
and  may  therefore  now  speak  with  more  freedom  than  he  could 
exercise  heretofore. 

In  a  recent  address  before  the  graduating  class  of  the  Yale  Law 
School,  he  said: 

"There  is  a  constant  tendency  to  ignore  such  limitations  and  con- 
done the  transgression  of  them  by  public  officers,  provided  the  thing 
done  is  done  with  good  motives  from  a  desire  to  serve  the  public.  Such  a 
process,  if  general,  is  most  injurious.  If  continued  long  enough  it  re- 
sults in  an  attitude  of  personal  superiority  on  the  part  of  great  officers 
which  is  inconsistent  with  our  institutions,  a  destruction  of  responsibil- 
ity and  independent  judgment  on  the  part  of  lower  officers,  and  a  neg- 
lect of  the  habit  of  asserting  legal  rignts  on  the  part  of  the  people. 

"The  more  frequently  men  who  hold  great  power  in  office  are  per- 
mitted to  override  the  limitations  imposed  by  law  upon  their  powers, 
the  more  difficult  it  becomes  to  question  anything  they  do;  and  the  peo- 
ple, each  one  weak  in  himself,  and  unable  to  cope  with  powerful  officers 
who  regard  any  questioning  of  their  acts  as  an  affront,  gradually  lose 
the  habit  of  holding  such  officers  accountable,  and  practically  surrender 
the  right  to  hold  them  accountable." 


The  Panama  Affair.  217 

It  would  be  interesting  to  have  from  Mr.  %Root  some  definite 
specification  of  this  growing  tendency  to  ignore  the  legal  limita- 
tions of  official  power  and  the  tendency  of  the  public  to  condone 
such  transgressions,  when  done  with  good  intentions  and  to  ac- 
complish a  desirable  object.  That  it  was  a  thinly  veiled  reference 
to  the  President's  action  in  the  Panama  affair  especially  may  well 
be  suspected.  No  other  administration  has  ever  furnished  so 
many  illustrations  of  the  truth  of  Mr.  Eoot's  statement  as  that  of 
President  Eoosevelt. 

After  the  President  had,  in  violation  of  the  Constitution,  secured 
the  separation  of  the  province  of  Panama  from  the  Republic  of 
Colombia,  a  studied  effort  was  made  by  the  friends  of  the  admin- 
istration to  becloud  the  whole  question  by  raising  the  cry  that  the 
President's  critics  were  opposing  the  canal,  and  that  he  had  taken 
the  only  course  to  secure  its  construction. 

The  President  violated  a  fundamental  principle  of  International 
Law,  which  may  be  stated  in  the  words  of  President  McKinley: 
"Recognition  of  Independent  Statehood  is  not  due  to  a  revolted 
province  until  all  danger  of  its  being  subjected  by  the  parent  State 
has  passed  away."  We  steadfastly  adhered  to  that  principle  in 
dealing  with  the  revolted  colonies  of  Spain.  Andrew  Jackson  ad- 
hered to  it  in  the  case  of  Texas  and  declared  that  the  fact  that  we 
had  a  selfish  interest  in  the  success  of  that  seceding  government 
should  make  us  all  the  more  careful  in  observing  the  principles 
of  International  Law.  We  adhered  to  it  in  the  case  of  Cuba,  both 
Presidents  Cleveland  and  McKinley  refusing  to  recognize  that  Re- 
public as  independent  until  it  had  an  established  government  and 
had  shown  its  ability  to  successfully  defend  it. 

President  Roosevelt  recognized  as  the  Government  o'f  a  sovereign 
State  as  large  as  the  State  of  Indiana,  a  baker's  dozen  of  conspira- 
tors whose  so-called  rebellion  was  not  even  known  to  the  people, 
and  before  they  had  either  an  army,  or  a  navy,  or  a  treasury,  or 
had  fought  a  single  battle  with  the  parent  Government.  Further, 
he  violated  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  which  gives  to 
Congress  the  exclusive  right  to  declare  war,  or  to  begin  war.  The 
President  has  no  right  to  levy  war  against  another  country  with 
which  we  are  at  peace  without  express  authority  from  Congress. 
He  sent  warships  to  Panama,  then  an  integral  part  of  Colombia, 
in  expectation  of  an  insurrectionary  movement  which  had  not  then 
occurred,  and  ordered  their  commanders  to  resist  with  force  the 
landing  of  Colombian  troops  sent  there  to  prevent  an  insurrection. 
An  order  to  commit  an  act  of  war  is  itself  a  declaration  of  war. 

After  the  insurrectionary  movement  began,  Colombian  troops 
sent  there  to  quell  it  were  kept  from  landing  by  the  superior  mili- 
tary forces  of  the  United  States. 

Senator  Foraker  said  they  were  sent  there  to  "prevent  war." 
Secretary  Hay  says  Colombian  troops  were  excluded  from  her  own 
territory  to  "prevent  civil  war." 

A  state  of  war  manifestly  existed  from  the  time  the  standard  of 
insurrection  was  raised.    The  action  of  this  Government  was  to 


2  i  8  The  Panama  Affair. 

prevent  the  Republic  of  Colombia  from  using  her  own  forces  to 
quell  an  insurrection  on  her  own  soil. 

Senator  Lodge  said  that  the  insurrection  owed  its  success  to  this 
action  of  the  President.  In  no  more  vital  particular  could  the 
President  violate  the  Constitution  than  by  committing  acts  of  war 
without  the  consent  of  Congress. 

The  President  justifies  his  action  in  this  matter  by  the  claim 
that  this  Government  had  the  exclusive  right  under  the  treaty  of 
1846  to  protect  the  freedom  of  transit  across  the  Isthmus,  and 
that  it  was  in  exercise  of  that  treaty  that  he  opposed  Colombia's 
national  right  to  maintain  her  sovereignty  over  Panama. 

Senator  Carmack  dealt  with  this  argument  in  a  speech  in  the 
Senate,  in  which  he  said : 

"The  language  of  the  treaty  is  that  'the  government  of  New  Gren- 
ada (now  Colombia)  guarantees  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  that  the  right  of  way,  etc.,  shall  be  open  and  free  to  the  Got- 
ernment  and  citizens  of  the  United  States.' 

"This  language  speaks  for  itself,  and  on  the  very  face  of  it  im- 
ports an  engagement  by  Colombia  to  itself  protect  the  freedom  of 
the  transit.  This  treaty  has  been  construed  again  and  again  by  our 
Presidents  and  Secretaries  of  State,  and  has  been  twice  officially  in- 
terpreted by  other  treaties. 

"In  1873  Secretary  Fish  said: 

'This  engagement,  however,  has  never  been  acknowledged  to  embrace 
the  duty  of  protecting  the  road  across  it  from  the  violence  of  local  fac- 
tions. Although  such  protection  was  of  late  efficiently  given  by  the 
force  under  the  Command  of  Admiral  Almy,  it  appears  to  have  been 
granted  with  the  consent  and  at  the  instance  of  the  local  authorities. 
It  is,  however,  regarded  as  the  undoubted  duty  of  the  Colombian  Govern- 
ment to  protect  the  road  against  attacks  from  local  insurgents.  The 
discharge  of  this  duty  will  be  insisted  upon.' 

"Secretary  Bayard  stated  our  interpretation  of  the  treaty  as 
follows : 

'On  several  occasions  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  at  the 
instance  and  always  with  the  assent  of  Colombia,  has,  in  times  of  civil 
tumult,  sent  its  armed  forces  to  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  to  preserve 
American  citizens  and  property  along  the  transit  from  injuries  which 
the  Government  of  Colombia  might  at  the  time  be  unable  to  prevent. 
3ut,  in  taking  such  steps,  this  Government  has  always  recognized  the 
sovereignty  and  obligation  of  Colombia  in  the  premises,  and'  has  never 
acknowledged,  but,  on  the  contrary,  has  expressly  disclaimed,  the  duty 
of  protecting  the  transit  against  domestic  disturbance.' 

"In  the  treaty  of  1857,  which  was  for  the  adjustment  of  claims 
for  loss  suffered  by  American  citizens  through  the  failure  of  the 
Colombian  authorities  to  properly  protect  the  transit,  the  follow- 
ing language  is  used: 

'All  claims  of  •  *  *  citizens  of  the  United  States  upon  the  Gov- 
ernment of  New  Grenada,  *  *  *  and  especially  those  for  damages 
which  were  caused  by  the  riot  at  Panama  on  the  15th  of  April,  1856, 
for  which  the  said  Government  of  New  Grenada  acknowledges  its  liability 
arising  out  of  its  privilege  and  obligation  to  preserve  peace  and  order 
along  the  transit  route,'  etc. 

"Colombia  has  the  'privilege  and  obligation  to  preserve  peace  and 


The  Panama  Affair.  219 

order  along  the  transit  route.'    We  compelled  her  in  the  treaty  of 
1857  to  expressly  acknowledge  it  and  pay  damages. 

"Mr.  President,  this  Administration  has  itself  authoritatively  in- 
terpreted the  treaty  of  1846  in  a  dispatch  sent  by  Secretary  Hay 
to  Consul  Ehrman  after  the  recognition  of  the  new  state  of  Panama. 
I  have  once  before  read  this  dispatch,  but  I  will  read  it  again: 

IVhen  you  are  satisfied  that  a  de  facto  government,  republican  in 
form,  and  without  substantial  opposition  from  its  own  people,  has  been 
established  in  the  state  of  Panama,  you  will  enter  into  relations  with 
it  as  the  responsible  government  of  the  territory  and  look  to  it  for  all 
due  action  to  protect  the  persons  and  property  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States  and  to  keep  open  the  isthmian  transit  in  accordance  with  the 
obligations  of  existing  treaties  governing  the  relation  of  the  United 
States  to  that  territory.' 

"In  other  words,  Panama  inherited  the  rights  and  obligations  of 
Colombia  under  the  treaty  of  1846,  and  under  that  treaty  was 
herself  required  to  defend  the  freedom  of  the  transit.  Panama 
could  not  inherit  from  Colombia  any  treaty  right  or  obligation 
which  Colombia  herself  did  not  possess.  If  there  was  likely  to  be  a 
local  disturbance  which  might  interfere  with  the  freedom  of  the 
transit,  did  not  Colombia  have  a  right  to  bring  her  troops  there 
under  the  very  terms  of  the  treaty  of  1846  as  we  ourselves  have  in- 
terpreted it,  as  this  Administration  itself  has  interpreted  it? 

"So  the  only  effect  of  this  defense  is  to  show  that  the  President  in 
violating  the  Constitution  has  also  violated  the  treaty  of  1846,  just 
as  he  violated  the  Spooner  Act,  as  already  shown." 

Senator  McLaurin,  of  Mississippi,  thus  characterized  President 
Roosevelt's  acts  of  usurpation  : 

"The  Senator  from  Wisconsin,"  said  he,  "demands  to  know 
wherein  the  President  is  unsafe.  Personally  I  do  not  criticise  the 
President,  but  as  a  President,  I  think  it  is  hardly  necessary  to 
point  out  to  a  reading  public  wherein  he  is  unsafe.  He  entered 
into  the  domain  of  a  Republic  with  which  we  were  at  peace,  and  re- 
fused to  permit  it  to  exercise  sovereignty  over  its  own  territory. 
He  took  as  a  pretext  a  treaty  that  we  made  in  1846  with  that  coun- 
try, wherein  the  United  States  guaranteed  to  defend  the  sover- 
eignty of  that  Government  and  to  keep  open  the  channels  of  com- 
merce between  the  two  oceans. 

"Does  any  man  in  his  senses  believe  that  it  was  the  intention 
of  the  Government  of  New  Grenada,  when  that  treaty  was  made, 
that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  should  exclude  the 
Government  of  New  Grenada  from  its  own  territory  or  from  the 
exercise  of  sovereignty  over  its  own  territory?  Treaties  are  to  be 
construed,  like  any  other  contracts,  by  the  intention  of  the  con- 
tracting parties. 

"Nobody  believes  that  such  was  the  intention,  either  of  the 
United  States  or  of  New  Grenada,  of  which  Colombia  is  the  suc- 
cessor; and  all  this  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  what  was  al- 
leged to  be  the  rights  of  a  French  corporation  composed  exclu- 
sively of  citizens  of  France.  If  not  done  for  the  purpose  of  pro- 
tecting the  alleged  rights  of  the  Panama   Canal   Company,  why 


220  The  Panama  Affair. 

does  the  President  say  that  the  'plan  was  fitly  to  end  in  further 
injury  to  the  citizens  of  a  friendly  nation,  whose  enormous  losses 
in  their  generous  efforts  to  pierce  the  Isthmus  have  become  a 
matter  of  history'  ? 

"If  that  is  not  its  meaning,  what  is  its  significance?  And  can 
it  be  supposed  that  the  President  sent  to  Congress  a  message  in  an 
important  matter  like  this,  if  in  any  matter,  containing  idle  and 
meaningless  language?  It  will  not,  with  any  degree  of  reason, 
be  contended  that  Great  Britian,  Germany,  Russia,  France,  Aus- 
tria, or  Italy  would  have  submitted  to  the  treatment  to  which 
Colombia  was  subjected,  without  war. 

"If  that  is  so,  and  the  President  were  to  take  it  into  his  head  to 
override  one  of  these  great  powers,  as  he  did  Colombia,  we  would 
at  once  be  involved  in  war.  Is  not  such  a  man  unsafe?  But  it 
may  be  answered  that  there  is  no  danger  of  his  undertaking  such 
a  thing  with  one  of  the  great  powers  of  the  world.  Then,  would 
you  make  our  nation  stand  in  the  attitude  of  a  swaggering  bully, 
dominating  and  domineering  small  countries,  and  standing  in  awe 
and  dread  of  great  powers  ?" 

Senator  Gorman  used  the  following  language  in  a  speech  in  the 
Senate: 

"We  virtually  seized,  by  military  power,  a  part  of  the  territory  of 
Colombia.  That  is  usurpation.  No  head  of  an  autocratic  govern- 
ment ever  was  guilty  of  a  more  audacious  act.  Newspaper  critics 
draw  a  parallel  between  our  President  and  Napoleon.  Has  it  come 
to  this,  Mr.  President,  that  we  have  a  Napoleon,  not  only  conduct- 
ing the  Executive  branch  of  the  Government,  which  he  is  charged 
to  do  under  his  oath  within  the  restrictions  of  the  Constitution,  but 
also  taking  action  amounting  to  a  declaration  of  war,  which  the 
Constitution  says  Congress  alone  has  the  power  to  declare,  and  then 
omitting  to  give  Congress  all  the  facts  but  sifting  out  information 
through  a  Deputy  Secretary  of  State  at  a  banquet  in  New  York?" 

AN    INTERNATIONAL    LAWYER'S    OPINION. 

Mr.  William  Morton  Grinnell,  an  international  lawyer  of  promi- 
nence, who  was  Third  Assistant  Secretary  of  State  under  Presi- 
dent Harrison,  expressed,  through  the  daily  press,  this  opinion  of 
President's  Roosevelt's  action  in  the  Panama  affair: 

"His  conduct  with  regard  to  the  Panama  Canal  is  ridiculous. 
It  is  more  absurd  than  illegal,  for  it  amounted  to  an  enunciation  of 
the  doctrine  of  eminent  domain  applied  to  a  foreign  State.  The 
whole  affair  was  a  violation  of  international  law,  and  it  is  needless 
to  say  that  nothing  of  the  kind  would  have  taken  place  had  the 
country  concerned  been  England,  France,  or  Germany  instead  of 
Panama.  The  action  of  the  President  with  regard  to  Panama  was 
nothing  more  or  less  than  giving  sanction  to,  or  at  least  conniving 
at,  the  dismemberment  of  a  republic  which  was  in  a  sense  the  ward 
of  the  nation.  As  a  result,  those  South  American  countries  which 
formerly  looked  to  us  for  help  and  protection  have  grown  to  hate 
the  Monroe  doctrine." 


THE   POSTAL   FRAUDS. 

The  chief  features  of  the  scandals  and  proven  frauds  in  the 
Post-office  Department  are : 
The  extraordinary  extent  of  the  frauds  and  the  number  of  persons 

involved. 
That  the  higher  officials  knew  of  the  frauds  and  scandals  years 

before  they  were  investigated. 
That  while  it  is  probable,  if  not  certain,  that  other  gross  frauds 
and  scandals  exist,  a  Republican  'Congress  in  both  branches  has 
voted  against  investigation. 
That  President  Roosevelt  was  either  kept  in  ignorance  of  the  frauds 
until  January,  1903,  or  did  not  care  to  expose  their  astounding 
character  until  public  notoriety  compelled  action  to  be  taken. 

Ewry  revelation  made  of  the  blackmail  and  venality  of  the  Post- 
office  Department  has  been  dragged  out  in  spite  of  the  Administra- 
tion, which  undertook  the  investigation  only  when  the  scandal  had 
become  so  public  it  could  no  longer  be  smothered. 

Every  spot  the  probe  has  touched  has  developed  corruption — con- 
tracts let  in  Washington,  promotions  made  in  New  York,  fraud 
orders  withheld  in  the  West,  padded  payrolls,  swollen  bills,  charges 
for  work  never  performed,  blackmail  of  illegal  enterprises,  black- 
mail of  employees,  double  salaries  for  favorites — there  is  no  end  to 
the  list;  and  only  the  surface  has  been  scratched,  presumably. 

Only  minor  officials  have  so  far  been  exposed. 

Is  it  possible  there  are  men  higher  in  the  postal  service  who  fear 
the. exposure  of  illegal  contracts,  and  rake-offs,  and  graft?  Is  that 
why  the  Eepublicans  opposed  Congressional  action?  And  is  there 
still  hope  that  the  public  may  be  quieted  by  the  sacrifice  of  the 
Beavers,  the  Machens,  and  the  Groffs  ? 

The  Forty-per-cent  Ring  ramifies  far  and  wide. 

The  aggregate  of  the  product  of  blackmail  and  theft  has  amounted 
to  millions  of  dollars  a  year. 

If  it  is  ever  to  be  known  whose  pockets  were  lined  with  these 
"graft*'  proceeds  it  will  be  through  the  election  of  a  Democratic 
majority  in  the  next  Congress,  and  a  consequent  thorough  and 
searching  investigation. 

No  political  party  has  ever  made  a  thorough  investigation  of 
the  misdoings  of  its  own  partisans,  and  the  Roosevelt  Administra- 
tion is  no  exception  to  the  rule. 

The  partial  investigation,  however,  of  the  Post-office  Department, 
with  its  astonishing  disclosures  of  a  comprehensive  system  of  loot- 
ing the  United  States  Treasury,  is  but  one  of  many  scandals  in 
which  the  present  Administration  has  been  involved.  Yet  only  one 
section  of  the  Post-office  Department,  and  a  section  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Justice — the  office  of  the  First  Assistant  Postmaster-Gen- 
eral and  the  office  of  the  Assistant  Attorney-General  for  the  Post- 
office  Department — have  been  probed,  and  the  disgraceful  evidence 


222    ,  The  Postal  Frauds. 

laid  before  Congress  and  the  people.  If  other  divisions  have  been 
scrutinized  and  frauds  found  to  permeate  them,  the  result  has  not 
been  officially  published,  although  the  public  press  has  given  rumors 
and  some  evidence  that  other  sections  of  the  department  have  been 
under  investigation.  It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  if  no  irregu- 
larities had  been  discovered  such  a  happy  result  would  have  been 
heralded  to  the  public  by  all  the  methods  known  to  the  Administra- 
tion. On  the  other  hand,  the  arrival  of  the  national  campaign 
would  be  a  strong  incentive  to  hide  all  scandals  until  after  election, 
and  that  seems  to  be  the  course  that  has  been  pursued. 

The  extent  of  the  frauds,  as  far  as  investigated,  is  shown  in  the 
official  report  of  Mr.  Bristow,  an  abstract  of  which  is  incorporated 
in  this  article. 

The  number  of  persons  indicted  is  thirty-one,  of  whom  twelve 
have  been  tried;  seven  of  these  have  been  convicted  and  five  ac- 
quitted. Since  the  Administration  was  signally  defeated  by  the 
acquittal  of  Tyner  and  Barrett,  there  has  been  a  lull  in  the  activity 
of  the  Department  of  Justice,  which  shows  little  intention  of  push- 
ing prosecutions  against  the  grafters.  There  is  no  doubt  that  there 
is  ample  evidence  to  convict  Beavers.  Machen,  who  was  convicted, 
has  appealed;  he  is  out  on  bail,  and  threatens  exposures  that  will 
drag  down  the  pillars  of  the  Republican  temple  and  involve 
''higher  officials,"  if  the  case  against  him  is  pushed  by  the  Adminis- 
tration. 

SUPPRESSING    INVESTIGATION. 

That  most  of  the  frauds  were  known  to  exist  nearly  four  years 
before  any  steps  were  taken  to  stop  the  looting  is  an  awkward  charge 
facing  the  Administration.  The  first  specific  charges  of  fraud  and 
rottenness  in  the  Post-office  Department  were  made  in  1899  by  Mr. 
Seymour  W.  Tulloch,  for  many  years  cashier  of  the  Washington 
City  Post-office.  The  names  of  competent  witnesses  were  given,  and 
Postmaster-General  Charles  Emory  Smith  was  challenged  to  make 
an  investigation.  These  charges  were  treated  by  him  as  frivolous, 
and  no  steps  were  taken  to  stop  the  frauds  or  to  remove  or  punish 
the  officials  involved.  On  May  26,  1900,  there  was  also  published 
in  the  Washington  Post  an  article  relating  to  the  Tulloch  charges. 
These  charges  have  since  been  more  than  substantiated  by  evidence 
produced,  and  by  the  legal  opinion  of  Messrs.  Conrad  and  Bona- 
parte on  their  investigation  of  the  Tulloch  charges;  yet  the  higher 
officials  involved  have  been  allowed  to  escape  punishment,  either  by 
the  operation  of  the  time  limit  of  the  statute  of  limitations,  or  by 
the  favor  of  those  high  in  Eepublican  councils.  Thomas  W.  Gilmer, 
an  expert  from  the  office  of  the  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury,  while 
investigating  the  accounts  of  one  of  the  principal  bureaus  in  1899, 
was  called  off  and  transferred  to  another  department  and  his  salary 
reduced  for  being  too  zealous.  The  Post-office  inspectors  who  made 
confidential  reports  of  the  rotten  conditions  that  prevailed  were  in- 
formed that  if  they  presumed  too  much  they  would  be  removed. 
Mr.  Bristow  demanded  a  thorough  investigation  of  the  office  of 


The  Postal  Frauds.  223 

First  Assistant  Postmaster-General  Perry  S.  Heath.  That  was  re- 
fused by  Postmaster-General  Smith,  who  by  this  means  allowed  the 
statute  of  limitations  to  run  in  Heath's  favor. 

Postmaster-General  Payne,  although  officially  notified  by  Mr. 
Bristow  and  by  the  reports  of  his  inspectors  of  the  degradation  into 
which  his  department  had  sunk,  persistently  declared,  even  when 
the  Bristow  investigation  had  for  some  time  been  under  way,  that 
there  was  nothing  in  the  charges.  He  designated  the  charges  to  the 
newspaper  men  who  called  on  him  for  information  as  "hot  air,"  and 
told  them  to  "just  say  that  when  the  Postmaster-General  was  asked 
about  them  the  Postmaster- General  laughed."  And  yet  President 
Roosevelt  congratulated  Mr.  Payne  upon  his  zeal  and  energy  in  aid- 
ing in  the  convicting  of  some  of  the  lesser  thieves  and  continues 
him  as  Postmaster-General,  though,  as  is  well  known,  he  had  thrown 
every  obstacle  in  the  way  of  the  investigation. 

Perry  Heath  was  the  secretary  of  the  Republican  National  Com- 
mittee, and  hence,  to  accuse  him  of  grafting  would  damage  the 
Republican  party.  Thus  matters  were  allowed  to  rest  for  over  three 
years;  but  the  charges  were  so  persistently  made  that  at  last  the 
Administration  was  compelled  to  act,  and  the  investigation  under 
Mr.  Bristow  was  ordered. 

Mr.  Tulloch,  who  was  fully  acquainted  with  the  ramifications  of 
the  rottenness  in  the  department,  in  a  statement  of  the  conditions 
that  prevailed,  published  in  the  Washington  Star,  May  1,  1903 — 
good  Republican  authority — said :  "I  doubt,  however,  if  any  one, 
e^ven  those  making  the  investigation,  will  ever  ascertain  or  realize 
all  the  ramifications  of  a  certain  coterie  of  officials,  past  and  pres- 
ent, together  with  their  political  backers  and  participating  friends. 
Very  few  "good  things"  have  lasted  longer,  been  enjoyed  with 
greater  effrontery,  or  been  so  'protected  by  those  high  in  authority 
and  influence." 

The  Bristow  investigation  of  the  rottenness  thus  described,  sub- 
stantiated all  that  Tulloch  had  said  as  far  as  the  investigation 
went,  and  the  Bristow  report  gives  a  summary  of  the  evidence. 

DEMOCRATS    DEMAND    INVESTIGATION. 

Public  opinion  was  so  impressed  with  the  rumors  and  evidence 
of  other  scandals  that  the  Democrats  of  both  Houses  of  Congress 
demanded  a  Congressional  investigation  of  the  whole  Post-office 
Department,  but  the  Republican  leaders,  who  probably  had  intima- 
tions of  the  real  condition  of  affairs,  refused  to  allow  the  passage  of 
the  resolutions  introduced  by  the  Democrats,  and  in  this  they  were 
supported  by  the  practically  unanimous  vote  of  the  Republican  ma- 
jority in  Congress.  The  text  of  the  resolutions  for  investigating, 
and  the  yea  and  nay  votes  thereon,  in  detail,  will  be  found  in  this 
book. 

THE    PRESIDENT'S    ATTITUDE. 

The  Republicans  claim  great  credit  for  exposing  the  rottenness 
in  the  office  of  the  First  Assistant  Postmaster-General  and  of  the 
Assistant  Attorney-General,  but  the  long  delay  that. occurred  before 


224  The  Postal  Frauds. 

the  investigation  was  ordered  makes  it  clear  that  persons  high  in 
authority  were  intent  on  suppressing  all  evidence  of  the  true  state 
of  affairs,  and  that  it  was  only  determined  upon  after  evidence  of 
misdoings  had  been  published  again  and  again,  and  finally  forced  on 
President  Roosevelt' s  attention  by  influential  journals. 

The  evidence  that  either  President  Roosevelt  ignored  the  charges 
that  frauds  and  scandals  existed,  which  were  commonly  talked  of, 
and  had  been  published  in  the  newspapers,  or  that  this  information 
had  been  kept  from  him,  will  be  seen  below  from  his  memorandum 
upon  the  Bristow  report,  forwarded  with  that  report  and  various 
papers  to  the  Postmaster-General,  and  directing  that  they  be  "held 
ready  for  submission  to  Congress  whenever  it  may  choose  to  ask  for 
them."    In  that  memorandum  President  Roosevelt  says : 

"It  appears  that  in  December,  1902,  Postmaster-General  Payne  and 
Congressman  K.  F.  Loud,  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  the  Post-office  and 
Post-roads,  held  various  consultations  regarding  the  postal  service,  and 
as  a  result  of  these  interviews  it  loos  determined  that,  as  soon  as  possible 
after  the  necessary  appropriations  could  be  made  by  the  Congress,  an  in- 
vestigation should  be  made  of  the  service;  both  Messrs.  Payne  and  Loud 
agreeing  as  to  the  need  for  the  investigation  and  the  time  when  it  should 
take  place." 

President  Roosevelt  here  leaves  the  impression  that  he  was  not 
informed  at  that  time  of  any  irregularities,  and  he  evidently  in- 
tended to  emphasize  this  impression,  for  he  further  says : 

"Subsequently,  some  time  in  January,  (1903),  information  was  laid  be- 
fore me  by  Mr.  Seckendorff,  tending  to  show  improper  conduct  by  Beavers, 
general  superintendent  of  the  Division  of  Salaries  and  Allowances,  and 
Machen,  General  Superintendent  of  the  Free-delivery  System;  and  by  Mr. 
William  Allen  White,  tending  to  show  corruption  by  or  under  Tyner,  As- 
sistant Attorney-General  for  the  Post-office  Department.  First  Assistant 
Postmaster-General  Wynne  also  informed  me,  that  he  had  become  sus- 
picious of  the  integrity  of  both  Beavers  and  Machen.  After  full  consulta- 
tion with  Mr.  Payne,  it  was  decided  that  Fourth  Assistant  Postmaster-Gen- 
eral Bristow  should  make  a  thorough  and  exhaustive  investigation  of  the 
charges  in  question,  and  of  all  matters  that  might  be  developed  in  connec- 
tion with  them." 

Did  President  Roosevelt  know  of  the  frauds  before  Mr.  Secken- 
dorff  and  Mr.  White  informed  him  "some  time  in  January,"  1903? 
or  was  he  purposely  kept  in  the  dark  by  Mr.  Payne,  Mr.  Loud,  and 
Congressman  Bromwell,  who,  he  says,  were  the  only  persons  that 
knew  the  reasons  for  the  appropriation,  in  December,  1902  ?  If  the 
three  persons  above-named  kept  such  a  serious  matter  from  the 
President,  is  it  not  extraordinary  that  he  should  retain  confidence 
in  Postmaster-General  Payne,  and  "after  full  consultation"  with 
him,  agree  upon  the  Bristow  investigation,  and  later  congratu- 
late him  upon  the  conviction  of  some  of  those  indicted  ? 

THE    CONRAD-BONAPARTE    REPORT.  .      .» 

On  June  24,  1903,  Messrs.  Holmes  Conrad  and  Charles  J.  Bona- 
parte were  appointed  special  ass:stants  to  the  Attorney-General  to 
prosecute  those  involved  in  the  Post-office  frauds.  On  July  17  they 
were  instructed  "to  take  up  at  once  the  Tulloch  charges"  and  report 
thereon,  "from  a  legal  standpoint."    Their  report  is  an  exhaustive 


The  Postal  Frauds.  225 

one,  and  is  published  with  the  report  of  the  Postmaster-General 
on  the  post-office  investigation. 

The  report  recites  the  history  and  nature  of  the  Tulloch  charges, 
beginning  September,  1898,  with  the  matter  of  the  frauds  in  the 
Washington  post-office,  and  the  investigation  by  Thomas  W.  Gilmer, 
then  an  expert  accountant  in  the  Comptroller's  office,  which  im- 
plicated Heath  and  others.    The  report  then  says : 

"On  July  3,  1899,  Mr.  Tulloch  called  on  Postmaster-General  Charles 
Emory  Smith,  and  presented  to  him  a  letter  from  Senator  W.  E.  Chandler, 
and  then  made  to  him  an  oral  statement  as  to  certain  irregularities  alleged 
to  have  previously  existed  or  to  then  exist  in  the  Post-office  Department 
and  Washington  City  post-office.  No  contemporaneous  written  memoran- 
dum of  this  statement  appears  to  have  been  made. 

"On  July  6,  1899,  Inspector-in-Charge  William  B.  Smith  filed  a  'confiden- 
tial report'  to  Chief  Inspector  W.  E.  Cochran,  'which/  as  he  says,  'sets 
forth  certain  irregularities,  discovered  by  me,  which  in  my  judgment,  in- 
dicate a  condition  of  affairs  demanding  an  immediate,  thorough  and  ex- 
haustive investigation.'  This  report  was  submitted  by  Fourth  Assistant 
Postmaster-General  Bristow  personally  to  the  Postmaster-General,  and  he 
also  caused  to  be  prepared  in  his  office  an  abstract  of  Inspector  Smith's 
report  for  the  latter's  use.  Marginal  notes  in  pencil  are  found  on  the  orig- 
inal of  this  document,  which  are  in  the  handwriting  of  George  W.  Beavers, 
then  Chief  of  the  Salaries  and  Allowances  Division. 

"There  is  on  file  'a  memorandum'  to  Postmaster-General  Smith  in  ex- 
planation of  irregularities  set  forth  in  brief  of  confidential  report  of  In- 
spector-in-Charge Smith,  made  a  few  days  after  the  report  was  filed,  July 
■6,  1899,  at  the  request  of  Postmaster-General  Smith.  This  'memorandum' 
contains  evident  references  to  the  pencil  notes  on  the  'abstract'  in  the 
handwriting  of  George  W.  Beavers;  and  it  is  supposed  at  the  Department 
that  Postmaster-General  Smith  referred  the  'abstract'  to  Messrs.  Heath  and 
Beavers,  and  received  from  them  this  'memorandum'  in  explanation.  The 
papers  on  file  render  this  probable;  but,  in  any  event,  no  action  whatever 
beyond  this  reference  appears  to  have  been  taken  by  the  Post-office  Depart- 
ment on  the  report  made  by  Inspector-in-Charge  Smith  or  the  statement  of 
Mr.  Tulloch." 

Thus  it  is  seen  that  on  July  3,  1S99,  the  Postmaster- General  had 
the  frauds  officially  brought  to  his  attention,  but  took  no  action 
except  to  refer  the  evidence  of  frauds  to  Heath  and  Beavers.  Again, 
the  report  says: 

"On  May  26,  1900,  there  had  been  published  in  the  Washington  Post  an 
article  which  Mr.  Tulloch  says  was  based  on  'information  obtained  inde- 
pendently,' but  seems  to  have  related  to  some  of  the  same  matters  to  which 
he  had  called  attention,  and  appears  to  have  been  regarded  in  the  Depart- 
ment as  inspired  by  him.     He  says  of  this  publication: 

"  'Detailed  charges  at  length  were  made,  the  names  of  competent  wit- 
nesses were  given,  and  Postmaster-General  Charles  Emory  Smith  was  chal- 
lenged to  make  an  investigation.  These  charges  were  treated  as  frivolous 
and  civilly  dismissed  by  the  officials  involved.  They  remain,  however,  un- 
answered to  this  day,  and  may  yet  furnish  matter  for  a  truly  zealous  in- 
vestigation.' 

"Whether  these  statements  are  strictly  accurate  it  is  hardly  within  our 
province  to  consider,  but  certainly  no  investigation,  'truly  zealous*  or 
otherwise,  is  shown  by  the  documents  submitted  to  us  to  have  been  made 
into  the  subject-matter  of  the  above-mentioned  publication.  On  September 
18,  1899,  Mr.  Thomas  W.  Gilmer,  the  expert  accountant  heretofore  men- 
tioned, was  instructed  by  the  Comptroller  not  to  take  up  for  revision  any 
more  accounts  of  the  Washington  or  any  of  the  New  York  post-offices ;  and 
soon  afterwards  he  was  detailed  for  four  months  to  another  division  of  the 


226  The  Postal  Frauds. 

Treasury  Department;  subsequently  his  new  assignment  was  made  perma- 
nent; it  involved  a  reduction  in  salary  of  $200  per  annum 

"On  May  1,  1903,  there  was  published  in  the  Washington  Post  an  inter- 
view with  Mr.  Tulloch,  in  which  the  latter  referred  to  very  grave  irregu- 
larities and  abuses  as  existing  in  the  Department,  and  even  more  notably  in 
the  Washington  post-office  prior  to  his  own  removal,  three  years  and  ten 
months  previously,  and  intimated  a  belief  that  they  had  continued  subse- 
quently, but  gave  no  facts,  and,  indeed,  professed  no  knowledge  as  to  later 
transactions." 

The  publication  of  these  facts  stirred  somebody  to  action,  for  the 
report  says  that  during  May,  1903,  Postmaster-General  Payne  wrote 
to  ex-Postmaster-General  Smith,  ex- Attorney- General  Griggs,  R. 
J.  Tracewell,  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury;  F.  A.  Vanderlip,  late 
Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Treasury ;  Perry  Heath,  late  First  Assist- 
ant Postmaster-General,  and  others,  requesting  explanations  of  the 
charges  made  by  Tulloch.  All  of  these  high  Republican  officials 
failed  completely  to  meet  the  accusations. 

PERRY  HEATH'S  ANSWER. 

In  the  case  of  Perry  Heath  the  report  says : 

"At  least  a  strong  prima  facie  case  is  presented  of  wilful  and  reckless 
disregard  by  the  late  First  Assistant  Postmaster-General  of  obligations 
imposed  upon  him  by  the  regulations  of  his  own  Department,  as  well  as  by 
the  statutes  of  the  United  States ;  and  we  feel  it  our  duty  to  add  that  sus- 
picion of  his  personal  integrity  must  be  inevitably  aroused  in  our  judg- 
ment by  an  impartial  consideration  of  the  facts  submitted  to  us  and  of  his 
plainly  inadequate  explanations." 

THE    GILMER    CASE. 

The  one  honest  man  developed  by  the  investigation  was  Mr. 
Thomas  W.  Gilmer,  expert  accountant  of  the  Comptroller's  office. 
His  honesty  was  sufficient  cause  for  all  the  chief  officials  above  men- 
tioned to  plot  his  undoing.    The  report  says : 

"In  our  opinion  the  treatment  of  Mr.  Gilmer  constitutes  one  of  the 
most  serious  and  significant  features  of  the  situation  developed." 

Mr.  Gilmer  was  engaged  in  uncovering  the  grafting,  and  was, 
therefore,  reported  by  those  high  officials  as  "impolite  and  offensive 
to  other  government  officials  in  the  discharge  of  his  duites  as  an  ex- 
pert accountant/'  "Charges  of  this  nature,"  Comptroller  Tracewell 
says  in  a  letter  dated  May  2,  1903,  "were  made  to  me  by  the  Attor- 
ney-General and  First  Assistant  Postmaster-General."  The  same 
complaints  were  made  to  Vanderlip,  who  was  the  political  power  in 
the  Treasury  Department  under  Secretary  Gage,  and  Gilmer  was 
in  consequence  detailed  to  another  bureau,  where  he  could  not  in- 
terfere with  the  grafters,  and  was  told  that  "it  would  be  best  to 
make  a  written  application  for  a  permanent  transfer."  The  report 
says: 

"While  Mr.  Heath  and  Mr.  Vanderlip  found  in  the  rudeness,  offensive 
manner,  and  discourteous  conduct  of  Mr.  Gilmer,  grounds  which  induced 
the  one  to  complain  and  the  other  to  act  upon  such  complaint  by  removing 
Mr.  Gilmer  from  his  position,  it  will  be  observed  that  neither  Mr.  Griggs 
nor  Mr.  Castle  assign  any  such  grounds  for  their  complaints,  and  Mr. 
Tracewell  himself  has  attested  that    'Mr.  Gilmer  was  a  most  competent, 


•    The  Postal  Frauds.  227 

painstaking  and  industrious  clerk.  In  my  office  he  displayed  none  of  the 
traits  of  character  of  which  these  complaints  were  made,'  and  again,  he 
says:  'His  conduct  in  my  office  had  always  been  exemplary.' 

"It  cannot  be  overlooked  that  no  such  complaints  as  those  made  by  Mr. 
Heath  and  Mr.  Vanderlip  had  ever  been  made  by  anyone  of  Mr.  Gilmer 
prior  to  his  revision  of  the  Postmaster's  account  in  April,  1899;  and  no 
individual  is  referred  to  by  name  who  had  personally  experienced  the  of- 
fensive conduct  here  complained  of. 

"We  have  reached  the  conclusion  and  report  it  as  our  belief  that  it 
was  not  the  manner  of  Mr.  Gilmer,  but  the  unsparing  thoroughness  with 
which  he  discharged  his  duty  in  the  revision  of  the  accounts  of  the  Washing- 
ton post-office  that  led  to  his  punishment,  and  more  especially  to  his  with- 
drawal from  such  work." 

Mr.  Tulloch,  who  made  the  first  formal  charge  that  frauds  were 
being  perpetrated,  was  dismissed  from  the  office  he  had  held  foi;  so 
many  years,  at  the  evident  dictation  of  Perry  Heath. 

SUMMARY    AND    CONCLUSIONS. 

Messrs.  Conrad  and  Bonaparte  arrive  at  the  following  summary 
and  conclusions  on  the  Tulloch  charges : 

"As  a  result  of  the  'Tulloch  Charges,'  and  of  the  considerations  hereia~ 
before  set  forth,  we  have  the  honor  to  report  that,  in  our  judgment: 

"First.     The  discussion  of  the  'Tulloch   charges'  has  revealed  the  ex- 
istence of  deplorable  and   gravely   discreditable  abuses   during  the  years5* 
1898,  and  1900  in  the  Washington  post-office  and  the  office  of  the  First  As- 
sistant Postmaster-General. 

"Second.  These  abuses  involved  conduct  on  the  part  of  various  public- 
officials  which  was  certainly  often  illegal,  and  may  have  been  sometimes 
criminal ;  but  such  offences,  if  committed,  were  in  all  cases  committed  more- 
than  three  years  before  we  were  ordered  to  investigate  the  'charges'  and,, 
so  far  as  we  are  clearly  informed,  more  than  three  years  before  Mr.  Tul~ 
loch's  interview  of  May  1  last. 

"Third.-  The  evidence  laid  before  us  suggests  the  possibility  and  evert 
probability,  but  does  not  prove  that  abuses  may  have  continued  both  in 
the  Department  and  in  the  Post-office  subsequently  to  the  early  Summer 
of  1900,  when  we  lose  sight  of  them,  and  that  in  connection  therewith 
criminal  acts  may  have  been  committed  within  the  period  of  limitations. 

"Fourth.  The  report  of  Inspector  Crowell  and  the  facts  relating  to  the 
claim  of  George  W.  Beavers,  above  set  forth,  indicate  the  possibility  that 
similar  conditions  may  have  existed  both  within  and  beyond  the  period 
of  limitations  in  the  New  York  post-office. 

"Fifth.  The  persons  primarily  responsible  for  the  above  mentioned  abuses 
and  the  resulting  scandals  appear  to  have  been  Perry  S.  Heath,  then  First 
Assistant  Postmaster-General,  and  George  W.  Beavers,  then  chief  of  the 
salaries  and  allowance  division,  neither  of  whom  is  now  in  the  service 
of  the  United  States. 

"Sixth.  Charles  Emory  Smith,  late  Postmaster-General;  James  P.  Wil- 
lett,  late  postmaster  of  Washington,  now  deceased ;  John  A.  Merritt,  his 
successor  in  the  said  post-office  and  its  present  incumbent ;  Robert  J.  Trace- 
well,  Comptroller,  and  Henry  A.  Castle,  Auditor  for  the  Post-office  De- 
partment, all  appear  to  have  shared,  in  some  measure,  their  responsibilities; 
the  late  Postmaster-General  for  his  seeming  failure,  notwithstanding  re- 
peated warnings,  to  appreciate  the  gravity  of  their  misconduct  and  the 
consequent  necessity  for  its  prompt  and  adequate  punishment;  the  two 
postmasters  for  toleration  of  these  abuses  and  obedience  to  plainly  im- 
proper orders  without  exposure,  or,  apparently,  protest,  and  the  Auditor 
and  Comptroller  for  acting  upon  lax  and  arbitrary  principles  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  their  respective  offices,  whereby  the  payment  of  illegal  and 
seemingly  fraudulent  claims  by  the  Treasury  was  rendered  possible. 

"Seventh.     The  employment  of  subordinates  in  post-offices  about  to  be- 


228  The  Postal  Frauds. 

come  classified  for  the  purpose  of  thus  securing  their  admission  without 
examination  into  the  classified  service  was  a  practice  in  fraudulent  legis, 
and  officials  guilty  of  it  thereby  established  their  own  unfitness  for  public 
employment. 

"Eighth.  The  employment  of  so-called  'laborers'  to  do  'classified*  work 
was  clearly  illegal  and,  under  the  express  directions  of  the  civil-service 
rules,  to  be  punished  by  dismissal  from  office. 

"Ninth.  An  agreement  by  any  public  officer  with  any  person,  whether 
in  or  out  of  the  public  service  at  the  time,  that  the  latter  shall  receive 
the  emoluments  of  public  employment  to  the  Government,  constitutes  a 
conspiracy  to  defraud  the  United  States  and,  if  followed  by  any  overt 
act,  tending  to  its  accomplishment  by  any  of  the  parties,  renders  all  of 
them  responsible  under  the  terms  of  the  United  States  Revised  Statutes, 
section  5440. 

"Tenth.  The  detail  of  Thomas  W.  Gilmer  to  different  work  of  a  lower 
grade  and  at  a  reduced  compensation  by  F.  A.  Vanderlip,  then  Acting 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  under  all  the  circumstances  attending  it,  was 
apparently  unjust  and  oppressive,  and  certainly  disastrous  to  the  public 
interest,  since  it  would  be  generally  and  naturally  understood  by  those 
cognizant  of  it  as  a  punishment  inflicted  on  a  faithful  public  servant  who 
had,  by  the  honest  discharge  of  his  duty  incurred  the  enmity  of  active 
and  influential  politicians.  It  seems  to  have  been  preceded  by  no  suf- 
ficient inquiry  oa  the  part  of  Acting  Secretary  Vanderlip,  and  would 
render  proper  an  investigation  of  the  latter's  conduct  were  he  still  in  the 
public  service. 

"Eleventh.  While  we  express  no  opinion  as  to  the  propriety  of  Seymour 
W.  Tulloch's  removal  from  the  office  of  cashier  by  Postmaster  Merritt,  the 
precipitancy  and  discourtesy  shown  by  the  latter  in  effecting  this  removal 
seem  to  have  been  without  justification  and  tend  to  cast  grave  doubt  upon 
the  good  faith  of  his  explanation  of  the  removal." 

The  full  Conrad  and  Bonaparte  report  from  which  the  above 
summary  is  taken,  was  published  with  the  report  of  the  Postmaster- 
General  in  the  matter  of  the  investigation  of  the  Post-office  Depart- 
ment dated  December  15,  1903. 

The  John  A.  Merritt,  mentioned  in  the  sixth  paragraph  above, 
has  been  reappointed  Postmaster  at  Washington  by  President  Eoose- 
velt  since  the  Conrad-Bonaparte  report  was  published. 


EXTRACTS     FROM     REPORT     OF     FOURTH     ASSISTANT 

POSTMASTER-GENERAL    J.    L.    BR1STOW    ON 

THE    POSTAL    INVESTIGATION. 

SUPPLY   DIVISION. 

On  April  17,  1897,  Michael  W.  Louis,  of  Cincinnati,  was  ap- 
pointed cashier  in  the  Kansas  City,  Mo.,  post-office,  and  was  detailed 
to  the  department  as  acting  superintendent  of  the  supply  division. 
The  Civil  Service  Commission  was  asked  to  except  the  position  from 
the  classified  service.  This  the  Commission  declined;  but  in  July 
following  it  did  give  a  special  examination,  allowing  Louis  a  rating 
of  50  points  for  experience  acquired  during  the  three  months  he 
had  been  in  charge  of  the  division.  As  a  result  of  this  rating 
Louis  passed  a  successful  examination  and  was  appointed 


The  Postal  Frauds.  229 

Contract  for  Canceling  Ink. — Shortly  after  Louis  was  placed  in 
charge  of  post-office  supplies  the  contract  for  canceling  ink  was 
awarded  to  Ault  &  Wiborg  Company,  of  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  at  24 
cents  per  pound,  4  cents  higher  than  other  bids.  Much  of  the  ink 
furnished  by  the  new  contractors  was  of  inferior  quality,  but  instead 
of  being  returned  to  the  company  it  was  paid  for  and  burned  or 
thrown  away  on  the  city  dump.  During  the  fiscal  year  51,000 
pounds  of  canceling  ink  were  bought  from  the  Ault  &  Wiborg 
Company,  costing  $14,387.52,  while  during  the  previous  year  but 
20,000  pounds  had  been  used,  at  a  cost  of  $4,302.65. 

For  the  fiscal  year  1898-99  no  contract  was  awarded  for  cancel- 
ing ink,  and  from  March,  1899,  until  the  beginning  of  the  fiscal 
year  1902-3,  Louis  bought  canceling  ink  from  the  Ault  &  Wiborg 
Company  at  30  cents  per  pound,  6  cents  higher  than  the  last  com- 
petitive bid,  10  cents  higher  than  was  paid  before  Louis  became 
superintendent,  and  from  4  to  9  cents  higher  than  present  cost. 

Inking  Pads. — For  the  fiscal  year  beginning  July  1,  1898,  upon 
false  statements  of  Louis  the  contract  for  inking  pads  was  awarded 
to  W.  C.  Long,  at  15  cents  each,  in  preference  to  14-cent  pads  offered 
by  Herman  Baumgarten.  Long  was  not  a  manufacturer,  so  be 
bought  an  inferior  pad  from  Baumgarten  at  12 J  cents  each.  Long 
received  a  net  "rake  off"  of  $1,625  on  the  year's  business. 

For  the  fiscal  year  1900-1901,  M.  D.  Helm  had  the  contract  for 
twine  at  $10.95  per  hundred  pounds;  for  the  following  fiscal  year 
the  price  dropped  to  $7.45.  During  the  closing  months  of  the  year 
1901  when  the  price  Of  twine  was  $10.95,  and  after  the  contract 
had  been  given  for  the  succeeding  year  at  $7.45,  Louis  bought  large 
quantities  of  twine  at  $10.95,  which  was  carried  over  into  the  next 
fiscal  year. 

PURCHASE    OF    MANIFOLD    BOOKS. 

On  June  1,  1902,  Louis  Kempner  became  superintendent  of  the 
registry  system,  and  under  his  administration  books  made  by  the 
General  Manifold  Company  have  been  used  in  a  lavish  manner. 
The  original  proposition  was  to  furnish  a  book  containing  500  re- 
ceipts for  22 J  cents  each.  This  book,  however,  was  never  used,  kit 
in  its  stead  a  book  containing  1,000  receipts,  which  cost  $1.10. 

Prior  to  Kempner' s  appointment  as  superintendent  of  the  registry 
system,  manifold  books  were  not  furnished  to  offices  where  less  than 
2,000  pieces  of  registered  mail  were  handled  per  annum.  Kempner 
disregarded  this  rule  and  sent  these  expensive  manifold  books  to 
third  and  fourth  class  offices.  The  books  are  made  of  material  re- 
quiring careful  handling,  yet  they  have  been  sent  to  hundreds  of 
offices  throughout  the  country  that  are  kept  in  small  country  stores 
and  farmhouses  where  not  more  than  25  pieces  of  mail  are  registered! 
in  a  year. 

The  result  has  been  that  the  cost  of  manifold  supplies  for  the 
fiscal  year  1902-3  was  $84,768.85,  as  against  $41,499.24  for  the 
fiscal  year  1901,  when  supplied  by  the  Public  Printer,  an  increase 
of  $43,269.61.  After  the  books  were  once  adopted  for  general  use  the 
company  advanced*  the  prices. 


230  The  Postal  Frauds. 


MONEY-ORDER    SYSTEM. 

For  supplying  the  money-order  forms  for  four  years  from  Sep- 
tember 4,  1903,  the  bid  of  Paul  Herman  was  $44,948  less  than  that 
of  the  Wynkoop  Hallenbeck  Crawford  Company.  James  T.  Met- 
calf, Superintendent  of  the  Money  Order  System,  asked  Herman  to 
withdraw  his  bid  so  that  the  Hallenbeck  Company,  where  his  son 
was  employed,  would  get  the  contract.  He  assured  Herman  that  if 
he  did  so  he  would  have  him  reinstated  in  the  position  he  formerly 
held  with  that  company.  Metcalf  knew  that  such  withdrawal  would 
cost  the  Department  about  $45,000. 

Mailing  Books. — In  1899,  upon  Metcalf  s  recommendation,  the 
Wynkoop  Hallenbeck  Crawford  Company  was  given  the  contract  to 
ship  the  money-order  books  to  postmasters,  for  which  it  was  to  re- 
ceive 3£  cents  per  book.  Afterwards,  upon  Metcalf's  recommenda- 
tion, the  price  was  increased  to  4-J  cents. 

It  was  further  discovered  by  the  investigation  that  Metcalf's 
son,  who  is  employed  by  the  company,  was  receiving  1  1-6  cents  per 
book  for  all  of  the  books  shipped  by  the  company  under  this  arrange- 
ment. From  December,  1899,  to  May,  1903,  he  was  paid  $9,547.17 
in  addition  to  his  legitimate  salary. 

Inferior  Paper  Used. — The  investigation  shows  that  inferior 
paper  was  being  used  in  the  printing  of  the  forms,  and  that  Met- 
calf knew  this  fact,  but  made  no  effort  to  require  the  company  to 
adhere  to  the  specifications  in  respect  to  paper. 

Metcalf  made  other  unjustifiable  and  reckless  changes  in  dealing 
with  the  Wynkoop  Hallenbeck  Crawford  Company,  which  resulted 
in  loss  to  the  Department  of  nearly  $30,000. 

DIVISION    OF    FREE    DELIVERY. 

August  W.  Machen  was  appointed  in  the  Free-Delivery  Service 
May  6,  1893.  He  was  dismissed  May  27  last.  It  will  be  observed, 
therefore,  that  his  service  in  the  Department  covered  a  period  of  ten 
years.  The  story  of  his  official  record  is  an  interesting  study,  and 
probably  has  no  parallel  in  the  history  of  the  postal  service. 

An  examination  of  his  correspondence  during  the  Cleveland  Ad- 
ministration shows  that  he  posed  at  that  time  as  a  strong  and  aggres- 
sive Democrat,  frequently  injecting  political  remarks  into  letters  of 
an  official  character.  But  during  the  closing  days  of  that  Adminis- 
tration he  very  skilfully. shifted,  and  after  the  4th  of  March,  1897, 
became  greatly  interested  in  the  welfare  of  the  McKinley  Adminis- 
tration. He  acquired  new  associates,  and  was  quite  successful  in 
establishing  intimate  relations  with  men  who  were  influential  in  the 
White  House. 

No  story  can  give  so  clear  an  idea  of  Machen' s  methods  of  admin- 
istration as  a  simple  statement  of  facts. 

CARRIERS'    TRAPS.. 

On  September  16,  1893,  four  days  after  Machen  became  super- 
intendent of  free  delivery,  he  wrote  the  First  Assistant  Postmaster- 
General  recommending  that  leather  straps  be  substituted  for  twine 


The  Postal  Frauds.  231 

used  by  letter-carriers  in  tying  up  their  mail,  stating  that  to  equip 
the  service  would  not  cost  more  than  $1,750  a  year.  The  recom- 
mendation was  approved,  and  Machen  ordered  several  thousand 
straps  from  George  D.  Lamb,  of  New  Haven,  Conn.  Up  to  the  time 
of  Machen's  removal  over  1,000,000  straps  had  been  purchased,  at  a 
cost  of  $137,217.39,  or  over  $14,000  a  year. 

On  July  24,  1900,  the  postmaster  at  Worcester,  Mass.,  wrote  the 
Department  asking  permission  to  buy  carriers'  straps  from  a  local 
dealer,  stating  that  he  could  buy  them  for  about  half  the  price  the 
Department  was  paying.  Machen  refused  this  request,  stating: 
"The  straps  for  this  year  were  purchased  of  Mr.  George  D.  Lamb, 
in  accordance  with  contract  with  this  office." 

This  bold  statement  was  made  in  the  face  of  the  fact  that  no  con- 
tract had  ever  been  made,  Machen  buying  the  straps  from  Lamb  at 
a  price  fixed  by  a  verbal  agreement  between  them. 

George  D.  Lamb  is  now  dead  and  the  business  is  conducted  by 
George  B.  B.  Lamb,  his  son,  who  advised  the  inspectors  that  he 
knew  nothing  of  the  details  of  his  father's  arrangement  with  Ma- 
chen, but  that  a  man  named  W.  C.  Long  appeared  at  his  father's 
office  at  regular  intervals  and  collected  2-J  cents  for  every  strap  fur- 
nished. During  the  nine  years  that  these  straps  were  used  Lamb 
paid  Long  contributions  aggregating  about  $30,000,  a  part  of  which 
has  been  traced  into  Machen's  hands. 

CARRIERS'    SATCHELS. 

Carriers'  satchels  are  purchased  under  four-year  contracts. 

Boyle  Contract. — On  June  25,  1894,  a  contract  was  executed  with 
John  Boyle  &  Co.,  of  New  York,  for  furnishing  these  satchels,  be- 
ginning July  1,  1894.  The  shoulder  strap  was  a  part  of  the  satchel 
to  be  furnished  by  the  contractor.  On  August  18,  1894,  Machen 
wrote  the  company  that  straps  would  be  furnished  them  by  George 
D.  Lamb.  During  the  life  of  the  contract,  20,784  shoulder  straps 
were  furnished  Boyle  &  Co.,  upon  which  Long  and  Machen  received 
2-J  cents  each. 

The  Boyle  contract  expired  June  30,  1898,  and  that  year  Machen 
awarded  the  contract  to  Leopold  J.  Stern,  of  Baltimore,  a  dealer 
in  plumbers'  supplies.  The  specifications  called  for  a  satchel  with 
leather  strap  minutely  described,  the  same  as  the  contract  with 
Boyle  &  Co.  Yet  Stern  was  supplied  with  55,700  shoulder  straps. 
Lamb  continued  to  pay  Long  a  bonus  on  the  straps,  and  Stern  paid 
for  being  relieved  from  furnishing  them. 

Machen,  Stern  and  Long  were  indicted  on  July  31,  1903,  by  the 
Federal  grand  jury  in  the  District  of  Columbia  for  conspiracy  to 
defraud. 

Crawford  Contract. — On  June  30,  1902,  the  contract  with  Stern 
expired,  and  a  new  contract  was  entered  into  for  a  period  of  four 
years  from  that  date  with  the  Postal  Device  and  Lock  Company  of 
New  York,  represented  by  William  G.  Crawford,  of  Washing- 
ton, D.  C. 

Before  the  bids  were  opened  Crawford  enlisted  the  services  of 


232  The  Postal  Frauds. 

George  E.  Lorenz,  of  Toledo,  Ohio,  to  aid  him  in  securing  the 
contract.  An  agreement  was  entered  into  between  Lorenz  and 
Crawford  whereby  Lorenz  was  to  receive  a  specific  amount  on  each 
satchel  as  his  share  of  the  profits,  and  he  was  to  furnish  the  straps. 
An  analysis  of  the  accounts  shows  that  the  money  which  was  paid 
to  Lorenz  by  Crawford  was  subdivided  between  Lorenz,  Machen  and 
Crawford.  Machen  and  Lorenz  each  received  37£  per  cent,  and 
Crawford  25  per  cent.  The  straps  which  Lorenz  agreed  to  provide 
were  never  furnished  by  him,  but  by  Machen,  and  paid  for  by  the 
Department. 

This  was  probably  the  most  skilful  and  complex  scheme  invented 
by  any  of  the  "postal  grafters."  It  consisted  of  a  double  conspiracy : 
First,  Lorenz  and  Machen  conspired  with  Crawford  to  defraud  the 
Government  out  of  the  price  of  the  straps ;  then  Crawford  conspired 
with  Machen  and  Lorenz  to  defraud  his  own  company  out  of  the 
profits  on  the  manufacture  of  the  satchels,  while  on  the  side  was 
Long  and  Machen  receiving  a  "graft"  on  straps  from  Lamb. 

GROFF    FASTENERS. 

The  Groff  fastener  is  a  patented  device  for  attaching  street  letter 
boxes  to  posts.  No  contract  was  ever  executed  for  these  fasteners. 
They  were  bought  by  Machen  direct.  This  method  of  attaching 
letter  boxes  was  not  a  necessity,  and  in  many  places  postmasters 
did  not  consider  it  satisfactory.  The  cost  of  the  manufacture 
of  the  patent  fastener  was  25  cents  each.  For  many  years  the  De- 
partment paid  $1.50,  but  the  price  was  afterwards  reduced  to  $1.25. 

Of  the  $128„651.25  that  during  eight  years  has  been  paid  the 
Groffs  by  the  Department,  Machen  and  Lorenz  have  received  about 
$51,460. 

The  Groffs,  Machen,  and  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Lorenz  were  indicted  by 
the  Federal  grand  jury  in  the  District  of  Columbia  on  June  5,  8 
and  22,  1903,  for  conspiracy  to  defraud  and  the  offering  and  receiv- 
ing of  bribes. 

PAINTING    OF    STREET    LETTER    BOXES. 

In  1897  Machen  made  a  verbal  arrangement  with  John  T.  Cup- 
per, of  Lockhaven,  Pa.,  to  paint  all  of  the  letter  boxes  in  the  United 
States,  allowing  him  25  cents  each  on  the  posts,  50  cents  each  for 
the  letter  boxes,  and  $1  for  the  package  boxes ;  if  the  work  was  done 
by  a  local  painter  Cupper  was  to  furnish  the  material  and  receive 
38  cents  for  each  letter  box  and  75  cents  for  each  package  box. 

The  manufacturers  of  letter  boxes  by  the  term^  of  the  contract 
were  required  to  paint  the  boxes  at  the  factory,  but,  regardless  of 
this  provision,  Cupper  was  ordered  in  July,  1900,  to  paint  all  the 
letter  boxes  at  the  factory  where  they  were  made,  and  he  was  paid 
$16,227.50  for  this  work. 

Inquiry  from  about  five  hundred  free-delivery  offices  shows  that 
the  expense  of  painting  letter  boxes  for  the  six  years  prior  to 
Machen's  agreement  with  Cupper  was  29£  cents  each.  Since  Ma- 
chen's  removal  the  boxes  have  been  painted  in  thirty-eight  cities, 


The  Postal  Frauds.  233 

the  average  cost  per  letter  box  being  28.7  cents,  package  boxes  51 
cents,  and  posts  9  cents  each. 

Cupper,  when  first  interrogated,  denied  that  he  had  ever  paid 
anyone  a  part  of  the  money  he  received  for  painting  letter  boxes. 
Later  when  he  was  confronted  with  drafts  which  he  had  paid  to 
W.  C.  Long,  he  admitted  that  he  had  paid  him  10  cents  per  box  on 
every  box  painted,  or  about  $20,000  during  the  last  five  years. 
Part  of  this  money  has  been  traced  to  Machen. 

When  the  system  of  carrier  registration  was  adopted,  Machen  con- 
ceived the  idea  that  the  carriers  needed  a  small  case  in  which  to 
carry  the  registration  book.  He  bought  these  cases  from  Maurice 
Eunkle,  of  New  York,  and  Charles  E.  Smith,  of  Baltimore,  Md., 
without  competitive  bid.  On  October  30,  1902,  21,000  had  been 
ordered,  though  at  that  time  there  were  but  11,000  rural  carriers 
in  the  service. 

Eunkle  was  not  a  leather  manufacturer,  but  a  dealer  in  clothing. 
He  received  from  the  Department  90  cents  each  for  the  cases  and 
had  them  made  by  leather  manufacturers,  paying  from  25  to  28 
cents  each.  The  21,000  cases  cost  Eunkle  $5,831.96,  while  the  Gov- 
ernment paid  him  $18,906.30,  making  him  a  profit  of  $13,074.34. 
Eunkle  paid  Machen  $2,450  for  worthless  mining  stock  and  also 
gave  McGregor,  a  clerk  in  Machen's  office,  certain  sums  of  money. 

Machen,  Eunkle  and  McGregor  were  indicted  by  the  Federal 
grand  jury  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  on  July  31,  1903,  for  con- 
spiring to  defraud. 

v  Charles  E.  Smith  Cases. — The  cases  alleged  to  be  for  city  delivery 
were  bought  of  Charles  E.  Smith,  of  Baltimore,  Md.  They  were 
exactly  the  same  as  the  Eunkle  cases  in  construction.  C.  Ellsworth 
Upton,  an  employee  under  McGregor  in  the  free-delivery  division, 
took  up  with  Smith  the  matter  of  supplying  these  ca*ses.  Upton 
submitted  to  him  a  sample  case  and  Smith  told  him  he  could  fur- 
nish them  for  50  or  60  cents  each.  Upton  told  him  to  make  a  pro- 
posal to  Machen  at  90  cents,  which  he  did ;  and  20,000  cases  were 
bought  from  him  at  that  price.  Smith  states  that  the  profit  on  all 
the  cases  he  furnished  was  $11,450,  and  that  this  amount  was  di- 
vided as  follows : 

Machen    $4,000 

McGregor    2,000 

Upton    2,000 

Smith 3,450 

Upton  and  McGregor  were  indicted  in  Baltimore  on  June  25, 
1903,  for  conspiracy  to  defraud. 

STREET    LETTER    BOXES. 

One  of  the  most  important  contracts  for  free-delivery  supplies 
is  that  for  street  letter  boxes.  These  contracts  are  let  periodically, 
every  four  years.  In  February,  1893,  the  contract  was  awarded  to 
Maybury  &  Ellis,  of  Detroit,  Mich.  Machen  became  Superintendent 
of  Free  Delivery  in  the  following  September,  six  months  after  the 
contract  had  been  executed. 


234  The  Postal  Frauds. 

Maybury  states  that  not  many  months  after  Machen's  appoint- 
ment, Eugene  D.  Scheble,  a  dentist  of  Toledo,  Ohio,  called  on  him 
and  interested  him  in  a  patent  he  had  acquired  for  a  new  letter  box. 
Maybury  agreed  to  give  Scheble  a  25  per  cent,  interest  in  the  con- 
tract which  he  then  held.  Maybury,  when  asked  why  he  gave 
Scheble  an  interest  in  this  contract,  stated  that  he  thought  there 
was  merit  in  Scheble' s  box,  and  that  it  might  in  the  future  become  a 
troublesome  competitor. 

During  the  first  year,  that  is,  before  Scheble  had  interested  him- 
self in  the  contract,  there  were  2,740  boxes  ordered,  for  which  the 
Department  paid  $8,189.40.  Maybury' s  profits,  as  near  as  can  be 
estimated,  amounted  to  $3,425  on  that  year's  business.  During 
the  second  year,  after  Scheble  became  interested,  16,400  boxes  were 
ordered,  at  a  cost  of  $52,526.25.  The  total  profit  of  the  second 
year's  business  was  $20,500,  of  which  Maybury  received  three- 
fourths,  or  $15,375,  and  Scheble  one-fourth,  or  $5,215. 

In  1897,  when  a  new  contract  was  to  be  made,  the  box  which 
Maybury  had  acquired  from  Scheble,  known  as  the  Scheble  box,  was 
the  one  selected,  and,  as  a  result,  Maybury  &  Ellis  were  required  to 
give  him  a  50  per  cent,  interest  in  the  new  contract.  The  evidence 
Bhows  that  Scheble  remitted  one-half  of  the  profits  in  this  contract 
to  Machen. 

One  Solomon  C.  Wynn  submitted  a  proposal  to  furnish  the  vari- 
ous sized  boxes  at  $1.75,  $2.25  and  $2.75,  as  against  the  Scheble 
box  at  $2.60,  $3.25  and  $5.25  each.  Wynn,  therefore,  became  an 
embarrassing  competitor.  But  Machen  was  equal  to  the  occasion; 
he  stated  to  Postmaster-General  Wilson  that  he  had  a  cousin,  Ar- 
nold J.  J.  Machen,  of  Toledo,  Ohio,  who  was  interested  with  Wynn 
in  this  box,  and  that  he  did  not  think  it  proper  for  the  contract  to 
be  awarded  io  a  firm  in  which  a  relative  of  the  Superintendent  of 
Free  Delivery  was  financially  interested.  The  Postmaster-General 
evidently  was  impressed  by  the  unselfish  devotion  of  Machen  to  the 
public  interests,  for  Wynn's  bid  was  discarded,  though  in  so  doing 
the  cost  of  letter  boxes  during  the  contract  period  was  increased 
$51,553.80.  The  profits  on  this  contract  to  Maybury  &  Ellis  aggre- 
gated something  over  $53,000,  half  of  which  was  given  to  Scheble, 
which  the  evidence  indicates  was  divided  equally  with  Machen. 

During  the  past  four  years  27,000  letter  boxes  have  been  dis- 
tributed on  rural  routes.  They  are  unnecessary,  since  every  farmer's 
letter  box  serves  the  purpose  of  both  a  deposit  and  a  collection  box. 
Postmasters  wrote  frequently  stating  that  the  boxes  were  of  no  use, 
that  in  many  of  them  there  was  not  a  letter  deposited  once  a  month. 
Nevertheless  Machen  continued  to  have  them  erected,  and  during 
the  last  four  years  over  $70,000  has  been  paid  for  letter  boxes  on 
rural  routes. 

PACKAGE  BOXES. 

The  large  boxes  fastened  to  the  letter-box  posts  or  other  supports 
are  styled  package  boxes.  They  were  first  contracted  for  in  1893. 
Isaac  McGiehan  was  the  real  contractor  at  that  time  and  has  been 
since. 


The  Postal  Frauds.  235 

In  1897  Solomon  C.  Wynn,  whose  bid  for  letter  boxes  was  thrown 
out  upon  the  fiction  that  Machen  had  a  cousin  interested  with  him, 
was  also  a  bidder  on  package  boxes,  and  offered  to  supply  them  for 
$3.50  each.  But  the  bid  was  set  aside  with  five  others,  ranging 
in  price  from  $4  to  $8  per  box,  and  the  contract  given  to  McGiehan 
at  $10.80.  The  evidence  shows  that  McGiehan  paid  Machen  a 
"royalty"  of  50  cents  a  box.  McGiehan  and  Machen  have  both 
been  indicted. 

THE    MONTAGUE    INDICATOR. 

The  Montague  Indicator  is  a  device  attached  to  street  letter  boxes 
showing  the  hours  of  collection.  It  was  promoted  by  W.  W.  Mon- 
tague, Postmaster  at  San  Francisco,  Cal.,  and  D.  S.  Richardson,  a 
cashier  in  that  office. 

A  company  was  organized  in  1899  with  a  capital  stock  of 
$100,000,  consisting  of  20,000  shares,  par  value  $5.  Immediately 
after  the  company  was  organized,  Richardson  and  James  W.  Erwin, 
at  that  time  a  post-office  inspector,  visited  Washington  for  the  pur- 
pose of  securing  the  adoption  of  the  device  by  the  Post-office  Depart- 
ment. Richardson  consulted  George  W.  Beavers,  who  told  him  that 
to  insure  success  he  ought  to  distribute  stock  among  the  officials  who 
had  charge  of  the  matter.  Acting  upon  this  suggestion  Richardson 
gave  Machen  1,000  shares  of  the  stock,  who  requested  that  it  be 
issued  in  the  name  of  H.  G.  Seger,  and  Beavers  2,000  shares  that 
were  issued  in  the  name  of  Richardson.  A  short  time  after  this 
gratuitous  distribution  of  stock  an  order  was  given  for  7,000  indi- 
cators, at  $4.25  each. 

Seger,  in  whose  name  the  stock  donated  to  Machen  was  issued, 
says  he  bought  this  stock  from  Machen  and  paid  him  $1,200  for  it. 
There  is  a  mystery  about  the  true  ownership  of  the  2,000  shares 
given  to  Beavers.  It  was  issued  in  the  name  of  D.  S.  Richardson, 
and  at  Beavers's  suggestion  assigned  to  John  R.  McDonough.  The 
first  dividend,  consisting  of  $120,  was  forwarded  to  Beavers  Febru- 
ary 6,  1901,  and  acknowledged  by  him  in  the  following  letter 

Personal.]  Washington,  February  20,  1901. 

My  Dear  Mr.  Richardson:  Yours  of  February  6,  with  inclosure,  duly 
received.  I  will  hold  the  papers  in  your  name  for  the  present  until  some- 
thing decisive  is  known.  I  am  glad  to  know  that  the  matter  promises  so 
well.  I  have  not  seen  Mr.  Heath,  but  will  make  another  effort  to-day.  He 
is  mighty  hard  to  locate  just  now,  being  busy  on  national  committee  mat- 
ters.    Give  my  regards  to  all  inquiring  friends,  and  believe  me, 

Very  truly  yours,  G.  W.  Beavers, 

Superintendent. 
Mr.  D.  S.  Richardson, 

Room  7,  Mills  Building,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 

This  was  in  February,  1901,  and  the  stock  was  still  in  Richard- 
son's name,  and  apparently  in  Beavers's  possession.  In  August, 
1902,  Beavers  again  wrote : 

Personal.]  Washington,  August  21,  1902. 

Dear  Richardson:     Our  friend  in  Salt  Lake  wants  the  inclosed  stock 


236  The  Postal  Frauds. 

drawn  in  the  name  of  Edwin  B.  Bacon.    Kindly  issue  new  certificates  and 
have  these  destroyed.    Forward  same  to  me  by  registered  mail. 

Yours,  very  truly.  G.  W.  Beavers. 

Mr.  D.  S.  Richardson, 

Care  Postmaster,  San  Francisco,  Cal. 

These  letters  were  secured  from  Kichardson  by  the  inspectors. 
On  the  face  of  the  last  letter  is  indorsed  in  lead  pencil  in  the  hand- 
writing of  R.  H.  E.  Esprey,  secretary  of  the  company :  "Editor 
Salt  Lake  Tribune/'  and  on  the  back,  "133  S.  West  Temple"  and 
"9th  E.  and  Brigham,"  the  first  being  Perry  S.  Heath's  office  ad- 
dress and  the  second  his  home  at  that  time.  The  "inclosed  stock" 
referred  to  in  the  last  letter  consisted  of  1,000  of  the  shares  given 
to  Beavers  on  December  27,  1899. 

Edwin  B.  Bacon  is  a  citizen  of  Louisville,  Ky.,  Heath's  uncle 
by  marriage,  and  said  to  be  one  of  his  most  intimate  friends.  This 
1,000  shares  issued  to  Edwin  B.  Bacon  was  returned  to  the  company 
anonymously  in  a  blank  envelope  after  this  investigation  began. 
Bacon  states  that  he  never  saw  the  stock,  and  did  not  know  that  it 
was  in  existence.  Heath  refused  to  make  a  written  statement,  but 
stated  verbally  to  Inspector  Simmons  that  he  never  heard  of  the 
stock,  and  had  no  interest  in  the  company  directly  or  indirectly. 

The  evidence  in  this  case  was  submitted  to  the  United  States  At- 
torney for  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  Beavers,  Machen  and  Er- 
win  were  indicted  on  September  8,  1903,  for  conspiracy  to  defraud 
the  Government.  The  District  Attorney  decided  that  the  evidence 
against  Health  was  not  sufficient  to  justify  his  indictment. 

RURAL    CARRIERS'    BADGES. 

Charles  J.  Heller,  of  Philadelphia,  who  furnishes  badges  for  rural 
carriers,  receiving  50  cents  each,  was  required  to  give  Machen  10 
per  cent,  on  the  gross  sales,  amounting  to  $767.55  in  three  years. 

DIVISION    OF    SALARIES    AND    ALLOWANCES. 

In  August,  1897,  George  W.  Beavers  was  appointed  chief  of  the 
salary  and  allowance  division.  Beavers's  methods  have  been  reck- 
less and  without  rule  or  regularity.  Increases  of  allowances  for 
clerk  hire  in  post-offices  were  made  as  matters  of  favor  regardless  of 
the  necessities  of  the  service.  Promotions  were  frequently  made 
without  consideration  of  the  merits  of  the  clerk  promoted.  Long- 
time leases  for  post-office  premises  were  canceled  and  the  rent  in- 
creased upon  the  recommendation  of  prominent  political  leaders, 
sometimes  without  regard  to  the  rental  value  of  the  premises. 

Sale  of  Promotions. — Otto  F.  Weis,  a  clerk  in  the  New  York 
post-office  and  an  intimate  friend  of  Beavers,  and  officer  of  the  Post- 
office  Clerks'  Association,  according  to  his  own  .story,  collected  from 
$8,000  to  $10,000  from  clerks  upon  the  pretense  that  it  was  to  be 
used  in  securing  favorable  legislation. 

Many  of  the  clerks  in  the  New  York  and  Jersey  City  Post-offices 
stated  under  oath  that  they  had  contributed  to  Weis's  legislative 
fund  under  the  promise  of  promotion.    Frank  C.  Hay,  a  clerk  in 


The  Postal  Frauds.  237 

the  Jersey  City  Post-office,  states  that  Weis  told  him  this  money 
was  to  be  paid  to  Beavers  after  deducting  the  expenses  for  collect- 
ing. 

CLERK    HIRE. 

The  appropriations  for  clerk  hire  are  made  under  two  heads :  "For 
compensation  of  clerks  in  first  and  second  class  post-offices"  and 
"For  separating  mails  at  third  and  fourth  class  post-offices." 

The  amount  allowed  to  third  and  fourth  class  offices  is  based  upon 
the  number  of  pieces  of  mail  handled  in  transit.  This  appropria- 
tion, averaging  over  a  million  dollars  annually,  has  been  distributed 
by  Beavers  largely  by  personal  favor.  If  a  Senator,  Member  of  Con- 
gress, or  any  prominent  politician  whom  Beavers  was  anxious  to 
please  requested  an  increase  in  the  clerk  hire  allowed  a  postmaster, 
Beavers  would  comply,  regardless  of  the  merits  of  the  case. 

Offices  of  First  and  Second  Classes. — It  was,  however,  in  offices 
of  the  first  and  second  classes  that  Beavers  reached  his  climax  of 
reckless  and  criminal  waste  in  the  matter  of  clerk  hire.  Clerks  were 
appointed  in  post-offices  when  they  were  not  needed.  Promotions 
were  made  without  consulting  the  postmasters.  Clerks  were  placed 
upon  the  rosters  of  post-offices  and  paid  when  no  service  was  ren- 
dered. Changes  were  made  in  the  title  of  clerks  or  employees  in 
offices  in  order  to  increase  their  salary,  while  the  duties  performed 
would  remain  the  same. 

In  five  first-class  offices  assistant  postmasters  have  been  designated 
as  cashiers  for  the  sole  purpose  of  giving  them  larger  salaries  than 
they  were  entitled  to  under  the  law.  Forty-eight  clerks  at  first- 
class  post-offices  have  been  receiving  salaries  of  from  $100  to  $400 
per  annum  in  excess  of  what  they  were  entitled  to. 

Maurice  Hooker  was  appointed  a  laborer  in  the  post-office  at  Fre- 
donia,  N.  Y.,  at  $400  per  annum,  on  January  1,  1902,  and  though 
he  did  no  work  in  the  office  he  drew  pay  until  June  30,  1903, 
amounting  to  $600.  He  employed  a  substitute  for  part  of  the  time 
at  an  expense  of  $150. 

At  Fredonia,  N.  Y.,  on  October  11,  1898,  the  postmaster  was  di- 
rected to  appoint  Frank  P.  Ball  as  laborer,  at  a  salary  of  $600  per 
annum,  which  he  did ;  and  Ball  was  carried  on  the  rolls  at  that  rate 
from  October  12,  1898,  to  December  31,  1902,  and  paid  $2,532.07, 
for  which  he  rendered  no  service  whatever,  being  engaged  most  of 
the  time  in  the  ticket-brokerage  business  at  Dunkirk,  N.  Y.  This 
period  covers  a  part  of  the  terms  of  two  postmasters ;  both  of  them, 
however,  certified  Ball  as  regularly  employed. 

At  Dunkirk,  N.  Y.,  John  A.  Link  was  appointed  a  laborer  in  the 
post-office  on  May  1,  1898,  at  $600  per  annum,  and  drew  pay  until 
June  30,  1903,  covering  a  period  of  more  than  five  years.  He  was 
a  barber  and  continued  to  work  at  his  trade  during  all  that  time. 
He  received  in  all  $3,100.55,  less  $171  paid  for  a  substitute,  for 
which  he  rendered  no  service. 

At  Baltimore,  Md.,  on  January  1,  1898,  John  W.  Pettit  was  ap- 
pointed an  auxiliary  clerk  at  $200  per  annum.     He  neither  per- 


238  The  Postal  Frauds. 

formed  duty  nor  drew  pay  until  July  21,  1898,  when  his  salary  was 
increased  to  $600  per  annum ;  and  from  that  date  he  drew  pay  regu- 
larly, but  performed  no  service  whatever.  On  September  30,  1899, 
his  roster-title  was  changed  to  "bookkeeper"  and  his  salary  increased 
to  $1,500.  This  salary  was  paid  to  the  postmaster  until  Septem- 
ber 9,  1902,  although  he  performed  no  services. 

The  postmaster  says  he  protested  to  Beavers  against  the  appoint- 
ment of  Pettit,  stating  that  he  was  personally  distasteful  to  him  and 
that  he  would  not  allow  him  in  the  office.  But  at  the  same  time  he 
certified  his  name  to  the  Auditor  every  quarter  during  the  entire 
period  as  a  clerk  rendering  service.  Pettit  was  paid  $5,130.96,  for 
which  he  performed  no  service  whatever. 

LEASES. 

The  leasing  of  premises  and  furnishing  of  light  and  fuel  for  first, 
second  and  third-class  post-offices  under  the  supervision  of  the 
salary  and  allowance  division. 

Formerly  leases  were  made  usually  for  a  period  of  five  years, 
with  a  proviso  that  the  Government  might  at  any  time  cancel  the 
lease,  if  the  interests  of  the  postal  service  required  it,  by  giving 
three  months'  notice.  Sometimes  it  was  found  necessary  to  omit 
the  "three  months'  clause"  in  order  to  secure  the  most  desirable 
location,  but  these  instances  were  rare. 

In  1898  a  law  was  enacted  authorizing  the  Department  to  make 
leases  for  a  period  not  exceeding  ten  years.  On  November  2  fol- 
lowing the  enactment  of  this  law  the  First  Assistant  Postmaster- 
General,  in  a  letter  intended  as  a  guide  to  inspectors  when  investi- 
gating lease  cases,  stated : 

"While  the  Department  has  authority  to  execute  a  lease  for  a  period  of 
ten  years,  it  is  not  deemed  advisable  to  do  so  unless  it  can  be  demonstrated 
that  a  positive  advantage  to  the  service  will  be  secured  thereby." 

This  policy,  however,  was  not  consistently  carried  out. 

Canceling  Leases. — At  Weehawken,  N.  J.,  on  July  1,  1900,  a 
lease  was  executed  for  ten  years,  at  $500  per  annum,  including  all 
equipment,  heat,  light,  etc.  On  July  1,  1902,  eight  years  before  the 
lease  expired,  it  was  canceled  and  a  new  lease  entered  into  for  the 
same  premises  and  the  same  equipment  at  an  annual  rental  of  $800. 

At  Hastings,  Neb.,  on  May  1,  1897,  a  lease  was  made  for  post- 
office  premises  for  a  period  of  five  years,  including  light,  heat,  vault, 
and  equipment,  at  an  annual  rental  of  $700  per  annum.  In  March, 
1901,  the  lessor  was  notified  that  the  lease  would  be  canceled  on 
June  30,  almost  a  year  before  its  expiration.  Shortly  after  this  a 
proposal  was  accepted  for  another  building  no  more  desirable,  at  a 
rental  of  $1,800  per  annum.  A  most  vigorous  protest  was  filed 
against  this  action  of  the  Department  by  those  interested  in  the  can- 
celed lease,  and  the  matter  was  referred  to  an  inspector  for  investi- 
gation, who,  on  April  17,  1901,  reported  as  follows : 

"Viewed  from  the  statement  usually  assumed  by  the  Post-office  Depart- 
ment in  the  treatment  of  lease  cases,  and  eliminating  all  questions  of  per- 
sonal interest,  I  am  unable  to  conceive  what  possible  representations  could 


The  Postal  Frauds.  239 

have  been  made  to  the  Department  in  this  case  to  result  in  the  entertain- 
ment and  acceptance  of  the  proposition  of  Mr.  Dietrich  at  the  price  named 
($1,800  per  annum).  The  proposition  is  exorbitant,  and  the  location  one 
that  if  in  competition  with  other  propositions  offering  central  locations  at 
two-thirds  the  price  asked  could  not  conscientiously  be  considered." 

As  a  result  of  this  report  the  price  for  the  new  site  was  reduced 
to  $1,300  per  annum,  with  the  proviso  that  the  Department  should 
pay  for  moving  and  installing  the  equipment  and  provide  heat  and 
light.  The  office  was  moved  at  an  expense  to  the  Department  of 
$746. 

At  Dunkirk,  N".  Y.,  a  five-year  lease  was  executed  March  1,  1898, 
at  $450  per  annum,  including  fixtures,  with  an  additional  allowance 
of  $115  for  light  and  fuel,  making  $565  in  all.  On  October  15, 
1901,  a  lease  was  executed  for  a  room  fully  equipped  and  furnished 
with  light  and  heat  for  $1,350  per  annum  for  ten  years,  the  "three- 
months'  clause"  being  eliminated.  On  January  27,  1902,  about 
three  months  from  the  date  of  execution  of  this  lease,  it  was  can- 
celed and  another  executed  at  a  rental  of  $1,500.  And  on  May  14, 
four  months  afterward,  this  $1,500  lease  was  canceled  and  another 
executed  for  ten  years  at  $2,000  per  annum,  with  the  "three-months' 
clause"  eliminated.  No  additional  service  was  provided  for  in  any 
of  the  subsequent  leases  that  was  not  included  in  the  original  lease. 

It  will  be  observed  that  instead  of  using  his  authority  given  by 
Congress  to  make  long-term  leases  to  secure  better  buildings  for  less 
money,  it  has  been  used  for  the  benefit  of  "grafters"  who  seek  to 
pillage  the  public  revenues. 

BRANDT    AUTOMATIC    CASHIER. 

Prior  to  1898  large-sized  post-offices,  for  convenience  in  enabling 
clerks  to  make  change  rapidly,  were  furnished  with  "coin  trays," 
the  prices  for  which  ranged  from  $5  to  $12,  depending  upon  the  size 
and  construction. 

During  the  summer  of  1898  a  number  of  the  Brandt-Dent  auto- 
matic cashiers  were  placed  in  different  post-offices  for  the  purpose  of 
testing  its  desirability  as  a  change-making  device,  and  the  post- 
masters were  requested  to  report  on  their  desirability.  At  that  time 
Winfield  S.  Strawn,  of  Canton,  Ohio,  was  the  superintendent  of 
agencies,  and  George  F.  Miller,  also  of  Canton,  was  the  Washington 
agent. 

Judge  George  E.  Baldwin,  of  Canton,  Ohio,  father-in-law  of  Mil- 
ler, the  Washington  agent,  was  active  in  his  efforts  to  secure  the 
introduction  of  the  machine  by  the  Department.  The  methods  em1 
ployed  to  secure  this  result  are  clearly  set  forth  by  the  correspond- 
ence between  Brandt,  president  of  the  company,  and  Strawn  and 
Miller,  his  agents.  On  February  20,  1899,  Miller  wrote  Brandt, 
stating : 

"I  am  satisfied  that  we  have  the  assurance  and  friendships  of  both  par- 
ties— General  Heath  and  Mr.  Beavers — and  all  that  is  necessary  is  to  cul- 
tivate that  friendship,  if  not  by  kind  words,  by  dollars  and  cents,  and  I 
think  the  latter  will  be  the  most  positive;  however,  the  lines  we  have  out 
now  will  result  in  a  change  of  programme,  which  means  our  ultimate  sue- 


240  The  Postal  Frauds. 

On  April  6,  after  a  conference  with  Baldwin,  his  father-in-law, 
in  Canton,  Ohio,  Miller  wrote  Strawn  as  follows : 

"Mr.  Baldwin  *  *  *  says  to  find  out  if  possible  exactly  what  this 
man  Beavers  wants  to  insure  our  success  in  that  Department  in  the  way  of 
dollars  and  cents,  but  not  to  give  it  to  him  unless  forced  to  do  so;  and  when 
we  do,  if  at  all,  he  desires  to  be  present  in  person  himself  and  plan  the 
agreement." 

On  May  1  Strawn  wrote  Baldwin,  stating  that  Brandt  would  like 
for  him  to  come  to  Washington  for  consultation.  In  response  to  this 
invitation  Baldwin  came  to  Washington  and  held  a  conference  with 
the  parties  interested,  and  as  a  result  on  May  9,  1899,  an  order  was 
given  by  First  Assistant  Postmaster-General  Heath  for  250  ma- 
chines at  $150  each.  The  machines  were  exactly  the  same  as  those 
that  were  selling  in  the  open  market  for  $125,  with  the  exception 
of  a  slight  change  in  the  base.  After  the  250  machines  had  been 
disposed  of  additional  orders  were  given,  until  527  machines  had 
been  purchased,  217  of  which  were  shipped  to  postmasters  without 
requisition. 

Of  the  527  machines  purchased,  173  are  idle;  many  of  them  have 
never  been  taken  from  the  cases  in  which  they  were  shipped.  The 
aggregate  amount  of  money  paid  to  the  Brandt-Dent  Company  for 
these  useless  cashiers  was  $75,275. 

Eliminating  from  consideration  all  indications  of  fraud  and  pass- 
ing upon  the  case  wholly  as  a  question  of  administrative  judgment, 
it  appears  to  me  that  this  transaction  would  have  justified  the  sum- 
mary removal  from  office  of  First  Assistant  Postmaster-General 
Heath  and  George  W.  Beavers. 

But  the  element  of  fraud  cannot  be  eliminated.  Men  of  ordinary 
intelligence  rarely  waste  the  public  revenues  in  such  a  manner 
without  a  personal  motive. 

During  the  investigation  of  this  case  Inspectors  Little  and  Old- 
field  secured  evidence  indicating  that  Ernest  E.  Baldwin,  As- 
sistant United  States  District  Attorney  for  the  Southern  District 
of  New  York,  had  knowledge  of  the  transactions  between  this  com- 
pany and  officers  of  the  Department. 

The  inspectors  were  given  a  written  order  by  the  president  and 
treasurer  of  the  company,  directing  the  firm  of  Boothby  &  Baldwin, 
of  which  Ernest  E.  Baldwin  is  a  member,  to  give  them  access  to 
any  papers  in  their  possession  bearing  upon  the  subject.  When  the 
inspectors  presented  this  order  to  Baldwin  he  refused  to  recognize 
it,  became  very  angry,  and  with  violent  and  profane  language  or- 
dered them  from  his  office. 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  Judge  George  E.  Baldwin  knows 
as  much  about  this  fraud  as  any  other  party,  not  even  excepting 
Beavers.  He  is  at  present  Consul  at  Nuremburg,  Germany,  and  was 
not  in  this  country  at  any  time  while  the  investigation  was  in 
progress.  The  inspectors  therefore  did  not  have  an  opportunity 
to  interrogate  him. 


The  Postal  Frauds.  241 

ELLIOTT    &    HATCH    BOOK    TYPEWRITERS. 

The  Elliott  &  Hatch  bQok  typewriter  is  a  machine  intended  pri- 
marily to  write  in  record  books.  A  company  was  organized  to  manu- 
facture and  sell  the  machine,  with  Walter  P.  Hatch  as  general  man- 
ager. H.  J.  Gensler,  one  of  the  stenographers  of  the  United  States 
Senate,  was  in  August,  1897,  given  the  agency  for  Maryland,  Vir- 
ginia, and  the  District  of  Columbia. 

The  machine  was  not  a  success.  On  January  24,  1899,  the  post- 
master at  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  to  whom  three  machines  had  been  sent, 
wrote,  asking  that  they  be  taken  away,  stating  that  they  were  useless 
and  an  incumbrance  to  his  office.  The  postmaster  at  Chicago  noti- 
fied the  Department  that  they  were  of  no  advantage  to  him ;  that  the 
clerks  could  do  the  work  better  and  faster  by  hand. 

The  work  done  upon  these  typewriters  was  of  such  an  unsatisfac- 
tory character  that  the  clerks  in  the  inspection  division  of  the  Audi- 
tor's office  protested  against  their  use.  Their  protest  was  trans- 
mitted to  the  First  Assistant  Postmaster-General  by  A.  L.  Lawshe, 
Acting  Auditor,  suggesting  that  the  use  of  the  typewriter  be  dis- 
continued. 

On  September  23,  1898,  Gensler  wrote  Hatch  as  follows: 

"I  nave  Mr.  Eylar's  letter  of  the  22d,  concerning  the  No.  5  machine 
which  was  delivered  to  the  postmaster  at  Allentown,  Pa.,  who  only  wants 
to  pay  $175  for  same.  He  does  not  'cut  any  ice'  *  *  *  You  will  no- 
tice from  the  copy  of  the  letter  received  by  me  this  morning  from  the  Post- 
Office  Department,  sent  you  under  another  cover,  that  the  postmaster  ha* 
been  authorized  to  pay  $200  for  that  machine,  and  you  can  bet  that  he  will 
pay  it  p.  d.  q.  or  he  will  be  hauled  up  with  a  jerk." 

Gensler's  correspondence  plainly  indicates  that  he  had  an  under- 
standing with  Beavers  to  furnish  his  machines  when  requested  by 
postmasters.  But  requests  did  not  come  in  fast  enough,  and  Beavers 
furnished  the  Elliott  &  Hatch  when  other  machines  were  asked  for. 
Gensler,  however,  was  not  able  to  induce  many  postmasters  to  ask 
for  the  Elliott  &  Hatch  machine.  From  January,  1898,  to  April 
15,  1901,  193  of  these  machines  were  bought  by  the  Department  at 
a  total  cost  of  $38,575.  Of  this  number,  131  were  sent  to  the  post- 
masters without  requisition. 

The  investigation  revealed  the  fact  that  Gensler  had  a  contract 
with  the  company  by  which  he  received  $75  on  each  machine  sold 
to  the  Post-office  Department.  From  this  $75  he  paid  W.  Scott 
Towers,  superintendent  of  Station  C,  of  the  Washington  Post-office, 
$50 ;  and  the  inspectors  have  evidence  that  Towers  divided  this  $50 
that  he  received  from  Gensler  equally  with  Beavers. 

BUNDY    TIME    RECORDERS. 

In  1890,  while  John  Wanamaker  was  Postmaster-General,  an 
effort  was  made  to  introduce  the  Bundy  Time  Eecorder  for  use  in 
the  postal  service,  but  it  failed.  Later,  during  the  administration 
of  Postmaster-General  Wilson,  upon  the  recommendation  of  A.  W. 
Machen,  it  was  adopted.  Machen  estimated  that  the  entire  free- 
delivery  service  could  be  supplied  for  $45,599.50. 


242  *The  Postal  Frauds. 

The  purpose  of  this  clock  was  to  record  the  time  of  arrival  and 
departure  of  carriers  on  their  official  trips.  The  price  of  the  clock 
when  first  adopted  was  $75,  which  was  afterwards  increased  to  $100, 
and  50  cents  for  each  key  ordered.  These  time  recorders  were  first 
used  only  in  the  free-delivery  service,  and  their  purchase  was  in  the 
hands  of  Machen;  but  in  1898  First  Assistant  Postmaster-General 
Heath  required  post-office  clerks  to  use  them,  and  the  purchase  of 
them  was  transferred  to  the  salary  and  allowance  division. 

H.  J.  Truesdell,  who  was  the  agent  of  the  company  at  the  time 
these  clocks  were  first  adopted,  states  that  he  paid  Machen  $1,000 
for  his  services  in  securing  their  introduction  into  the  service. 
Criminal  action  on  such  payment  is  barred  by  the  statute  of  limita- 
tions. 

The  same  reckless  waste  that  characterized  Beavers's  administra- 
tion in  other  matters  prevailed  in  the  supply  of  these  time  recorders. 
The  office  of  Berkeley,  Cal.,  has  11  carriers  and  7  clerks,  yet  it  has 
been  furnished  with  3  clocks  and  162  keys. 

Los  Angeles,  Cal.,  with  93  carriers  and  87  clerks,  was  supplied 
with  13  clocks  and  840  keys. 

Eighty-nine  clocks  have  been  sent  to  St.  Louis,  and  thousands  of 
keys  while  24  were  all  that  could  be  used  in  Baltimore. 

Fort  Collins,  Colo.,  with  3  carriers  and  3  clerks,  has  been  fur- 
nished a  clock  and  66  keys. 

Bristol,  Conn.,  with  5  carriers  and  4  clerks,  was  furnished  2 
clocks,  1  of  which  has  never  been  taken  from  the  crate. 

Winsted,  Conn.,  with  5  carriers  and  7  clerks,  was  furnished  with 
3  clocks  and  139  keys. 

Independence,  Kans.,  with  3  carriers  and  3  clerks,  was  sent  1 
clock  with  90  keys. 

A  hundred  other  such  instances  were  cited.  Such  profligate  ex- 
penditure is  almost  incredible.  In  the  State  of  New  York  there  are 
26  offices,  with  no  free  delivery,  and  therefore  no  carriers,  that  have 
been  supplied  with  Bundy  clocks.  In  less  than  six  years,  under 
Beavers's  management,  the  Department  has  purchased  1,170  of 
these  time  recorders. 

George  E.  Green  receives  a  salary  as  president  of  the  Bundy 
company  and  also  receives  a  commission  of  10  per  cent,  on  all  sales 
made  to  the  Post-office  Department. 

In  the  course  of  the  investigation  the  inspectors  discovered  cer- 
tain amounts  that  had  been  paid  Beavers  by  Green.  They  called 
upon  Green  and  asked  as  to  such  payments,  but  he  declined  to  make 
any  statement  whatever  in  regard  to  them.  He  was  then  subpoenaed 
before  the  grand  jury  and  still  declined  to  answer  any  questions, 
taking  advantage  of  the  principle  that  a  witness  can  not  be  com- 
pelled to  testify  where  such  testimony  would  incriminate  himself. 

The  investigation  shows  that  Green  paid  Beavers  the  10  per  cent, 
commission  allowed  him  by  the  company  on  all  sales  made  to  the 
Department. 


The  Postal  Frauds.  243 

CANCELING    MACHINES. 

There  are  eight  varieties  of  machines  in  use  in  the  postal  service 
for  canceling  stamps  and  post  marking  mail  matter;  six  of  these 
are  leased  and  two  are  purchased  outright.  The  appropriation  for 
the  rent  and  purchase  of  canceling  machines  for  the  fiscal  year 
1896-97  was  $60,000;  for  the  present  fiscal  year  it  is  $250,000, 
showing  an  increase  in  the  amount  of  money  expended  for  this 
purpose  during  the  time  of  the  Beavers  administration  of  the  sal- 
ary and  allowance  division  of  $190,000,  or  over  300  per  cent. 

The  Barry  machine  was  invented  by  William  Barry,  of  Oswego, 
jN*.  Y.,  in  1883.  In  1895  one  hundred  of  these  machines  were  rented 
at  $150  per  annum.  The  correspondence  of  Maj.  Kalph  Ballin, 
the  Washington  agent  in  1897,  shows  that  at  the  suggestion  of 
Perry  S.  Heath,  the  company  employed  M.  D.  Helm,  at  a  salary 
of  $1,200  per  year,  to  use  his  influence  in  behalf  of  the  Barry 
machine.  After  Helm's  employment  the  contract  was  renewed  and 
the  price  raised  from  $150  to  $175,  and  again  in  1898  advanced 
to  $200  per  annum.  In  July,  1900,  after  Heath's  retirement  from 
the  Department,  the  rent  was  reduced  to  $150.  The  employment 
of  Helm  was  in  the  nature  of  a  gratuity  on  the  part  of  the  com- 
pany because  of  his  relations  with  the  First  Assistant  Postmaster- 
General. 

The  Hampden. — The  Hampden  canceling  machine  was  invented 
by  W.  E.  Landfear  in  1890.  Landfear,  in  1897,  after  Perry  S. 
Heath  became  Postmaster- General,  offered  to  sell  a  hundred  of  these 
machines  to  the  Department  for  $200  each,  but  the  offer  was  de- 
clined. 

The  company  was  reorganized  in  June,  1898,  and  George  N; 
Tyner,  a  brother  of  the  late  Assistant  Attorney- General,  secured  a 
controlling  interest  in  it.  Another  effort  was  then  made  to  sell 
the  machines  to  the  Department,  which  resulted  in  the  purchase  of 
100  machines  at  $300  each,  the  same  machine  with  a  few  slight 
changes  that  had  been  offered  at  $200  less  than  a  year  before  and 
declined. 

The  machines  proved  worthless.  Of  the  100  machines  purchased 
there  are  at  present  only  17  of  them  in  use,  and  there  is  evidence 
that  their  worthless  character  was  well  known  to  both  Heath  and 
Beavers  before  they  were  ordered. 

The  Doremus. — The  most  important  contract  for  canceling  ma- 
chines was  that  for  the  Doremus.  Its  original  promoters  were  W. 
D.  Doremus,  the  inventor ;  L.  T.  Michener,  member  of  the  law  firm 
of  Dudley  &  Michener,  of  Washington,  and  H.  J.  Truesdell,  of 
Binghamton,  N.  Y.  The  company  was  organized  August  3,  1899, 
and  capitalized  for  $100,000,  divided  into  1,000  shares  of  $100 
each.  Of  the  1,000  shares,  250  were  reserved  as  treasury  stock,  the 
remaining  three-fourths  being  owned  equally  by  Doremus,  Trues- 
dell, and  the  firm  of  Dudley  &  Michener.  The  250  shares  of  treas- 
ury stock  were  transferred  shortly  after  the  organization  of  the  com- 
pany to  George  E.  Green,  of  Binghamton,  N".  Y.,  in  consideration 
of  his  agreeing  to  guarantee  the  expense  of  manufacturing  the  first 


244  The  Postal  Frauds. 

100  machines;  and  in  December,  1899,  he  acquired  the  interest 
of  Dudley  &  Michener. 

Truesdell  was  on  intimate  personal  relations  with  Beavers,  and 
in  1899  an  order  was  given  for  100  machines,  at  $150  each.  Long 
before  all  of  the  100  machines  had  been  delivered  the  Department 
received  numerous  complaints  from  postmasters  stating  that  they 
were  worthless;  and  on  account  of  the  great  dissatisfaction  with 
this  first  100  known  as  Model  No.  1  the  Doremus  Company. estab- 
lished a  factory  of  its  own  in  Washington  and  created  Model  No.  2, 
and  Beavers,  without  testing  its  efficiency,  on  June  30,  1900,  con- 
tracted for  100  of  the  new  machines  at  $225  each.  Model  No.  2  also 
proved  a  failure,  and  Model  No.  3  was  made,  and  Beavers  promptly 
gave  an  order  for  100  machines  of  that  model  at  $225  each. 

Of  the  200  machines  purchased  of  models  Nos.  1  and  2  but  39  are 
now  in  use,  the  remaining  161  being  practically  a  net  loss. 

Six  hundred  and  seventy-one  of  these  machines  have  been  ordered 
by  the  Department,  at  a  net  cost  of  $143,475.  This  is  a  repetition 
of  the  story  of  automatic  cashiers  and  Elliott  &  Hatch  type- 
writers, except  that  it  is  on  a  larger  scale. 

In  1901  Truesdell  and  Green  became  estranged  and  Truesdell 
left  the  employ  of  the  Bundy  Company,  and  also  sold  his  interest 
in  the  Doremus  canceling  machine.  When  interviewed  by  the  in- 
spectors Truesdell  stated  that  before  the  second  order  on  June  30, 
1900,  was  given  for  100  machines  Green  told  him  he  had  transferred 
to  Perry  S.  Heath,  First  Assistant  Postmaster-General,  $20,000 
worth  of  his  stock,  in  consideration  of  receiving  an  order  for  not  less 
than  300  machines. 

Truesdell  states  that  he  contributed  $5,000  worth  of  stock  to- 
Green  as  his  share  of  the  amount  given  Heath.  He  also  stated 
that  Doremus  transferred  $5,000  worth  of  his  stock  in  the  same 
manner.  Doremus  denies  any  knowledge  of  the  stock  having  been 
given  to  Heath,  but  states  that  he  did  contribute  50  shares,  par 
value  $5,000,  to  Green  to  be  used  for  the  best  interests  of  the  com- 
pany. Doremus  admits  that  Truesdell  told  him  subsequently  that 
the  stock  was  to  be  transferred  to  Heath  in  consideration  of  re- 
ceiving a  large  order  for  machines.  Ida  E.  Crowell,  TruesdelPs 
secretary,  who  was  a  bookkeeper  in  the  employ  of  the  Doremus 
Machine  Company  from  October  3,  1900,  until  August,  1901,  con- 
firms many  of  TruesdelPs  statements. 

Heath  refused  to  make  a  written  statement  but  said  verbally 
to  Inspector  Simmons  that  he  never  received  any  stock  from  the 
Doremus  Canceling  Machine  Company  or  any  remuneration  of  any 
kind,  directly  or  indirectly. 

Truesdell  further  states  that  on  all  machines  sold  to  the  Depart- 
ment after  the  order  for  100  Model  No.  1,  the  company  was  re- 
quired to  pay  Beavers  $25  on  each  machine,  which  Beavers  stated 
was  to  be  divided  with  Heath;  that  on  the  first  100  he  did  not 
receive  $25  each,  but  a  lump  sum  of  money,  as  he  remembers  $500, 
which  he  personally  paid  Beavers  in  New  York.  Truesdell  states 
that  he  paid  Beavers  sums  of  $500  upon  three  other  occasions; 


The  Postal  Frauds.  245 

that  he  procured  the  money  by  checks  on  the  Seventh  National 
Bank  of  New  York,  cashed  at  the  Citizens'  National  Bank,  by  Ida 
E.  Crowell.  Ida  E.  Crowell  and  the  records  of  the  Citizens'  Na- 
tional Bank  confirm  Truesdelr's  statement  as  to  the  cashing  of  the 
checks.    , 

Ida  E.  Crowell  states  that  the  money  procured  by  cashing  these 
checks  was  charged  on  the  books  of  the  company  to  "commission 
account."  Her  statement  is  corroborated  by  William  W.  Long,  of 
Washington,  D.  C,  a  bookkeeper,  who  was  employed  to  post  the 
books  of  the  Doremus  Machine  Company,  who  states  that  he  found 
such  entries  on  the  blotter  and  ledger,  made  by  Mrs.  Crowell,  but  no 
name  was  given  as  to  whom  the  money  was  paid. 

Mrs.  Crowell  and  Truesdell  left  the  employ  of  the  company  in 
1901,  and  since  then  Green  attended  to  the  business  personally, 
as  he  did  in  the  case  of  the  Bundy  clocks.  He  has  left  a  more  def- 
inite record  of  the  money  paid  to  Beavers  than  was  left  by  Trues- 
dell. 

As  has  been  stated,  an  account  of  the  company  was  kept  in  the 
Seventh  National  Bank  of  New  York.  In  the  same  bank  Green 
also  kept  an  account.  On  March  14,  1902,  Green  drew  a  check 
for  $500  on  the  account  of  the  Doremus  Machine  Company  in 
the  Seventh  National  Bank;  on  March  15,  the  personal  account 
of  Green  in  the  same  bank  was  credited  with  the  same  amount, 
and  on  March  18  Beavers  deposited  in  his  account  in  the  Nassau 
Trust  Company  of  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  a  check  on  the  Seventh  Na- 
tional Bank  of  New  Yor.k  for  $500,  and  on  March  19,  the  per- 
sonal account  of  Green  in  the  Seventh  National  Bank  of  New 
York  was  charged  with  $500. 

On  May  10,  1902,  a  check  for  $1,000  was  charged  to  the  ac- 
count of  the  Doremus  Machine  Company  in  the  Seventh  National 
Bank,  and  on  the  same  day  the  personal  account  of  Green  was 
credited  with  that  sum ;  four  days  later  George  W.  Beavers  depos- 
ited by  letter  from  Washington,  D.  C,  with  the  brokerage  firm 
of  Moore  &  Schley,  of  New  York,  the  personal  check  of  George 
E.  Green  for  $1,000. 

On  June  24,  1902,  the  account  of  the  Doremus  Machine  Com- 
pany in  the  Seventh  National  Bank  of  New  York  is  charged  with 
a  check  for  $1,750,  and  on  the  same  day,  the  personal  account 
of  Green  in  the  same  bank  is  credited  with  the  identical  sum.  The 
next  day  Beavers  deposited  with  the  brokerage  firm  of  Moore 
&  Schley,  of  New  York,  the  personal  check  of  George  E.  Green 
for  $1,750. 

There  were  130  Doremus  canceling  machines  installed  by  the 
Post-Office  Department  from  January  1,  1902,  to  June  1,  1902. 
The  three  checks  referred  to  aggregate  $3,250,  an  amount  exactly 
equivalent  to  $25  each  on  130  machines. 

When  the  inspectors  inquired  of  Green  as  to  these  payments  to 
Beavers  he  refused  to  make  any  statement.  He  was  subpoenaed 
before  the  grand  jury  and  he  still  refused  to  answer  any  questions. 

The  inspectors  also  called  upon  Doremus  and  asked  permission 


246  The  Postal  Frauds. 

to  examine  the  books  of  the  company  to  either  verify  or  disprove 
the  truth  of  the  statements  of  Truesdell,  Ida  E.  Crowell,  and  Long, 
but  they  were  refused  permission  to  see  the  books.  Doremus 
claimed  that  they  were  not  in  his  custody ;  that  he  had  no  author- 
ity over  them  and  could  not  therefore  permit  them  to  be  exam- 
ined; that  they  were  in  the  charge  of  L.  S.  Fish,  the  bookkeeper. 
Fish  was  subpoenaed  to  produce  the  books  before  the  grand  jury. 
He  answered  the  subpoena,  but  stated  that  the  books  of  the  com- 
pany had  been  burned  last  winter. 

On  October  5,  1903,  indictments  were  found  against  Green, 
Doremus,  and  Beavers  for  conspiracy  to  defraud. 

The  evidence  against  Heath  was  also  submitted  to  the  district 
attorney,  who  decided  that  it  was  not  sufficient  to  warrent  his  in- 
dictment. 

The  administration  of  Beavers  was,  if  possible,  more  demoraliz- 
ing upon  the  integrity  of  the  service  than  that  of  Machen. 

CONCLUSION. 

For  the  purposes  of  this  report,  the  investigation  ordered  by 
you  on  March  7  has  been  completed.  In  the  preparation  of  cases 
for  trial  where  indictments  have  been  found,  information  may  be 
secured  which  will  necessitate  further  investigation  and  possibly 
involve  persons  not  now  implicated.  J.  S.  Bristow, 

Fourth  Assistant  Postmaster-General. 


VIEWS    OF    THE     MINORITY     OF    THE    COMMITTEE    ON 

POST-OFFICE   AND   POST-ROADS,    HOUSE   OF 

REPRESENTATIVES. 

When  the  Post-Office  Appropriation  bill  was  reported  to  the 
House  of  Eepresentatives  during  the  last  session  of  Congress,  the 
Democratic  members  of  that  committee  presented  the  following 
minority  report: 

The  House  passed  a  resolution  recently  directing  the  Postmas- 
ter-General to  furnish  to  this  committee,  at  their  request,  the  re- 
port in  the  matter  of  the  investigation  of  the  frauds  in  the  sev- 
eral divisions  of  the  Post-Office  Department.  This  report  was 
necessary  for  the  use  of  the  committee  in  framing  the  pending 
appropriation  bill.  It  discloses  startling  corruption  in  the  divi- 
sions investigated  and  a  method  of  doing  business  naturally  con- 
ducive to  fraud. 

This  investigation  was  confined  largely  to  one  division  of  the 
Post- Office  Department.  It  is  impossible  to  say  whether  or  not 
the  same  corrupt  methods  obtain  in  the  other  divisions.  The  busi- 
ness intercourse  between  the  divisions  of  the  Post- Office  Depart- 
ment, all  under  one  head,  make  it  probable  that  the  fraud  and 


The  Postal  Frauds.  247 

corruption  confessedly  attached  to  one  of  the  divisions  exists  in 
some  measure  in  other  divisions  of  the  same  service. 

In  view  of  the  interesting  report  mentioned,  and  of  the  hear- 
ings, and  of  the  detailed  proof  furnished  by  the  Department  to 
the  committee  of  improper  conduct  of  post-office  officials,  and  of 
the  charges  against  other  divisions  of  the  Department  and  the 
imperfect  methods  of  obtaining  facts  as  to  the  conduct  of  affairs 
in  that  office,  it  would  seem  to  be  the  part  of  wisdom  that  the  House 
should  proceed  to  a  full  and  complete  investigation  of  the  Post- 
Office  Department  in  all  of  its  branches,  for  the  betterment  of 
the  service,  the  prevention  of  fraud,  and  the  general  protection 
of  the  public  interest.  Bad  systems  and  public  plunders  too  often 
afflict  the  administration  of  public  affairs.  To  their  eradication 
no  one  should  object.  So  far  as  frauds  committed  and  disclosed 
are  concerned,  their  investigation  for  the  most  part  is  now  a  mat- 
ter for  the  courts  of  justice  to  consider.  We  are  concerned  alone 
in  devising  means  to  prevent  the  repetition  of  similar  frauds  and 
ascertaining  the  extent  of  the  weakness  of  our  postal  system  and 
providing  an  adequate  remedy  against  it.  Impressed  with  the 
justice  of  these  general  views  as  applicable  to  existing  conditions 
in  the  Post-Office  Department,  they  are  submitted  for  your  con- 
sideration, with  the  recommendation  that  there  be  a  full  and  com- 
plete investigation  of  the  affairs  of  the  Post-Office  Department  un- 
der a  committee  of  Congress. 

John-  A.  Moon, 
J.  M.  Griggs, 
W.  S.  Cowherd, 
D.  E.  Finley, 
Theo.  ■  F.    Kluttz. 

This  investigation  was  refused  by  a  strict  party  vote,  the  Demo- 
crats unanimously  voting  for,  and  the  Republicans  against  it. 


CIVIL   SERVICE   ABUSES. 

The  Democratic  position  respecting  the  Civil  Service  system 
is  thus  declared  in  the  St.  Louis  platform  of  1904 : 

"The  Democratic  party  stands  committed  to  the  principle  of  Civil 
Service  reform;  and  we  demand  its  honest,  just  and  impartial  enforce- 
ment. 

"We  denounce  the  Republican  party  for  its  continuous  and  sinister 
encroachments  upon  the  spirit  and  operation  of  Civil  Service  rules,  where- 
by it  has  arbitrarily  dispensed  with  examinations  for  office  in  the  in- 
terests of  favorites,  and  employed  all  manner  of  devices  to  overreach 
and  set  aside  the  principles  upon  which  the  civil  service  was  established." 

The  devices  employed  by  the  Eepublican  Administration  to  over- 
reach the  law  are  well  illustrated  by  the  Somerville  and  Summit 
scandals,  explained  in  the  following  article,  taken  from  the  Wash- 
ington "Post"  of  July  22, 1903,  which  relates  to  the  controversy  be- 
tween Civil  Service  Commissioner  John  E.  Proctor  and  ex-Post- 
master General  Charles  Emory  Smith: 

CIVIL    SERVICE    COMMISSIONER    PROCTOR'S    STATEMENT. 

"Civil  Service  Commissioner  Proctor  states  that  in  many  cases  where 
persons  have  been  appointed  or  nominally  assigned  to  post-offices  which 
were  about  to  be  classified,  many  such  persons  were  residents  of  other 
cities,  and  even  of  States  other  than  those  in  which  were  located  the 
post-offices  in  which  they  were  nominally  appointed  to  serve.  In  some 
of  these  appointments  an  examination  of  the  records  of  the  auditor's 
office,  shows  that  no  salary  was  drawn  by  the  person  so  appointed  or 
assigned. 

"The  order  for*  the  establishment  of  the  free  delivery  service  at  Somer- 
ville was  issued  by  the  Postmaster  Geneial  on  February  2,  1900,  on  which 
date  there  were  three  clerks  employed.  Between  that  date  and  May  1, 
1900,  when  the  carrier  service  went  into  effect,  the  following-named  ad- 
ditional clerks  were  appointed:  William  Zierle,  Miss  Annetta  Hale,  John 
B.  Ernst,  Charles  E.  Clark,  and  Charles  E.  Baker. 

"Mr.  Zierle  was  appointed  a  laborer  in  the  Philadelphia  post-office 
on  October  1,  1899.  He  was  sent  to  Somerville  in  order  that  he  might 
be  classified  as  a  clerk,  and  then  transferred  to  a  clerk's  position  in  the 
Philadelphia  post-office,  a  position  that  he  could  not  ordinarily  reach 
except  by  competitive  examination. 

"The  name  of  Miss  Annetta  Hale  was  placed  upon  the  clerical  roll 
of  this  office  solely  for  the  purpose  of  classification,  with  a  view  to  her 
subsequent  transfer  to  a  clerical  position  in  the  Brooklyn  office  without 
the  requirement  of  a  competitive  examination. 

"Jonh  B.  Ernst  was  formerly  a  laborer  in  the  Philadelphia  post- 
office,  and  was  sent  to  Somerville  in  order  that  he  might  obtain  a  status 
in  a  classified  position,  and  be  transferred  to  a  classified  position  in  the 
Philadelphia  post-office. 

"Charles  E.  Clark,  a  laborer  in  the  Philadelphia  post-office,  was  sent 
to  Somerville  for  classification  in  order  that  he  might  be  transferred  to 
Philadelphia,  and  obtain  a  position  without  the  requirement  of  an  ex- 
amination. 

"Charles  E.  Baker  was  appointed  at  Somerville  a  few  days  before 
the  office  was  classified,  in  order  to  avoid  taking  the  competitive  exam- 
ination for  appointment  in  the  Philadelphia  post-office.  He  was  trans- 
ferred from  Somerville  to  Philadelphia,  June  16,  1900. 

"The  postmaster  at  Summit,  so  Mr.  Proctor  says,  stated  to  him  that 


Civil  Service  Abuses.  249 

the  increase  made  in  the  office  force  was  not  needed,  and  that  the  ad- 
ditional clerks  appointed  performed  no  service  whatever. 

"Commissioner  Proctor  has  commented  sharply  in  published  report* 
on  the  increase  at  the  Summit,  N.  J.,  post-office,  of  which  the  following 
is  only  one  sample: 

"Miss  Charlotte  Madden,  a  resident  of  Detroit,  Mich.,  was,  as  shown, 
by  the  records  and  by  this  investigation,  appointed  at  the  Summit  post- 
office  on  April  20,  1900  (nominally  with  compensation  at  $400  per  an- 
num, although,  as  shown  by  a  letter  from  the  auditor  of  the  Treasury 
for  the  Post-Office  Department  to  the  Commission,  under  date  of  August 
9,  1900,  her  name  does  not  appear  upon  the  pay-rolls  of  the  Summit,  N.  J., 
post-office  at  all ) .  She  was  subsequently  transferred  to  a  position  of 
clerk  in  the  Post-office  Department  upon  non-competitive  examination. 
She  never  reported  for  duty  at  the  Summit  post-office,  and  the  only  knowl- 
edge that  the  Postmaster  had  of  her  appointment  and  separation  were 
the  notices  he  received  from  the  Post-office  Department.  She  was  not 
an  employee  of  the  Summit  post-office  in  the  sense  contemplated  by  law, 
and  was  simply  placed  upon  the  roster  of  that  office  in  order  that  she 
might  be  transferred  to  the  Post-office  Department  without  the  competi- 
tive examination  and  certificate  intended  by  the  rules  to  cover  such  cases. 

"Miss  Madden,  it  is  said,  is  a  very  near  relative  of  Third  Assistant- 
Postmaster  General  Madden.  Whether  she  was  appointed  at  his  request 
cannot  be  stated  positively. 

"The  Summit  office  was  classified  May  16,  1900.  A  request  for  Mis* 
Madden's  transfer  to  the  Department  at  Washington  was  made  on  the 
19th  of  June,  and  the  transfer  was  issued  on  the  27th  of  that  month. 

"The  result  of  the  investigation  was  presented  to  President  McKinley, 
with  a  memorandum  by  Mr.  Proctor,  dated  November  14,  1900,  which 
made  specific  recommendations  for  the  correction  of  the  irregularities, 
and  which  said  in  part: 

"'The  persons  who  were  classified  in  those  offices  (Summit  and  Som- 
erville)  and  borne  on  the  rolls,  and  who  never  appeared  and  rendered 
service  at  the  office,  were  illegally  paid,  if  paid  from  the  funds  of  the 
Post-office  Department,  because  they  did  not  render  service.  They  were 
illegally  paid,  if  paid,  in  the  Post-office  Department  or  in  the  Philadel- 
phia post-office,  where  some  of  them  were  serving,  because  they  were 
borne  upon  the  rolls  elsewhere.  If  they  did  not  receive  pay  for  the  time 
they  were  so  borne  upon  *  the  rolls  of  the  Summit  and  Somerville  offices, 
it  is  a  violation  of  the  statute  prohibiting  the  rendering  of  service  with- 
out compensation. 

"  'These  appointments  were  made  of  people  who  do  not  reside  in  the 
postal  districts,  and  were  forced  upon  the  postmasters  by  the  Depart- 
ment, thus  making  a  subordinate  co-operate  with  the  department  in  eva- 
sion of  the  law,  which  is  very  demoralizing  to  the  public  service.  In  view 
of  all  these  facts,  a  strong  letter  should  be  written  to  the  Postmaster 
General,  which  should  be  presented  in  person  by  the  commission,  and  at 
the  same  time  a  rule  should  be  prepared  for  submission  to  the  President 
which  would  prevent  these  evils  in  the  future.' 

"This  matter  was  called  to  President  McKinley's  attention  several 
times,  and  by  him,  it  is  said,  referred  to  Postmaster  General*  Smith." 

Other  apt  illustrations  of  the  devices  employed  to  overreach  and 
set  aside  the  Civil  Service  rules,  and  even  the  statute  creating  the 
system  itself,  are  found  in  the  report  submitted  to  the  Attorney- 
General  by  his  special  assistants,  Messrs.  Holmes  Conrad  and 
Charles  J.  Bonaparte,  which  was  published  as  an  addendum  to  the 
report  of  the  Postmaster  General  in  the  matter  of  the  investigation 
of  the  Post-Office  Department,  as  transmitted  to  the  Committee, 
on  Post-offices  and  Post-roads  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
December  15,  1903. 


250  Civil  Service  Abuses. 

After  a  patient  and  exhaustive  investigation  of  the  charges  made 
by  Seymour  W.  Tulloch  in  1900,  and  reiterated  by  him  in  1903,  re- 
lating to  the  conduct  of  the  Washington  City  Post-office  and  the 
administration  of  the  Civil  Service  laws  and  rules  therein,  Messrs. 
Conrad  and  Bonaparte  reached  three  very  important  conclusions: 

1.  That  subordinates  were  employed,  without  necessity  or  ad- 
vantage to  the  service,  in  distant  post-offices  which  were  about  to 
be  classified,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  being  transferred  to  the  Wash- 
ington City  Post-office  immediately  afterward. 

2.  That  subordinates  were  employed  in  the  Washington  City 
Post-office,  as  'laborers,"  to  do  classified  work. 

3.  That  subordinates  were  employed  in  the  Washington  City 
Post-office,  as  "laborers,"  or  in  positions  otherwise  exempted  from 
competitive  examinations,  whose  services  were  not  needed,  and  who, 
in  many  cases,  were  not  expected  to  render  any  service,  and  did  not 
render  any. 

CIVIL    SERVICE    UNDER    CHARLES    EMORY    SMITH. 

Under  the  first  head  they  report  that  the  following  appointments 
and  transfers  were  made  in  1899 :  Elsie  J.  Anderson,  from  Sisters- 
ville,  W.  V. ;  William  Bonar,  from  Nyack,  N".  Y. ;  Percival  Mar- 
shall, from  Columbia,  Tenn.,  an&  D.  G.  Miller,  from  Winchester, 
Va.  The  niece  of  H.  Clay  Evens,  Commissioner  of  Pensions,  was 
at  a  later  date  put  into  a  small  post-office  in  Pennsylvania  which 
was  about  to  be  classified,  and  thus  brought  into  the  service  and  im- 
mediately transferred  to  the  Washington  City  post-office,  from 
which  she  was  at  once  re-transferred  to  the  Pension  Office.  How 
many  similar  cases  have  occurred  it  would  be  hard  to  guess,  but 
those  above-mentioned  show  that  the  practice  existed  and  was  coun- 
tenanced by  the  Administration. 

After  stating  the  law  in  such  cases,  Messrs.  Conrad  and  Bona- 
parte, speaking  of  those  appointments  and  transfers  which  were 
made  in  1899,  as  above  stated,  say: 

"These  persons  were  employed  in  the  post-offices  about  to  be  classified, 
precisely  'to  enter'  one  'of  the  said  classes'  of  public  servants  without  hav- 
ing passed  an  examination;  or,  in  other  words,  their  employment  was  for 
the  very  purpose  which  is  totidem  verbis  forbidden  by  the  statute.  Such 
an  employment  constituted  an  evident  fraud  upon  the  law.  We  cannot 
find  any  statute  of  the  United  States  which  constitutes  such  action  on 
the  part  of  a  responsible  Federal  officer  a  crime;  but  it  is  clearly  a  grave 
breach  of  public  trust.  So  far  as  is  indicated  by  the  papers  submitted 
to  us,  the  persons  directly  responsible  for  these  fraudulent  employments 
were  Messrs.  Perry  S.  Heath  and  George  W.  Beavers,  neither  of  whom  is 
now  in  the  public  service.  It  seems  clear,  however,  that  this  responsibility, 
in  some  measure,  extends  to  the  late  Postmaster  General  (Mr.  Charles 
Emory  Smith),  who  appears  to  have  at  least  tolerated  the  practice  after 
notice  of  its  existence,  and  to  the  late  and  the  present  postmasters  at 
Washington,  each  of  whom  appears  to  have  accepted  the  transfer  to  his  of- 
fice of  a  number  of  persons  thus  employed  without,  as  far  as  is  shown, 
any  protest  or  exposure;  facts  substantially  submitted  as  to  himself,  in 
Mr.  Merritt's  letter  of  June  29." 

Under  the  second  head,  speaking  of  laborers  employed  to  do 
"classified"  work,  Messrs.  Conrad  and  Bonaparte  said : 


Civil  Service  Abuses.  251 

"In  the  report  of  Inspector  Little  on  the  annual  inspection  of  the  office, 
completed  July  31,  1900,  he  states  that  besides  11  'janitors'  there  were 
then  employed  for  the  office  1  laborer,  at  $400  per  annum,  4  more  at  $500 
per  annum,  30  at  $600,  and  29  at  $700,  or  64  in  all.  The  'foreman'  of 
this  large  force  was  no  other  than  the  Oliver  H.  Smith  who  figures  in  so 
many  capacities  in  this  correspondence,  and  was  appointed  'finance  clerk/ 
a  position  excepted  from  competition  under  the  civil  service  rules  because 
of  its  supposed  necessary  connection  with  the  handling  of  funds  and  con- 
sequent 'confidential'  character,  but  seems  to  have  discharged  altogether 
different  duties. 

"The  reports  and  correspondence  show  conclusively  to  our  minds  that 
the  service  of  a  large  proportion  of  these  so-called  'laborers'  were  either 
wholly  or  partially  clerical  or  supervisory,  although  we  must  not  be  un- 
derstood as  intimating  that  their  services  were  in  all  cases  without  value 
to  the  Government.  On  the  contrary,  they  seem  in  some  instances  to  have 
done  the  proper  work  of  more  highly  paid  employees  retained  in  the  serv- 
ice for  other  reasons  than  the  public  interest.  Thus  in  the  report  of  In- 
spector Little,  above  quoted,  after  saying  of  the  former  superintendent  of 
a  station,  'he  cannot  issue  a  money  order  or  make  out  a  report,  and 
never  was  able  to  do  so  when  superintendent,'  and  of  another  officer  who 
was  borne  on  the  roster  as  'money  order  clerk'  that  he  'cannot  perform 
the  duties  of  that  position,  and  has  been  employed  as  stamp  clerk.  He 
is  too  infirm  to  fill  that  position  satisfactorily,  and  should  be  removed 
for  the  good  of  the  service';  adds  that  a  certain  young  lady,  'is  also  as- 
signed to  this  station  as  a  laborer,  at  $600  per  annum,  and  is  rendering 
good  service  as  a  clerk,'  but  her  employment,  or  that  of  some  other  com- 
petent clerk,  is  necessary  to  make .  up  the  deficiencies  of  the  two  men 
mentioned.  The  case  might  be  a  little  stronger  if  the  employment 
should  prove  to  be  one  governed  by  section  4  of  the  act  approved  August 
5,  1882,  (22  Stat.  L.  255),  forbidding  payments  except  for  services  ac- 
tually rendered  and  at  the  rate  of  compensation  usual  and  proper  for 
such  services;  but  without  regard  to  this  statute,  we  consider  an  agree- 
ment that  the  United  States  should  pay  to  get  something  and  get  noth- 
ing, made  knowingly  by  an  officer  of  the  Government,  is  'a  conspiracy 
to  defraud  the  United  States.' " 

Under  third  head,  respecting  the  employment  of  laborers  who 
perform  no  service,  Messrs.  Conrad  and  Bonaparte,  in  their  report, 
say: 

"At  the  end  of  Exhibit  B,  appended  to  the  letter  of  Fourth  Assistant 
Postmaster  General  to  the  Postmaster  General,  dated,  May  4  last,  is  the 
following  passage: 

"  'Under  date  of  July  5,  1899,  referring  to  the  inspection  of  the  Wash- 
ington post-office,  concluded  June  30,  1899,  Inspector  Owings  states  that 
they  found  the  name  of  one  charwoman  on  the  roster  of  Stations  A,  B, 
and  G,  and  the  superintendents  were  unable  to  state  what  duties  she 
performed,  or  what  salary  she  was  paid;  and  that  in  conversation  with  Mr. 
Beavers,  Chief  of  the  Salaries  and  Allowance  Division,  after  the  transfer 
of  the  post-office  to  Postmaster  Merritt,  he,  (Beavers,)  requested  the  in- 
spector to  inform  the  inspector-in-charge  that  when  he  struck  the  names 
of  the  charwomen  of  the  stations,  it  would  be  well  not  to  mention  them 
in  his  report,  as  they  were  personal  appointments  of  the  Postmaster  Gen- 
eral.' " 

Messrs.  Conrad  and  Bonaparte  express  the  following  opinion  on 
this  point: 

"We  entertain  no  doubt  that  some,  at  least,  of  these  women  and  cer- 
tain other  employees  as  well,  were  employed  by  the  responsible  officers 
with  full  knowledge  that  their  services  were  not  needed,  and  that  their 
employment  burdened  the  Government  with  a  wholly  useless  and  unnec- 


252  Civil  Service  Abuses. 

essary  expense,  and  that  whatever  may  have  been  the  motive  for  this  un- 
justifiable action,  it  teas  not  prompted  by  a  regard  for  the  public  inter- 
est." 

RE-APPOINTMENT    OF    POSTMASTER    MERRITT. 

Since  the  Conrad-Bonaparte  report  was  made  public,  President 
Roosevelt  has  reappointed  Mr.  Merritt  to  the  office  of  Postmaster 
at  Washington  City,  notwithstanding  that  officer's  violation  of  the 
civil  regulations,  so  severely  criticised  in  the  report  referred  to. 

TULLOCH'S    OPINION. 

Mr.  Tulloch,  in  his  interview  of  May  1,  1903,  said : 

"The  civil  service  can  always  be  gotten  around  when  necessary,  as 
seen  in  the  appointment  of  cleaners,  charwomen,  laborers,  financial  clerks, 
auditors,  and  other  excepted  persons,  irrespective  of  the  duties  per- 
formed." 

Commenting  on  this  Messrs.  Conrad  and  Bonaparte  say : 

"We  do  not  feel  called  upon  to  express  any  opinion  as  to  whether  the 
facts  thus  stated  impugned  the  efficiency  of  the  Civil  Service  Commis- 
sion, as  organized  during  the  years  to  which  Mr.  Tulloch's  allegations  re- 
fer (i.  e.,  the  years  1897  to  1900),  but  there  can  be,  we  think,  no  doubt, 
that  the  above-quoted  statement,  if  somewhat  exaggerated,  contains  a 
large  measure  of  truth." 

ARBITRARY    DISPENSATIONS. 

It  is  the  custom  of  the  Civil  Service  Commission,  in  its  annual 
reports  to  Congress,  to  state  the  number  of  exceptions  made  by  the 
President  to  the  rule  requiring  that  entrance  to  the  classified  service 
shall  be  through  competitive  examination.  Sixty  exceptions  are 
named  in  the  latest  report  as  the  total  of  President  Roosevelt.  Only 
three  exceptions  were  made  in  this  way  by  McKinley,  and  only  one 
by  Cleveland. 

HOW    IT    WORKS    IN    NEW    ENGLAND    AND    CHICAGO. 

The  New  York  Evening  Post  of  June  10,  1904,  gives,  as  informa- 
tion obtained  from  the  Civil  Service  Commission,  the  following 
statement  concerning  the  workings  of  local  civil  service  boards : 

"From  time  to  time  the  Commission  had  to  visit  and  inspect  the  sev- 
eral boards  to  see  how  they  were  getting  along  with  their  work,  whether 
there  were  any  complaints  of  favoritism  or  other  faults  against  themt 
how  methodical  they  were  in  keeping  the  records,  with  what  sort  of  at- 
mosphere they  were  surrounded,  etc.  Such  inspections  not  infrequently 
unearthed  abuses  which  ought  not  to  exist,  even  where  no  downright 
corruption  was  charged,  and  the  offender  was  wholly  unconscious  of  doing 
anything  wrong.  For  example,  the  overhauling  of  a  board  in  a  thrifty 
N«w  England  town  discovered  a  secretary — the  chief  executive  officer 
of  the  group — who  frankly  declared  that  he  had  been  in  office  five  years, 
and  that  no  Democrats  would  have  any  share  in  the  administration  of 
this  Government  as  long  as  he  could  keep  them  out." 

The  Washington  Evening  Star  of  February  2,  1904,  says: 

"Gen.  H.  H.  Thomas,  who  was  ousted  from  the  position  of  appraiser 
of  the  port  of  Chicago,  and  was  succeeded  yesterday  by  Lyman  T.  Hoy, 
a  protege  of  Senator  Hopkins,  has  made  public  a  bitter  attack  on  Secre- 
tary Shaw  of  the  Treasury.     Part  of  his  letter  is  as  follows: 


Civil  Service  Abuses.  253 

"  'The  Republican  party  prides  itself  upon  its  devotion  to  the  civil 
service  law,  and  you  have  sworn  to  enforce  that  as  well  as  other  laws. 
Let  us  see  the  performance.  In  April  last  there  occurred  a  vacancy  in 
the  tobacco  examiner's  office,  which  carried  a  salary  of  $1,800.  There 
being  no  eligibles  to  select  from  you  appointed  Mr.  Lahann  for  a  thirty- 
days'  term  at  $10  per  day.  You  reappointed  him  each  month  until  Sep- 
tember 2,  when  a  competitive  examination  was  held,  in  which  he  partici- 
pated and  failed  to  pass.  A  half  dozen  of  them  did  pass,  and  some  of 
them  well  up  in  the  nineties,  and  the  law  made  it  one  of  your  duties  to 
appoint  one  of  the  three  highest,  but  you  set  aside  the  law,  and  have  ap- 
pointed Lahann  five  times  since.' " 

ARBITRARY    RULE    IN    THE    UNCLASSIFIED    CIVIL    SERVICE. 

So  far  as  the  vast  army  of  officeholders  in  the  "Unclassified 
Civil  Service"  is  concerned,  President  Roosevelt's  letter  of  June 
13,  1902,  gives  an  interpretation  of  the  rules  which  completely 
emasculates  the  system.  That  interpretation  virtually  substitutes 
the  opinion  of  the  appointing  power  as  the  only  rule  of  action  in 
regard  to  appointments  and  dismissals  in  the  unclassified  civil 
service.  Mr.  Patterson,  of  Tennessee,  in  a  speech  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  thus  vigorously  and  properly  denounced  the  Presi- 
dent's attitude  as  shown  by  that  letter : 

"In  it  is  reversed  all  former  interpretations,  and  as  a  species  of 
false  reasoning,  cloudy  statement,  and  evasion  it  is  to  be  commended  to 
those  Republicans  who  are,  without  pretension,  opposed  to  the  law  and 
as  furnishing  a  salve  to  their  wounds,  which  Reformer  Roosevelt  so 
unsparingly  inflicted  in  the  past. 

"No  one  can  doubt  that  Candidate  Roosevelt  is  now  in  the  proper 
frame  of  mind  to  accept  the  advice  of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  (Mr. 
Grosvenor),  and  suspend  the  operation  of  the  law  altogether,  if  such 
suspension  should  be  thought  expedient  or  necessary." 

THE    CLARKSON    APPOINTMENT. 

Mr.  Roosevelt's  total  disregard  of  the  underlying  principles  of 
civil  service  reform  whenever  his  own  interests  are  involved  was  also 
displayed  in  the  appointment  of  James  S.  Clarkson  to  be  Surveyor 
of  the  Port  of  New  York,  one  of  the  most  important  offices  in  the 
country. 

Mr.  Clarkson's  reputation  as  a  practical  politician  is  very 
well  known.  The  Civil  Service  Reform  Association  in  its 
annual  report  for  1903  severely  denounces  the  appointment  as 
inimical  to  the  progress  of  reform,  and  describes  the  appointee  as 
one  who  is  "notorious  as  a  spoilsman,"  and  as  "a  frequent  absentee 
from  his  office,  engaged  in  political  work  in  other  parts  of  the  coun- 
try" 

As  showing  Mr.  Clarkson's  idea  of  good  government  in  general 
and  the  merit  system  in  particular,  the  Washington  correspondent  of 
the  Chicago  Chronicle,  a  journal  which  is  a  strong  supporter  of 
President  Roosevelt,  gives  some  very  important  information,  saying, 
•on  June  13,  1903 :  "Senator  Piatt,  of  New  York,  and  James  S. 
Clarkson,  Surveyor  of  the  Port  of  New  York,  called  on  President 
Roosevelt  at  the  White  House  this  morning.  .  .  .  Mr.  Clarkson 
*told  the  President  frankly  that,  as  a  friend,  he  would  advise  that 
the  post-office  investigation  be  closed  up  as  rapidly  as  possible.    He 


254  Interior  Department  Scandals. 

said  it  would  work  great  injury  to  the  Republican  party."  The 
Chronicle's  correspondent  also  says  that  Clarkson  is  "one  of  the 
President's  closest  friends,"  which  shows  that  President  Eoosevelt 
is  not  very  particular  as  to  the  men  he  employs  to  do  his  political 
work,  and  that  he  is  quite  willing  the  taxpayers  should  pay  their 
salaries  and  expenses,  though  almost  entirely  employed  in  partisan 
political  work. 

The  "political  work"  referred  to  by  the  Civil  Service  Eeform  As- 
sociation was  to  be  done  in  the  personal  interest  of  the  President,  and 
consisted  in  lining  up  the  negro  delegates  from  the  Southern  States 
to  the  Republican  National  Convention  in  favor  of  his  nomination 
for  the  Presidency.  Clarkson  often  came  to  Washington  before  the 
convention  was  held,  but  did  not  register  at  any  hotel,  lest  his  pres- 
ence should  become  known  to  the  public.  He  came  usually  on 
trains  from  the  South  and  went  directly  to  the  home  of  Postmaster- 
General  Payne,  the  President's  political  manager. 

Such  appointments  as  that  of  Clarkson,  considered  in  connec- 
tion with  the  removal  of  Miss  Todd,  a  faithful  postmistress  in 
Delaware,  because  she  was  "personally  offensive  to  Senator  Allee," 
the  chief  political  lieutenant  of  the  notorious  Addicks,  and  with  the 
monstrous  ill-treatment  of  Thomas  W.  Gilmer,  because  "his  manner 
was  offensive"  to  such  men  as  Auditor  Petty,  Perry  Heath,  A.  W. 
Machen,  and  other  unfaithful  public  servants,  are  very  extraor- 
dinary actions  to  come  from  a  President  who  is  an  avowed  oppo- 
nent of  that  system  which  he  himself  has  characterized  as  "foul 
government  and  dishonest  politics." 


INTERIOR   DEPARTMENT   SCANDALS. 
LAND    FRAUDS. 

Official  corruption  in  the  Interior  Department  is  widespread; 
it  involves  the  General  Land  Office  and  the  Indian  Bureau,  and 
covers  perhaps  every  State  in  which  there  is  public  land,  and  is 
quite  as  much  in  need  of  investigation  as  the  more  notorious 
corruptions  in  the  Post-Office  Department.  A  former  Repub- 
lican Member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  from  Minnesota, 
Mr.  Heatwole,  said  in  his  newspaper,  the  Northfield  News,  July 
10,  1903: 

"All  the  corruption  and  rottenness  in  Washington  is  by  no 
means  located  in  the  Post-Office  Department.  Why  not  give  Hitch- 
cock's department  an  airing?  Some  of  the  bureaus  are  reeking 
with  carelessless,  favoritism  and  absentmindedness.  Clean  the 
stables." 

There  is  much  evidence  of  fraud,  especially  in  the  Land  De- 
partment, which  has  been  secretly  under  investigation  since  No- 
vember, 1902.  During  that  month  the  Federal  Grand  Jury  in 
Omaha,  Neb.,  was  investigating  wholesale  frauds,  involving  some 


Interior  Department  Scandals.  255 

of  the  wealthiest  men  in  western  Nebraska;  but  no  one  was  in- 
dieted,  as  political  pressure  in  their  behalf  appears  to  have  been 
too  strong.  In  the  Washington  Post,  November  27,  1902,  was 
published  a  special  telegram  from  Chicago,  which,  after  saying 
that  the  Grand  Jury  at  Omaha  was  investigating  the  wholesale 
land  frauds,  added  that  Col.  John  S.  Mosby,  the  special  agent  of 
the  Land  Department,  who  was  sent  to  inquire  into  alleged  frauds, 
was  interviewed  in  that  city,  and  said : 

"When  I  began  the  investigation,  Senator  Dietrich  sent  me  a 
personal  letter  requesting  me  to  come  to  Hastings  and  see  him 
on  a  matter  of  importance.  Hastings  is  three  hundred  miles  away 
from  my  headquarters  at  Alliance,  and  I  wrote  to  the  Senator  that 
if  he  had  anything  to  say  to  me  to  send  it  on  paper,  as  I  was  un- 
able to  get  away. 

"Then  Senator  Millard  wrote  to  me,  requesting  me  to  come  to 
Omaha.  As  I  was  to  go  to  Omaha  to  see  the  District  Attorney 
soon,  I  told  the  Senator  I  would  call  on  him.  When  I  reached 
Omaha,  Senator  Millard  requested  me  to  suspend  the  enforcement 
of  the  law  prohibiting  the  fencing  of  public  lands.  I  told  him  I 
could  not  do  that,  because  it  was  something  the  President  of  the 
United  States  was  not  authorized  to  do.  He  sent  a  message  to 
the  Department  of  the  Interior  requesting  that  I  be  called  to 
Washington  to  discuss  the  violations  in  western  Nebraska. 

"The  land  barons  have  made  use  of  soldiers'  widows,  inducing 
them  to  secure  homesteads.  When  the  entries  have  been  made, 
the  women  were  paid  $75  for  their  work.  My  predecessor  took 
steps  to  prove  the  entries  were  false.  The  barons  did  not  care  for 
that,  as  nothing  was  done  about  the  fencing.  It  was  calculated 
that  it  would  take  two  years  to  cancel  the  fraudulent  entries,  and 
that  as  soon  as  they  were  canceled  others  would  be  filed.  In  this 
way  the  barons  expected  to  have  tenure  of  the  land  for  several 
years." 

The  article  also  said: 

"In  addition  to  involving  the  cattlemen,  scores  of  soldiers* 
widows  may  be  charged  with  perjury  and  also  be  drawn  into  the 
inquiry  wherein  the  cattle  barons  have  been  accused  of  conspiracy. 
The  inquiry  of  Col.  Mosby  already  has  resulted  in  the  removal  of 
Special  Agent  W.  R.  Lesser,  who  failed  to  enforce  the  law,  and 
apparently  remained  inactive  at  the  instance  of  the  cattlemen 
and  the  two  United  States  Senators." 

The  dispatch  adds: 

"Col.  Mosby  left  to-night  for  Omaha,  where  he  will  aid  District 
Attorney  W.  S.  Summers  to  force  the  cattle  barons  to  act.  The 
movement  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Summers  to  secure  indictments 
against  the  cattlemen  has  resulted  in  a  vigorous  fight  being  made 
on  him.  His  term  is  about  to  expire,  and  he  is  candidate  for  reap- 
pointment. He  is  opposed  by  two  United  States  Senators,  it  is 
said,  largely  because  of  his  action  in  the  land  frauds."  (He  was 
not  reappointed.) 

The  work  of  the  grand  jury  appears  to  have  come  to  naught,. 


256  Interior  Department  Scandals. 

for  it  is  not  reported  that  indictments  were  found  against  the 
cattle  barons,  for  on  May  10,  1903,  a  dispatch  to  the  Omaha 
World  Herald  from  Washington  said: 

"The  best  authority  claims  that  the  Government  has  dropped 
the  question  of  fence  removal  on  the  grazing  lands  of  the  public 
domain  in  Nebraska  for  some  time  to  come.  At  least  the  interests 
of  the  cattle  barons  will  not  be  interfered  with  until  after  the 
next  presidential  election. 

"Col.  Mosby,  the  Confederate  guerilla,  who,  as  an  agent  for 
the  Department  of  the  Interior,  caused  so  much  anxiety  to  the 
Nebraska  cattlemen  in  removing  their  fences  several  months  ago, 
has  been  entirely  relieved  of  fence  razing  and  sent  to  Alabama, 
where  he  is  now  making  an  investigation  of  timber  lands. 

"His  withdrawal  from  Nebraska,  so  it  is  claimed,  was  the  result 
of  the  urgent  demand  of  Senator  Dietrich,  Senator  Millard,  and 
the  Nebraska  Cattlemen's  Association.  It  was  made  plain  to 
the  Administration  that  if  Col.  Mosby  was  allowed  to 
continue  his  operations  in  nebraska  the  cattle  interests 
would  defeat  the  Eepublican  ticket  in  1904.  This  was  prac- 
tically admitted  by  Col.  Mosby  when  recently  in  Washington  as 
the  reason  of  his  discontinued  operations  in  Nebraska." 

Thus  it  is  seen  that  the  cattle  barons  were  politically  powerful 
enough  to  squelch  the  investigation.  Their  monopolizing  of  the 
public  domain  with  wire  fences  prevented  settlers  from  going  on 
the  land  and  acquiring  homesteads.  The  enormous  extent  of  the 
area  of  land  enclosed  with  these  fences  is  shown  by  the  last  report 
of  the  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office,  who  says: 

"There  is  a  large  increase  in  the  total  number  of  supposedly 
fraudulent  land  entries  over  the  preceding  year.  *  *  *  Dur- 
ing the  year  there  were  reported  125  unlawful  in  closures  of  public 
land,  covering  an  area  of  2,605,390  acres.  Seventy-nine  of  these 
inclosures  have  been  removed,  and  proceedings  are  pending  to  com- 
pel the  removal  of  the  remainder."  He  adds,  however,  "that  the 
total  number  mentioned  is  only  a  fraction  of  the  inclosures  main- 
tained in  violation  of  the  law." 

It  is  also  certain  that  when  the  investigation  ceased,  the  cattle 
barons  immediately  rebuilt  most  of  the  fences  removed. 

TIMBER    LAND    FRAUDS. 

But  the  land  frauds  in  the  States  above  mentioned  are  not  the 
only  ones,  by  any  means,  for  in  Oregon  and  other  Pacific  States 
there  was  a  systematic  attempt  to  gobble  all  the  most  valuable 
timber  land,  and  there  was  an  increase  in  the  entries  amounting 
to  about  140,000  acres  in  the  course  of  three  months.  The  Wash- 
ington Post  of  April  26,  1903,  in  giving  an  account  of  these 
frauds,  said:  "When  hints  of  it  first  reached  Secretary  Hitch- 
cock, he  called  upon  Commissioner  Hermann  of  the  General  Land 
Office  for  information.  The  results  were  very  unsatisfac- 
tory/'' Mr.  Hermann  later  was  forced  to  resign,  and  his  suc- 
cessor,  Mr.   Richards,   ordered   an  examination.     If  the   special 


Interior  Department  Scandals.  257 

report  of  Special  Inspector  Green  could  be  obtained  from  the 
Interior  Department,  it  would,  it  is  said,  show  official  complicity 
in  some  of  the  scandals,  but  the  officials  refuse  to  divulge  it. 

The  land  frauds  extend  into  the  States  of  Oregon,  Washington, 
Idaho,  Montana,  Nevada,  California,  Nebraska,  Kansas,  Alabama, 
Louisiana,  Indian  Territory  and  New  Mexico. 

In  Oregon  sixteen  indictments  were  found  by  the  United  States 
Grand  Jury  April  2,  1904,  and  Secretary  Hitchcock,  according  to 
a  press  report  of  October  29,  stated,  "There  will  still  be  many 
more."     On  December  9,  1903,  the  Washington  Post  said: 

"The  Interior  Department  has  suspended  Thomas  McNutt,  a 
special  agent  of  the  General  Land  Office,  recently  on  duty  in 
Oregon,  as  a  result  of  the  investigation  of  the  public  land  frauds 
in  Oregon.  McNutt  was  appointed  about  a  year  ago  from  In- 
diana, and  was  formerly  a  member  of  the'Eepublican  State  Cen- 
tral Committee.  He  has  telegraphed  friends  here  that  he  does 
not  understand  the  reason  for  his  suspension. 

"The  suspension  was  recommended  by  Inspector  A.  E.  Green, 
in  a  report  on  the  investigation  of  the  frauds  in  Oregon.  His  re- 
port intimated  that  a  prosecution  in  the  courts  might  follow." 

There  were  some  indictments  found  against  the  land  thieves 
in  other  States,  but  the  names  were  not  made  public  by  the  Interior 
Department,  except  that  on  November  14,  1903,  it  was  announced 
that  in  northern  California  four  defendants  had  been  convicted 
of  subornation  of  perjury  in  taking  up  timber  lands. 

On  November  2,  1903,  Secretary  Hitchcock  gave  out  a  state- 
ment denying  that  the  land  frauds  were  as  extensive  as  had  been 
claimed,  but  admitted  that  "several  hundred  thousand  acres  of 
public  land  were  involved." 

The  only  conviction  of  importance,  however,  was  in  Oregon, 
where  Charles  Cunningham,  known  as  "the  Eastern  sheep  king," 
was  sentenced  to  pay  a  fine  of  $5,000.  His  accomplices  were  let 
off  with  fines  of  $100.  None  of  them  was  sentenced  to  a  term 
of  imprisonment.  The  land  thieves  will  hardly  be  deterred  from 
future  operations,  when  they  find  that  small  fines  are  the  only 
punishment  inflicted,  for  the  $5,000  fine  imposed  on  Cunningham, 
who  is  reputed  to  be  worth  millions,  is  much  less  in  proportion 
than  the  $100  fines  that  he  doubtless  had  to  pay  for  those  who  had 
aided  him  in  the  frauds. 

Since  that  time  there  has  been  a  suspicious  lull  in  the  prose- 
cutions, though  Secretary  Hitchcock  said  nearly  one  year  ago 
that  the  work  was  nearing  completion.  Neither  have  any  of  those 
•of  "influential  character,"  other  than  Cunningham,  been  con- 
victed, nor  can  it  be  learned  that  indictments  have  been  found 
against  such. 

The  possible  effect  of  these  frauds  on  the  Presidential  campaign 
■seems  to  have  led  to  a  cessation  of  activity  by  the  Administration 
^ntil  "after  election,"  perhaps,  as  with  some  of  the  principal  of- 


258  Interior  Department  Scandals. 

fenders  in  the  Post- Office  frauds,  the  delay  may  lead  to  the  statute 
of  limitations  allowing  those  of  "influential  character"  to  escape 
altogether. 

INDIAN    TERRITORY   SCANDALS. 

Ever  since  the  reorganization  of  the  Dawes  Commission,  when 
Tarns  Bixby  was  appointed  president  of  the  Commission,  there  had 
been  constant  rumors  of  scandals  in  connection  with  the  allotment 
system  of  the  Indian  lands. 

Direct  charges  against  the  administration  of  affairs  in  the 
Indian  Territory  were  made  by  Samuel  M.  Brosius,  special  agent 
of  the  Indian  Rights  Association,  early  in  1903,  and  President 
Roosevelt  appointed  Charles  Bonaparte  and  Clinton  Rogers 
Woodruff  to  investigate  the  conditions  in  Indian  Territory.  Their 
report  was  made  public  March  4,  1904,  and  it  sustained,  in  the 
main,  the  Brosius  charges.  Amongst  other  findings,  the  Commis- 
sion found: 

"The  allegations  of  Mr.  Brosius  respecting  the  ownership  of 
stock  in  corporations  doing  business  in  Indian  Territory  by  three 
members  of  the  Commission  of  the  five  civilized  tribes  (the  Dawes 
Commission)  and  other  Federal  officers  were  shown  to  be  accu- 
rate. Mr.  Tarns  Bixby,  one  of  the  commissioners,  was  identified 
strongly  with  this  corporation." 

Even  Republican  newspapers  like  the  New  York  Sun  demanded 
that  the  Commission  be  abolished.  In  its  issue  of  May  14,  1904, 
the  Sun  said : 

"The  charges  made  last  August  by  S.  M.  Brosius  against  some 
of  the  members  and  employees  of  the  so-called  Dawes  Commission 
on  account  of  their  personal  dealings  with  the  Indians  have  been 
sifted  thoroughly  by  Charles  Joseph  Bonaparte  and  Clinton  Rogers 
Woodruff. 

"President  Tarns  Bixby,  of  the  Commission;  Commissioners 
Clifton  R.  Breckinridge  and  Thomas  B.  Needles,  and  Indian  In- 
spector J.  George  Wright,  were  all  found  to  be  interested  in  cor- 
porations dealing  more  or  less  extensively  in  Indian  lands.  It  ap- 
pears that  none  of  them  were  engaged  in  unlawful  practices,  but 
the  investigators  think  that  Mr.  Breckinridge's  investment  in  such 
corporations  'has  seriously  impaired  the  public  usefulness/  Pres- 
ident Bixby's  interest  in  the  corporations  'should  be  terminated 
without  delay/  It  should  be  'officially  suggested'  to  Commis- 
sioner Needles  and  Inspector  Wright  that  they  sell  out." 

This  advice  does  not  seem  to  have  been  accepted  by  the  Adminis- 
tration, and  there  appears  to  be  the  same  determination  to  smother 
all  investigation  and  keep  from  the  public  all  information  of  the 
scandals  possible  for  fear  it  will  "hurt  the  party." 

Tarns  Bixby  was  at  the  time  of  his  appointment  to  the  Dawes 
Commission  Chairman  of  the  Republican  State  Committee  of  Min- 
nesota, and  for  some  years  has  been  actively  engaged  in  political 
management  in  that  State.  Although  Messrs.  Bonaparte  and 
Woodruff  recommended  that  President  Roosevelt  require  Bixby  to 


The  Executive  Pension  Order.  259- 

sever  his  connection  either  with  the  trust  company  or  the  govern- 
ment, no  action  seems  to  have  been  taken. 

Charges  were  made  to  Secretary  of  the  Interior  previous  to  July 
1,  1903,  alleging  the  mismanagement  of  the  Creek  Indian  Agency, 
and  Clarence  B.  Douglas  was  dismissed  from  the  employment  at 
the  Muscogee  Agency  "for  the  good  of  the  service,"  and  was  re- 
fused an  investigation. 

On  August  24,  1903,  Benjamin  H.  Colbert,  United  States  Mar- 
shal for  the  Indian  Territory,  was  arretted  charged  with  using  his 
power  for  political  purposes.  Letting  prisoners  out  of  jail  that  they 
might  vote  was  one  of  his  pleasing  pastimes;  imprisoning  Indians 
for  not  voting  according  to  his  wishes,  another.  These  discharges 
and  arrests  by  the  Government  did  not,  however,  lead  to  a  general 
uncovering  of  the  land  ring  which  has  sought  to  profit  by  the 
allotment  system,  and  no  other  information  has  been  given  to  the 
public. 

The  almost  universal  charges  of  corruption  against  the  govern- 
ment officials  in  Indian  Territory  would  indicate  that  the  Ke- 
publican  machine  had  dumped  its  most  worthless  and  grafting  par- 
tisans from  all  the  States  upon  the  unfortunate  Indians  and  the 
numerous  citizens  of  the  United  States  who  have  made  their  homes 
there. 

There  is  also  on  file  in  the  Department  of  Justice  a  report  made 
by  Special  Examiner  Chalmers — since  deceased — regarding  the  rot- 
tenness of  the  officials  of  the  government  connected  with  the  De- 
partment of  Justice  in  the  Territory.  It  is  said  at  one  town, 
Sapulpa,  the  United  States  Commissioner,  the  Deputy  United 
States  Marshal  and  the  constable  are  all  charged  in  this  report 
with  serious  crimes  and  that  these  charges  are  supported  by  rep- 
utable citizens,  but  the  report  is  kept  secret  by  the  department  and 
no  steps  appear  to  have  been  taken  to  remove  or  punish  the 
offenders. 


THE   EXECUTIVE   PENSION    ORDER. 

On  the  15th  of  March,  1904,  Mr.  E.  F.  Ware,  Commissioner  of 
Pensions,  submitted  to  Secretary  Hitchcock,  of  the  Interior  De- 
partment, the  draft  of  an  order  which,  omitting  the  preamble,  is  as 
follows : 

"Ordered,  1.  In  the  adjudication  of  pension  claims  under  the  act  of 
June  27,  1890,  as  amended  it  shall  be  taken  as  an  evident  fact,  if  the 
contrary  does  not  appear,  and  if  all  other  legal  requirements  are  prop- 
erly met,  that  lohen  a  claimant  has  passed  the  age  of  62  years,  he  is  dis- 
abled one-half  in  ability  to  perform  manual  labor,  and  is  entitled  to  be 
rated  at  $6  per  month;  after  65  years,  at  $8  per  month;  after  68  years, 
at  $10  per  month;  and  after  70  years,  at  $12  per  month. 

"2.  Alloioances  at  higher  rate,  not  exceeding  $12  per  month,  will  be 
continued  as  heretofore  when  disabilities,  other  than  age  show  a  condi- 
tion of  inability  to  perform  manual  labor. 


260  The  Executive  Pension  Order. 

"3.  This  order  shall  take  effect  April  18,  1904,  and  shall  not  be  deemed 
retroactive.  The  former  rules  of  the  office  fixing  the  minimum  and  max- 
imum  at  65  and  75  years,  respectively,  are  hereby  modified  as  above." 

On  the  same  day  Secretary  Hitchcock  approved  the  foregoing 
order;  and  it  is  admitted  by  the  President's  friends  that  all  this 
was  done  with  the  approval  of  Mr.  Koosevelt  himself,  and  was  a  part 
of  his  "policy." 

The  questions  by  Mr.  Williams,  of  Mississippi,  and  answers  by 
Mr.  Grosvenor,  of  Ohio,  while  the  subject  was  under  discussion  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  plainly  show  that  both  Republicans 
and  Democrats  regarded  the  Order  as  a  usurpation  of  legislative 
power : 

"Mr.  Williams.  Is  not  this  the  case — that  we  appropriate  a  cer- 
tain amount  of  money,  or  so  much  thereof  as  may  be  necessary,  and 
what  we  mean  by  that  is,  so  much  as  may  be  necessary  to  carry  out 
and  execute  existing  law?" 

"Mr.  Grosvenor.     That  is  correct." 

"Mr.  Williams.  If  by  any  executive  legislation  the  amount 
made  necessary  by  existing  law  is  made  larger,  is  not  that  a  usurpa- 
tion of  legislative  power?" 

"Mr.  Grosvenor.  I  think  so.  I  think  everybody  would  say 
that." 

See  the  Congressional  Record,  58th  Congress,  2nd  Session,  p. 
4763. 

The  law  of  1890,  section  2,  puts  every  case  on  its  individual 
merits,  and  leaves  it  to  the  person  appointed  to  try  the  case,  to  de- 
termine when  due  proof  of  the  fact  of  disability  is  made  in  each 
particular  case.  But  the  Order  dispenses  with  proof  of  the  fact 
of  disability,  whenever  the  applicant,  who  is  under  the  law  required 
to  make  it,  shall  have  reached  the  age  of  sixty-two  years.  This 
amounts  to  a  suspension  and  nullification  of  existing  law  by  an 
executive  order;  for  the  law  stands  unrepealed  and  unmodified  on 
the  statute  book.  A  ministerial  officer,  as  such,  has  no  authority 
to  make  any  regulation  dispensing  with  the  taking  of  proof.  That 
is  a  legislative  function,  and  has  always  heretofore  been  exercised 
by  Congress;  as  in  the  Act  of  March  3,  1885,  when  Congress  en- 
acted "That  all  applicants  for  pensions  shall  be  presumed  to  have 
had  no  disability  at  the  time  of  enlistment,  but  such  presumption 
may  be  rebutted";  and  in  the  Act  of  March,  1896,  when  it  enacted 
that  continued  and  unexplained  absence  of  an  enlisted  man  or  of- 
ficer from  his  home  and  family  for  seven  years,  during  which 
period  no  intelligence  of  his  existence  had  been  received,  should 
create  the  presumption  that  he  was  dead;  and,  again,  when  Con- 
gress enacted  that  loss  of  the  sight  of  both  eyes,  or  the  loss  of  both 
hands  or  both  feet  constituted  total  permanent  disability.  Con- 
gress has  not  the  right  under  the  Constitution  to  delegate  legisla- 
tive power  to  any  ministerial  or  judicial  officer ;  and  such  officers 
derive  no  legislative  power  from  any  provision  of  the  Constitution, 
which  separates  the  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  functions. 

Mr.  Grosvenor,  Mr.  Dalzell,  and  other  Republican  leaders  in  the 


The  Executive  Pension  Order.  261 

House,  acting  in  line  with  their  partisans  in  the  Senate  and  the 
Executive  Department,  maintained  that  any  Department  had  the 
right  to  interpret  the  law  as  it  chose,  even  so  far  as  to  originate, 
establish,  change,  or  abrogate  any  rule  of  evidence  whatever. 

That  this  order  was  not  an  interpretation  is  conclusively  shown 
by  the  third  paragraph,  which  says,  "This  order  shall  take  effect 
April  18,  1904,  and  shall  not  be  deemed  retroactive." 

Mr.  Grosvenor,  having  admitted,  as  we  have  seen  by  his  answer  to 
Mr.  Williams,  that  the  order  amounted  to  "a  usurpation  of  legisla- 
tive  power,"  and  having  plainly  declared  that  "no  such  order  as 
that  could  be  issued  by  any  Department  without  the  approval  of 
the  President,"  still  attempted  to  justify  and  uphold  it  on  the 
ground  that  it  was  "a  sensible,  intelligent"  usurpation. 

These  novel  and  dangerous  doctrines  were  strongly  combated  by 
the  Democrats  of  the  House,  as  well  as  by  the  Senate  Democrats. 
All  of  them  took  the  ground  that  the  Order  amounted  to  an  inva- 
sion and  usurpation,  by  the  Executive,  of  the  powers  vested  by  the 
Constitution  in  the  legislative  Department  of  the  Government  ex- 
clusively, and  that  it  was  especially  an  invasion  and  abrogation  of 
the  powers  of  the  House  of  Representatives  relating  to  revenues 
and  expenditures. 

Mr.  Coekran,  of  New  York,  introduced,  and  in  a  masterly  speech 
supported  the  following  resolution: 

House  resolution  No.  278: 

"Resolved,  That  the  Committee  on  tne  Judiciary  be  instructed  to  in- 
quire and  report  to  the  House  whether,  in  the  opinion  of  said  commit- 
tee, there  is  any  authority  of  law  for  a  recent  order  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Interior  to  the  effect  that  all  persons  who  served  in  the  Army  or 
Navy  of  the  United  States  during  the  war  of  the  rebellion  and  who  have 
reached  the  age  of  62  years  shall  be  presumed  to  have  incurred  such  dis- 
abilities as  to  entitle  them  to  receive  pensions  under  the  act  of  Con- 
gress approved  June  27,  1890;  and  if  no  such  authority  be  found  to  ex- 
ist, the  said  committee  is  instructed  to  report  whether  the  issue  of  such 
order  amounts  to  a  usurpation  or  invasion  by  the  Executive  of  the  pow- 
ers vested  by  the  Constitution  in  the  legislative  department  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  what  steps,  if  any,  should  be  taken  to  vindicate  the  con- 
stitutional authority  of  Congress,  and  particularly  of  this  House,  over 
tne  raising  of  revenues  and  the  expenditure     thereof." 

This  resolution  was  tabled  by  a  solid  Republican  vote. 

Later,  when  the  deficiency  bill  was  under  consideration  in  the 
House,  Mr.  Moon,  of  Tennessee,  exposed  the  false  attitude  of  the 
Republicans  by  offering  an  amendment  to  the  General  Deficiency 
bill,  making  all  three  sections  of  the  Order  a  part  of  that  bill,  and 
thus  forcing  their  hand  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  them  show 
whether  they  wanted  the  change  made  by  the  order  as  a  law,  or 
only  as  an  executive  regulation  in  violation  of  law ;  so  that,  as  such, 
it  might  serve  to  forestall  the  passage  of  a  service  pension  bill 
founded  on  the  principle  of  equality  and  justice,  which  should 
supply  the  defects  of  the  existing  system,  under  which  officers 
and  favorites  secure  excessive  pensions  while  the  rank  and  file  get 
little. 

The  Moon  amendment  was  ruled  out  on  the  point  of  order,  as 


262  Financial  Legislation  by  Executive  Decree. 

"not  germane."  There  was  an  appeal  from  this  ruling,  but  the 
Republicans  voted  to  sustain  it,  and  $1,500,000  was  appropriated 
in  the  Deficiency  bill  to  carry  into  execution  an  order  made  mani- 
festly  in   violation   both  of   the   Constitution   and   the   Statutes. 


FINANCIAL   LEGISLATION    BY   EXECUTIVE   DECREE. 

On  September  25,  1902,  Secretary  Shaw  misconstrued  and  mis- 
applied the  provisions  of  law  which  authorized  him  to  "designate 
one  or  more  depositories  in  each  state  for  the  safe-keeping  of  the 
public  money  collected  by  virtue  of  the  internal  revenue  laws" 
(K.  S.,  Sec.  3211),  and  "to  designate  national  banks  as  such  de- 
positories of  all  public  money  'except  receipts  from  customs'"  (R. 
S.,  Sec.  5153).  These  provisions  did  not  authorize  loans  of  money 
to  banks,  but  were  intended  only  to  allow  the  revenue  collectors 
to  deposit  their  collections  for  safe-keeping  until  such  moneys  could 
be  transferred  to  the  Treasury  or  to  some  sub-treasury.  Yet  by  an 
"emergency  construction"  the  Secretary  perverted  these  provisions 
in  such  a  way  as  to  place -large  sums  of  public  money  in  the  banks 
of  New  York  and  other  cities,  virtually  as  loans  without  interest. 

In  his  decree  of  September  25  the  Secretary  held  that  while 
money  which  had  once  been  paid  into  the  Treasury,  or  into  any  sub- 
treasury,  could  not  lawfully  be  withdrawn  therefrom  and  deposited 
in  any  bank,  yet  internal  revenue  and  miscellaneous  receipts, 
amounting  to  some  half  a  million  dollars  a  day,  or  $182,500,000 
a  year,  might  lawfully  be  deposited  in  banks  selected  by  the  Secre- 
tary, at  his  own  unbridled  discretion,  and  allowed  to  remain  in  them 
as  iong  as  he  chose. 

In  this  way  certain  favored  banks  were  filled  with  public  money 
and  allowed  to  use  it  without  interest,  so  that  on  the  5th  day  of 
December,  1903,  just  two  months  and  ten  days  after  Secretary 
Shaw's  decree  was  made,  these  national  bank  depositories  held  to 
the  credit  of  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States  $158,614,757. 

Having  done  this  Secretary  Shaw  issued  another  decree,  Septem- 
ber 30,  1903,  by  which  he  suspended  and,  in  effect,  repealed  the  law 
requiring  every  bank  designated  as  a  depository  of  public  money  "to 
have  at  all  times  on  hand,  in  lavjful  money  of  the  United  States, 
an  amount  equal  to  at  least  twenty-five  per  centum  of  the  aggregate 
amount  of  its  notes  in  circulation,  and  of  its  deposits"  (R.  S.,  Sec. 
5191),  and  also  the  law  requiring  all  such  national  banks  "to  give 
satisfactory  security  by  deposit  of  United  States  bonds  and  other- 
wise,  for  the  safe-keeping  and  prompt  payment  of  public  money 
deposited  with  them"  (R.  S.,  Sec.  5153). 

This  last  decree  disclosed  the  real  design  of  the  whole  scheme, 
which  was  to  allow  the  banks  to  hold  and  use  the  public  money,  not 
only  without  interest,  but  also  without  giving  lawful  security  for  its 
safe-keeping  or  "prompt  payment/' 


Financial  Legislation  by  Executive  Decree.  263 

Secretary  Shaw  in  attempting  to  justify  these  decrees  disregarded 
both  reason  and  precedent  by  holding  that  the  words  "United 
States  bonds  and  otherwise/'  which  occur  in  Section  5153  of  the 
Revised  Statutes,  imply  that  other  bonds  may  be  received  in  lieu  of 
"United  States  bonds/'  and  that  when  such  other  bonds  had  been 
deposited  as  security,  he  would  no  longer  require  the  national  banks 
to  hold  a  reserve  of  25  per  cent,  in  lawful  money  against  govern- 
mental deposits,  but  would  regard  their  deposits  of  "bonds" — 
"United  States  bonds,"  or  other  "bonds — as  sufficient  security  under 
the  law,  and  would  accept  State  and  municipal  bonds  for  that  pur- 
pose; entirely  ignoring  Section  5191,  which  requires  depositories  of 
public  money  to  keep  a  reserve  fund  in  lawful  money.  Section 
5191  does  not  repeal  Section  5153,  or  even  modify  it,  except  by 
adding  another  safe-guard  against  the  loss  of  public  funds  held  by 
the  banks.  The  two  sections  are  cumulative,  and  must  obviously  be, 
and  always  had  previously  been,  construed  together,  as  one  law  re- 
quiring two  kinds  of  security — 

First,  "by  the  deposit  of  United  States  bonds,"  as  required 
by  Section  5153;  and 

Second,  "by  keeping  on  hand,  at  all  times,  in  lawful 
money  of  the  united  states,  an  amount  equal  to  at  least 
twenty-five  per  centum  of  the  aggregate  amount  of  its 
notes  in  circulation,  and  of  its  deposits,"  as  required  by 
Section  5191. 

The  language  of  Section  5191  being  thus  substituted  for  the 
words  "and  otiierwise"  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  the  law  is 
perfectly  manifest.  Nobody  ever  before  dreamed  that  those  words 
could  be  so  twisted  as  to  give  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  any 
authority  or  pretext  to  dispense  with  the  security  for  public  money 
required  by  the  25  per  cent,  reserve  clause,  or  to  nullify  the  clause 
requiring  the  deposit  of  "United  States  bonds/'  as  distinguished 
from  other  kinds  of  bonds.  But  this  wise  law,  precisely  designed 
by  Congress  to  prevent  over-speculation  and  resultant  bankruptcy 
on  the  part  of  banks  holding  Government  deposits  in  trust,  was 
wilfully  set  at  naught  in  order  to  facilitate,  at  the  risk  and  expense 
of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States,  those  very  evils. 

The  official  report  of  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States  for 
1902  contains  the  following  statement  with  reference  to  the  ac- 
ceptance of  State  and  City  bonds  in  lieu  of  United  States 
bonds  : 

"Under  a  ruling  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  the  Depart- 
ment since  October  1,  1902,  has  received  from  national  banks  ten- 
dering them,  State  and  City  bonds,  as  a  part  of  the  security  for 
deposits  of  public  funds,  to  release  United  States  bonds,  which  were 
at  once  transferred  to  secure  circulation.  To  November  15,  State 
and  City  bonds  were  thus  substituted  to  the  amount  of  $20,338,- 
500." 

If  these  operations  had  not  been  sufficient  to  save  the  banks  which 
had  loaned  their  depositors  money  too  freely  and  on  insufficient  se- 
curity, there  could  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  a   much  larger 


264  Financial  Legislation  by  Executive  Decree. 

• 

amount  of  State  and  Municipal  bonds  would  have  been  accepted  iu 
the  same  Vay ;  nor  is  it  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  the  design  of 
the  Aldrich  bill,  which  was  to  place  the  entire  customs  receipts  at 
the  disposal  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  for  the  use  of  the  banks 
at  nominal  interest  and  adequate  security,  would  have  been  accom- 
plished by  a  mere  Departmental  ruling,  in  violation  of  existing  law. 
Financial  legislation  by  executive  order,  jeopardizing  the  public 
credit,  the  public  funds,  and  the  public  safety,  and  abrogating  the 
Constitutional  and  statutory  laws  of  the  land,  is  the  established 
policy  of  the  present  Administration,  emphasized  by  these  rulings 
and  by  the  operations  effected  under  them. 


NATIONAL   IRRIGATION    A   DEMOCRATIC   POLICY. 
THE   NEWLANDS  IRRIGATION   ACT, 

"iWe  favor  an  intelligent  system  of  improving  the  arid  lands  of  the 
west,  storing  the  waters  for  the  purpose  of  irrigation,  and  the  hold- 
ing of  such  lands  for  actual  settlers."  (Democratic  National  platform 
of  1900.) 

"Whereas,  the  Democratic  platform  of  1900  declared  as  follows:  'We 
favor  an  intelligent  system  of  improving  the  arid  lands  of  the  west, 
storing  the  waters  for  the  purpose  of  irrigation,  and  the  holding  of  such 
lands  for  actual  settlers';  Now,  therefore, 

"Resolved,  by  the  Democratic  Congressional  Committee,  that  we  re- 
gard the  pending  bill  for  the  irrigation  of  the  arid  lands  of  the  west, 
which  devotes  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of  public  lands  in  the  arid  and 
semi-arid  states  and  territories  to  the  construction  of  storage  and  irriga- 
tion works,  and  makes  each  project  self -compensatory  by  fixing  the  cost 
on  the  lands  to  be  reclaimed,  to  be  repaid  by  the  settlers  in  ten  annual 
installments,  and  also  reserves  the  land  so  reclaimed  for  actual  settlers 
and  homebuilders,  as  complying  with  the  pledge  contained  in  the  National 
Democratic  platform,  and  we  therefore  favor  the  passage  of  said  bill  as 
a  needed  step  in  the  line  of  domestic  development." 

(Resolution  Democratic  Congressional  Committee,  June,  1902.) 

"We  congratulate  our  western  citizens  upon  the  passage  of  the  law 
known  as  the  Newlands  Irrigation  Act  for  the  irrigation  and  reclama- 
tion of  the  arid  lands  of  the  west — a  measure  framed  by  a  Democrat, 
passed  in  the  Senate  by  a  non-partisan  vote,  and  passed  in  the  House 
against  the  opposition  of  almost  all  the  Republican  leaders  by  a  vote,  the 
majority  of  which  was  Democratic. 

"We  call  attention  to  this  great  Democratic  measure,  broad  and  com- 
prehensive as  it  is,  working  automatically  throughout  all  time  without 
further  action  of  Congress,  until  the  reclamation  of  all  the  lands  in  the 
arid  west  capable  of  reclamation  is  accomplished,  reserving  the  lands  re- 
claimed for  homeseekers  in  small  tracts  and  rigidly  guarding  against 
land  monopoly,  as  an  evidence  of  the  policy  of  domestic  development 
contemplated  by  the  Democratic  party,  should  it  be  placed  in  power." 

(Democratic  National  platform,   1904.) 

Has  the  Democratic  party  carried  out  the  pledges  made  in  its 
platform  of  1900? 

On  the  17th  day  of  June,  1902,  an  Act  of  Congress  was  approved, 
providing  for  the  construction  of  irrigation  works  and  the  reclama- 
tion of  arid  lands,  and  containing  the  following  principal  pro- 
visions : 

First. — A  reclamation  fund  in  the  treasury,  consisting  of  all  moneys 
received  from  the  disposal  of  public  lands  in  sixteen  arid  and  semi-arid 
states  and  territories. 

Second. — Investigation  and  report  as  to  irrigation  projects  by  the  in- 
terior department  through  the  geological  survey. 

Third. — After  the  approval  of  such  reports  by  the  secretary  of  the 
interior  construction  to  commence  under  contracts  made  by  him.  No 
contract  to  be  made  unless  the  money  necessary  for  the  completion  of 
the  project  is  available  in  the  reclamation  fund. 

Fourth. — Compensation  to  the  fund  of  the  actual  cost  of  each  proj- 
ect by  the  sale  of  water  rights,  to  be  made  in  a  series  of  installments 
running  over  ten  years. 

Fifth. — The  holding  of  the  public  lands  for  actual  settlers  under  the 


266  National  Irrigation  a  Democratic  Policy. 

homestead  act;  holdings  to  be  limited  to  small  areas,  sufficient  for  the 
support  of  a  family;  no  commutation. 

Sixth. — Sale  of  water  rights  to  private  land  holders,  but  not  more 
than  160  acres,  thus  discouraging  land  monopoly  and  promoting  the  break- 
ing up  of  large  tracts. 

Seventh. — The  ultimate  control  of  irrigation  works,  except  reservoirs, 
by  the  settlers  under  a  system  of  home  rule. 

Under  this  Act  five  great  irrigation  projects,  in  as  many  differ- 
ent states  and  territories,  have  been  actually  commenced  and  others 
are  contemplated.  The  Reclamation  Fund  now  is  over  $25,000,000, 
derived  from  the  sales  of  public  lands  and  applicable  to  irrigation 
works.  This  fund  is  a  revolving  fund,  being  constantly  replen- 
ished from  the  sale  of  the  lands  reclaimed.  National  irrigation 
will  create  homes  for  millions  of  men  in  the  west,  and  it  is  possi- 
ble for  thirteen  states  and  three  territories  to  realize  the  fullest 
development  of  their  natural  resources  in  the  early  future.  The 
success  of  the  bill  is  established. 

Taking  advantage  of  the  fact  that  the  bill  was  passed  by  a  Con- 
gress, both  branches  of  which  were  Republican,  and  was  signed  by 
a  Republican  President,  it  was  contended  in  the  Congressional 
campaign  following  its  passage  by  the  Republican  press  and  by 
Republican  speakers  that  it  was  a  Republican  measure;  that  it 
was  inspired  by  Mr.  Roosevelt;  that  the  West  owed  him  and  his 
party  a  debt  of  gratitude  for  it;  that  its  administration,  was  in 
Mr.  Roosevelt's  hands.  This  contention  was  maintained  by  the 
Republican  campaign-book  of  1902,  and  in  the  recent  Republican 
platform  that  party  claims  the  entire  credit  for  putting  this  legis- 
lation on  the  statute  books. 

The  claim  is  without  foundation. 

National  irrigation  is  a  Democratic  policy,  framed  by  a  Demo- 
cratic Representative,  carried  by  Democratic  votes  over  the  oppo- 
sition of  the  great  Republican  leaders  in  Congress.  When  the  Re- 
publican President  advocated  such  legislation  in  his  message,  and 
affixed  his  signature  to  the  bill  after  its  passage,  he  merely  endorsed 
a  Democratic  measure  which  his  party  leaders  had  vainly  endeav- 
ored to  defeat.  These  facts  become  plain  upon  the  simplest  re- 
view of  the  history  of  the  measure. 

INTRODUCTION    OF    THE    BILL. 

Up  to  January  26,  1901,  every  effort  to  unite  the  friends  of  ir- 
rigation on  a  practicable  policy  had  met  with  failure.  Differences 
existed  as  to  the  form  of  legislation  and  local  jealousies  prevented 
union  upon  appropriations  for  any  specific  project,  while  the  East 
refused  to  recognize  what  it  regarded  as  a  proposition  to  pay  taxes 
for  the  benefit  of  the  West,  and  to  create  competition  with  eastern 
farms.  With  a  divided  West  and  a  hostile  East  the  hope  of  national 
aid  for  the  reclamation  of  arid  lands  seemed  vain,  and  the  great 
consummation  utterly  remote.  Such  was  the  situation  up  to  Jan- 
uary 26,  1901.  Upon  that  date  Francis  G.  Newlands,  then  Repre- 
sentative but  now  Senator  from  Nevada,  introduced  a  bill  framed 
on  new  lines,  though  some  of  its  features  were  suggested  by  earlier 


National  Irrigation  a  Democratic  Policy.  267 

bills  framed  by  Shaffroth  and  Bell,  of  Colorado,  who  were  also 
Democrats.  Instantly  this  bill  was  recognized  as  "daybreak"  by 
the  friends  of  the  cause  throughout  the  United  States.  Its  charac- 
ter was  such  that  western  men  could  unite  upon  it  and  that 
eastern  men  could  urge  no  valid  objection.  The  bill  attracted  wide 
public  attention,  and  was  discussed  in  the  press  of  the  entire  coun- 
try.    It  was  generally  spoken  of  as  the  "Newlands  Bill." 

After  its  introduction  by  Mr.  Newlands  it  was  immediately 
presented  to  a  meeting  of  leading  western  senators  and  representa- 
tives, regardless  of  party,  Democrats,  Republicans  and  Populists, 
and  received  their  approval,  and  on  motion  of  Senator  Pettigrew, 
they  requested  Senator  Hansbrough,  chairman  of  the  senate  com- 
mittee on  public  lands,  to  introduce  it  in  the  senate.  This  Senator 
Hansbrough  did,  with  some  slight  modifications,  on  the  30th  day  of 
January,  1901.  Hearings  went  on  before  committees  of  Congress, 
and  it  was  soon  evident  that  the  .solution  of  one  of  the  greatest 
problems  of  the  times  had  been  found.  The  great  principles  em- 
bodied in  the  original  Newlands  Bill  were  accepted  by  Congress  and 
the  country.  It  only  remained  to  perfect  the  measure.  This  was 
done  by  numerous  hearings  and  conferences. 

At  the  hearing  of  the  House  Committee  on  the  irrigation  of 
public  lands  on  January  28,  1901,  above  referred  to,  Mr.  Newell, 
chief  hydrographer  then  and  now  chief  engineer  of  the  reclamation 
service,  appeared  and  made  a  lengthy  statement  regarding  the  va- 
rious forms  of  legislation,  and  after  an  exhaustive  review  of  the 
Newlands  Bill  and  commending  it  as  the  most  practicable  measure 
then  before  Congress,  he  said: 

"Mr.  Newlands'  general  bill  has  been  so  worded  as  to  avoid  striking 
on  all  the  snags  which  are  impeding  the  progress  of  the  development 
and  reclamation  of  the  arid  lands.     *     *     *  " 

Mr.  George  H.  Maxwell,  Chairman  of  the  Executive  Committee 
of  the  National  Irrigation  Congress,  well  known  for  his  devotion 
to  the  cause  of  irrigation,  also  appeared  before  the  committee  at 
the  hearing  of  January  28,  1901,  and  urged  the  acceptance  of  the 
Newlands  Bill.  The  following  brief  quotations  are  taken  from  his 
published  remarks: 

"The  bill  to  which  Mr.  Newlands  refers  and  a  copy  of  which  I  have 
seen  seems  to  me  to  obviate  the  objection  that  the  East  would  be  taxed 
for  the  benefit  of  the  West.  *  *  *  *  But  coming  back  to  the  New- 
lands  Bill,  there  is  no  doubt  that  as  to  large  areas  of  country  *  *  * 
it  is  a  perfectly  feasible  and  sound  proposition." 

In  a  debate  with  Congressman,  now  Attorney- General  Moody,  on 
January  30,  1901,  Mr.  Newlands  went  into  a  full  exposition  of  his 
bill,  and  urged  the  immediate  commencement  of  construction  work 
under  it.    The  following  colloquy  took  place : 

Mr.  Newlands.  Well,  I  ask  the  gentleman  whether  he  is  in 
favor  of  carrying  out  that  declaration  of  his  own  party  platform? 

Mr.  Moody  of  Massachusetts.     Not  yet,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Newlands.    Not  yet!   Postponement!   How  long? 


?68  National  Irrigation  a  Democratic  Policy. 

Mr.  Moody  of  Massachusetts.  Well,  until  I  am  convinced  that 
the  platform  in  that  regard  was  right. 

In  a  running  debate  with  Mr.  Moody,  Mr.  Hill  of  Connecticut, 
and  Mr.  Cannon,  the  present  speaker,  Mr.  Newlands  again  went 
into  a  full  exposition  of  his  bill,  and  demanded  that  the  Republican 
party  unite  with  the  Democratic  party  in  carrying  out  its  plat- 
form pledges  upon  the  subject  of  irrigation.  The  following  col- 
loquy took  place : 

Mr.  Newlands.  We  propose  to  stand  by  our  platform.  The 
gentleman  proposes  to  repudiate  his.  Now,  the  gentleman  am- 
plified on  it  in  his  previous  speech,  stating  that  the  very  purpose 
of  this  platform  was  to  secure  the  support  of  those  thirteen  States 
or  more  in  the  arid-land  region  of  whose  contracted  population  he 
complains.    I  ask  if  that  was  the  purpose? 

Mr.  Cannon.  I  was  not  in  the  convention  that  adopted  the  plat- 
form, nor  was  I  in  your  convention.  In  my  judgment  the  pledge 
of  the  platform  would  be  substantially  the  settlement  by  Congress 
by  the  legislation  I  have  indicated,  (cession  of  arid  lands  to  the 
states).  IF  IT  WOULD  NOT  BE,  THEN  I  WOULD  NOT 
STAND  BY  THAT  PLANK  IN  THE  PLATFORM. 

The  San  Francisco  "Chronicle"  of  February  7,  1902,  quotes 
Representative  Cannon  as  follows,  showing  that  his  attitude  of 
opposition  to  national  irrigation  remained  unchanged : 

"I  shall  do  whatever  I  can  to  defeat  irrigation  legislation.  It  is 
dangerous  to  countenance  these  private  grabs  from  the  national  treas- 
ury. I  have  always  been  willing  to  turn  over  the  lands  to  the  states 
themselves,  but  this  bill  and  all  bills  framed  to  get  the  federal  govern- 
ment committed  to  expenditures  I  shall  do  my  best  to  head  off!" 

Further  on  in  the  same  debate,  Mr.  Newlands  inquired  whether 
Mr.  Cannon,  as  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  House  and  one  of  the 
committee  on  rules,  would  favor  its  consideration  before  Congress 
adjourned,  to  which  Mr.  Cannon  replied:  "There  are  about  ten 
days  left  of  this  session.  ...  I  will  not  seek  to  sidetrack 
the  House  on  this  issue  at  this  time." 

All  this  occurred  at  the  short  session  of  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress 
before  Mr.  Roosevelt  succeeded  to  the  Presidency.  Before  this 
took  place  the  Newlands  Bill  had  been  framed,  had  been  dis- 
cussed generally  by  the  newspapers  of  the  country  and  approved, 
particularly  by  the  wrestern  press,  and  had  received  the  approval 
of  the  committee  on  public  lands  of  the  Senate  under  the  chair- 
manship of  Senator  Hansbrough,  and  of  the  committee  on  irri- 
gation of  the  House.  Its  consideration  was  prevented  by  the  short- 
ness of  the  session,  as  Congress  adjourned  on  the  4th  day  of  March, 
1901. 

AFTER    PRESIDENT    ROOSEVELT'S    SUCCESSION. 

After  Mr.  Roosevelt  became  President,  on  the  opening  of  the 
Fifty-seventh  Congress,  Representative  Newlands  and  Senator 
Hansbrough  again  introduced  substantially  the  same  bill, — Mr. 
Newlands  on  December  2,  1901,  and  Mr.  Hansbrough  on  Decern- 


National  Irrigation  a  Democratic  Policy.  269 

ber  4,  1901.  The  President's  recommendation  was  upon 
the  lines  of  this  bill,  which  had  received  the  general  sup- 
port of  the  west  and  of  western  senators  and  representatives; 
and  a  meeting  was  immediately  called  of  the  western  senators  and 
congressmen  and  a  special  committee  of  seventeen  appointed  to  re- 
port a  bill  which  would  unite  the  west,  which,  however,  was  not  ac- 
complished until  after  two  Wyoming  Representatives,  Senator  War- 
ren and  Congressman  Mondell,  had  tried  unsuccessfully  to  amend 
it  in  ways  which  would  have  destroyed  its  character  as  a  national 
and  a  popular  measure;  one  wanted  the  reclamation  fund  to  be 
expended  by  the  engineering  departments  of  sixteen  different 
states  and  territories;  the  other  wanted  the  nation  merely  to 
store  the  water  and  turn  it  into  the  streams,  where  it  would  be  open 
to  appropriation  and  sale  by  individuals,  firms  and  corporations. 
These  proposals  were  beaten. 

Certain  changes,  however,  were  made  in  the  measure  as  intro- 
duced by  Mr.  Newlands,  but  they  did  not  change  its  essential 
character.  The  original  Newlands  bill  of  January  26,  1901, 
was  the  broad  foundation  stone  on  which  the  new  national  policy 
was  erected;  it  was  a  stone  taken  from  the  Democratic  quarry, 
hewn  and  shaped  by  Democratic  statesmen,  prominent  in  which 
work  was  Shaffroth  and  Bell  of  Colorado,  and  Dubois  of  Idaho. 
The  measure  as  revised  by  the  committee,  was  submitted  to  the 
western  senators  and  congressmen,  and  a  motion  was  made  au- 
thorizing Mr.  Newlands  to  introduce  it  in  the  House, 
and  Mr.  Hansbrough  to  introduce  it  in  the  Senate.  It  passed 
the  Senate  without  opposition,  but  powerful  opposition  was  en- 
countered at  the  hands  of  the  most  influential  Republican  leaders 
in  the  House  of  Representatives. 

REPUBLICAN    OPPOSITION. 

Here  is  the  way  in  which  the  great  leaders  of  the  Republican 
party  "supported"  the  national  irrigation  policy  when  its  fate 
trembled  in  the  balance  at  Washington : 

Mr.  Hepburn,  of  Iowa:  Mr.  Chairman,  if  I  were  not  one  of  the  most 
humble  and  polite  men  in  this  House,  I  would  take  the  liberty  of  say- 
ing that  the  proposition  involved  in  this  bill  is  the  most  insolent  at- 
tempt at  larceny  that  I  have  ever  seen  in  a  legislative  proposition. 

General  Grosvenor,  of  Ohio:  If  this  scheme  can  be  carried  into  ex- 
ecution, I  would  not  give  five  cents  on  the  dollar  ten  years  hence  for 
all  the  beet  sugar  stock  this  side  of  the  Missouri  river.  What  is  the 
evidence  that  has  been  taken  this  year  before  the  Committee  on  Ways 
and  Means?  Why,  sir,  the  evidence  is  that  the  beet  sugar  men  of  Utah, 
California  and  Colorado  can  manufacture  beet  sugar  almost  a  cent  a 
pound  cheaper  than  can  be  done  without  the  application  of  irrigation. 

In  a  recent  speech  reviewing  the  history  of  the  measure  delivered 
by  Congressman  Van  Duzer  of  Nevada  on  April  27,  1904,  he  said : 

Every  democratic  leader  supported  the  bill.  Every  republican  leader 
spoke  and  voted  against  it.  Mr.  Payne,  the  chairman  of  the  Committee 
on  Ways  and  Means,  and  the  leader  of  the  House ;  Mr.  Dalzell,  of  the 
Committee  on  Rules;   Mr.  Cannon,  then  the  chairman  of  the  Committee 


270  The  American  Merchant  Marine. 

on  Appropriations;  Mr.  Ray,  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Judiciary; 
Mr.  Grosvenor  and  Mr.  Hepburn,  all  of  them  constituting  the  Republican 
leadership  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  aided  by  other  strong  and 
forceful  debaters,  opposed  the  bill  vigorously,  and  in  some  cases  bitterly. 

THE    VOTE    ON    THE    BILL. 

The  bill  passed  in  the  Senate  by  a  non-partisan  and  practically 
unanimous  vote.    The  final  vote  in  the  House  was  as  follows : 

FOR. 

Democrats    73 

Silver   1 

Populists    3 

Republicans   69 

Total 146 

AGAINST. 

Democrats 13 

Republicans   42 

Total 55 

The  evidence  is  absolutely  clear  and  indisputable.  National  ir- 
rigation is  a  triumph  of  Democratic  statesmanship,  carried  over  the 
opposition  of  the  Republican  leaders  in  Congress,  and  finally  con- 
summated with  the  approval  of  a  Republican  President  who  recog- 
nized the  wisdom  and  justice  of  his  political  opponents  in  fram- 
ing and  passing  the  law  which  opens  the  way  for  millions  to  get 
homes  on  the  reclaimed  public  domain. 

Democratic  statesmanship  brought  the  whole  western  half-conti- 
nent under  the  American  flag.  It  negotiated  the  Louisiana  Pur- 
chase and  acquired  the  territory  from  Mexico  under  the  treaties 
of  1845  and  1853.  It  stood  faithfully  by  the  mining  industry  in 
sunshine  and  in  storm.  It  initiated  and  consummated  the  plan 
for  reclaiming  the  deserts  and  peopling  them  with  men  who  shall 
live  free  from  the  exactions  of  land  and  water  monopoly.  And 
now  the  Democratic  party  solemnly  pledges  itself  to  go  forward 
with  the  work  of  internal  development. 

True  to  its  history  and  its  principles,  it  stands  for  the  growth 
of  the  Republic  at  home  in  preference  to  the  exploitation  of  em- 
pire in  distant  lands. 


THE   AMERICAN    MERCHANT   MARINE. 

The  Democratic  party  has  ever  been  the  true  friend  of  American 
shipping.  Under  the  wise  leadership  of  James  Madison,  aided  j^y 
the  far-seeing  statesmanship  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  in  the  early 
years  of  the  republic  our  shipping  became  our  most  prosperous 
industry  and  the  mainstay  of  the  nation.    From  less  than  twenty- 


The  American  Merchant  Marine.  271 

five  per  cent,  of  our  foreign  commerce  carried  in  American  vessels, 
the  policy  placed  on  our  statutes  by  the  founders  of  the  Democratic 
party  increased  the  proportion  to  above  ninety  per  cent.  During 
all  the  years  preceding  the  Civil  War  an  average  of  seventy-five 
per  cent,  of  our  entire  foreign  commerce  was  carried  in  American 
vessels.  During  the  past  forty-three  years  less  than  twenty  per 
cent,  of  our  imports  and  exports  have  been  carried  in  American 
vessels. 

During  the  last  year  of  the  Buchanan  administration  the  Ameri- 
can merchant  marine  reached  the  high  tide  of  its  prosperity,  2,642,- 
628  tons  of  shipping  being  under  American  registry  in  the  foreign 
trade,  while  last  year  American  shipping  under  registry  had  fallen 
to  888,776  tons,  a  shipping  less  by  nearly  100,000  tons  than  we  had 
in  the  foreign  trade  in  1810,  almost  a  century  ago. 

It  cannot  be  said  that  the  decline  of  our  shipping  under  register 
is  due  to  lack  of  commerce  to  carry.  Our  foreign  trade  is  now 
more  than  four  times  more  valuable  than  it  was  in  1861,  when  out 
shipping  engaged  in  its  carriage  was  three  times  greater  than  now. 
Our  ships  then  carried  sixty-five  per  cent,  of  our  foreign  trade, 
while  they  now  carry  eight  per  cent. 

The  disappearance  of  our  shipping  from  the  foreign  trade  is 
largely  due  to  the  outrageous  and  unnecessarily  high  tariff  in- 
augurated by  the  Kepublican  party  and  maintained  in  defiance  of 
public  condemnation.  To  this  high  tariff  policy  and  the  high  cost 
of  materials  used  in  shipbuilding  resulting  therefrom  is  chiefly  due 
the  fearful  decline  in  American  shipping  during  the  past  forty- 
three  years. 

During  the  long  period  preceding  the  adoption  of  our  high  tariff 
policy,  American  shipping  in  the  foreign  trade  was  able — practi- 
cally unaided — to  compete  successfully  and  profitably  with  foreign 
shipping.  In  no  decade  of  our  history  is  the  record  more  illumined 
with  the  wonderful  growth,  superior  qualities  and  high  achieve- 
ments of  American  shipping,  than  during  that  between  1850  and 
.3  860.  American  ships  were  as  cheaply  built  and  they  were  better 
built  than  their  foreign  rivals ;  they  made  an  average  of  three  voy- 
ages while  their  foreign  competitors  were  making  two ;  they  carried 
their  cargo  with  less  damage ;  insurance  of  our  ships  and  their  car- 
goes was  less,  even  in  the  ports  of  Great  Britain,  where  they  com- 
manded a  preference  over  British  ships ;  their  commanders,  officers 
and  seamen  were  men  of  superior  intelligence,  of  marked  intrepid- 
ity and  wonderful  skill,  and  the  life  of  our  ships  compared  favor- 
ably with  those  of  other  nations,  and  the  care  exercised  in  keeping 
them  in  almost  perfect  condition  was  the  marvel  as  well  as  the  envy 
of  all  seafaring  people.  The  presence  of  an  American  ship  in  a 
foreign  port  in  the  heyday  of  its  greatness — the  last  great  decade 
©f  Democratic  administrations — was  an  event  of  great  importance, 
and  the  ship  was  always  crowded  with  admiring  visitors.  The 
fame  of  American  ships  was  known  wherever  the  waves  rolled  and 
the  winds  blew,  and  for  grace,  beauty,  speed,  safety  and  endurance 
they  were  unequalled. 


272  The  American  Merchant  Marine. 

Contrast  the  foregoing  statement  of  our  maritime  conditions 
with  those  of  the  present !  To-day  American  ships  are  all  but  un- 
known in  the  ports  of  the  world.  In  most  of  the  ports  of  the  con- 
tinent of  Europe  an  American  ship  is  never  seen,  and  of  the  thou- 
sands of  ships  and  millions  of  tons  that  pass  through  the  Suez 
Canal  one  under  the  American  flag  is  the  greatest  of  rarities. 
Such,  in  short,  is  the  low  state  to  which  a  once  great  interest,  and 
industry  of  vast  extent  and  large  profit,  has  fallen  under  Republi- 
can neglect  and  misrule. 

The  Republican  party  has  lacked  the  courage  to  apply  the  pro- 
tective policy  to  our  shipping  which  it  believes  to  be  necessary  for 
its  restoration.  Its  beloved  subsidy  policy,  a  policy  that  would 
take  millions  and  tens  of  millions  from  the  national  treasury  for 
the  benefit  of  a  limited  number  of  trust-ridden  steamship  owners, 
a  policy  so  extravagant  and  withal  so  uncertain  as  to  its  beneficial 
results  to  the  nation  as  to  appall  some  of  the  more  conservative  and 
less  greedy  of  its  followers,  has  been  promised  them,  but  it  has 
not  been  given  because  of  the  sturdy  and  unyielding  opposition  of 
the  Democratic  party,  although  in  a  minority.  The  Republican 
party  believes  in  subsidies,  because  by  such  a  policy,  so  arranged  as 
to  confer  the  greatest  benefits  upon  corporations  from  which  the 
largest  campaign  funds  can  be  most  easily  wrung,  the  national 
treasury  may  be  used  to  reimburse  and  still  further  enrich  those 
favored  beneficiaries,  the  trust  magnates  and  the  millionaires. 

The  subsidy  bill  which  the  Republicans  jammed  through  the 
United  States  Senate  on  March  17,  1902,  carried  in  its  provisions 
many  millions  of  dollars  annually  for  rich  and  powerful  owners  of 
swift  steamships,  but  all  vessels  under  a  thousand  tons — the  small 
craft  owned  by  the  common  people,  the  small  builders,  the  sail- 
makers,  the  outfitters,  the  men  whose  labor  constructed  them,  the 
masters,  officers  and  seamen  who  sail  them,  their  widows  and  or- 
phans of  limited  means — :all  of  these  were  ruthlessly  denied  any 
share  in  that  subsidy  lest  their  competition  should  possibly  give 
some  annoyance  and  inconvenience  to  the  trust-controlled  steam- 
ships. That  remnant  of  our  small  tonnage  which  the  competition 
of  heavily  subsidized  foreign  shipping  has  failed  to  destroy  would 
thus  be  ruined  by  the  large  and  powerful  corporations  owning 
subsidized  American  shipping — that  was  the  mockery  of  assistance 
which  the  Republican  party  offered  to  the  American  owners  of 
vessels  under  one  thousand  tons — subsidies  for  their  larger  Ameri- 
can competitors,  but  nothing  for  the  American  tonnage  owned  in 
small  shares  by  individuals  of  moderate  means !  Hard  as  is  the  lot 
of  the  small  vessel  owner,  limited  as  are  his  opportunities  for  mak- 
ing headway  against  the  larger  and  richer  corporations  with  which 
he  competes,  severe  and  crushing  as  are  the  losses  that  fall  upon 
him  because  of  his  inability  to  pay  the  excessive  insurance  rates  de- 
manded by  the  underwriters  whose  directorates  are  filled  with  the 
strongest  competitors,  it  was  provided  in  that  infamous  Republican 
ship-subsidy  bill  that  such  feeble  competition  should  no  longer  be 
possible,  and  that  a  summary  end  should  be  put  to  a  class  of  ton- 


Equal  Protection  of  American  Citizens  Abroad.       273 

nage  which  develops  and  nurtures  the  sturdiest  seamen,  the  very- 
flower  of  courage  and  skill,  most  useful  as  men-of-warsmen,  the 
most  valuable — indeed,  the  priceless — resource  of  the  navy  in  time 
of  need !  Thus,  instead  of  the  mercantile  marine  being  the  nursery 
of  our  armed  navy,  the  American  sailor  was  to  be  smothered  in  his 
cradle. 

The  Democratic  party  is  pledged  to  restore  American  shipping, 
but  not  by  the  exotic  and  corrupting  assistance  of  the  national  treas- 
ury, not  by  one-sided  subsidies  and  bounties,  not  by  expedients 
which  rob  the  many  for  the  benefit  of  the  few. 


EQUAL   PROTECTION   OF   AMERICAN  CITIZENS  ABROAD. 

In  April,  1902,  the  following  resolution,  introduced  by  Represen- 
tative Goldfogle,  of  New  York,  a  Democrat,  was  passed  by  the 
House  of  Eepresentatives : 

Resolved  by  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States,  That 
the  Secretary  of  State  be,  and  he  hereby  is,  respectfully  requested  to 
inform  this  House  whether  American  citizens  of  the  Jewish  religious 
faith,  holding  passports  issued  by  this  Government,  are  barred  or  ex- 
cluded from  entering  the  territory  of  the  Empire  of  Russia,  and  whether 
the  Russian  Government  has  made  or  is  making  any  discrimination  be- 
tween citizens  of  the  United  States  of  different  religious  faiths  or  per- 
suasions, visiting  or  attempting  to  visit  Russia,  provided  with  American 
passports;  and  whether  the  Russian  Government  has  made  regulations 
restricting  or  specially  applying  to  American  citizens,  whether  native 
or  naturalized,  of  the  Jewish  religious  denomination  holding  United  States 
passports,  and  if  so,  to  report  the  facts  in  relation  thereto,  and  what 
action  concerning  such  exclusion,  discrimination,  or  restriction,  if  any, 
has  been  taken  by  any  Department  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States. 

Replying  to  the  inquiry  embodied  in  the  Eesolution,  Secretary 
Hay,  in  substance  admitted  that  passports  held  by  American  Is- 
raelites were  refused  recognition  by  the  Eussian  Government. 

In  July,  1902,  President  Roosevelt  was  again  urged  to  take  some 
action  through  the  diplomatic  channels  towards  effecting  a  change 
of  Russia's  attitude  towards  Jewish  American  citizens  presenting 
the  American  passport;  yet  the  Administration  took  no  steps  to 
correct  the  abuse. 

On  April  21,  1904,  the  House  of  Representatives  passed  a  further 
Resolution,  as  follows: 

That  the  President  be  requested  to  renew  negotiations  with  the  gov- 
ernments of  countries  where  discrimination  is  made  between  American 
citizens  on  the  ground  of  religious  faith  or  belief  to  secure  by  treaty  or 
otherwise  uniformity  of  treatment  and  protection  to  American  citizens 
holding  passports  duly  issued  by  the  authorities  of  the  United  States, 
in  order  that  all  American  citizens  shall  have  equal  freedom  of  travel 
and  sojourn  in  those  countries,  without  regard  to  race,  creed,  or  religious 
faith. 


274       Equal  Protection  of  American  Citizens  Abroad. 

In  reporting  the  Eesolution  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Af- 
fairs used  the  words  "renew  negotiations"  amending  the  language 
of  the  Eesolution  as  originally  introduced,  but  the  fact  is  that  nei- 
ther the  present  nor  the  preceding  Eepublican  administration  had 
entered  upon  any  negotiations. 

Up  to  the  time  that  the  Eepublican  Convention  met  the  Adminis- 
tration remained  supine.  After  the  passage  of  the  Eesolution 
it  had  been  stated  in  the  public  press,  that  Secretary  Hay  had  an- 
nounced that  he  would  not  "take  the  matter  up,"  as  America  was 
powerless  in  respect  to  it. 

Taking  alarm  at  the  general  sentiment  throughout  the  country 
in  favor  of  demanding  equal  rights  for  all  American  citizens  travel- 
ing or  sojourning  abroad,  without  distinction,  the  Eepublican 
party  at  the  Chicago  Convention  this  year,  adopted  a  plank  in  their 
platform  as  follows: 

"We  commend  the  vigorous  efforts  made  by  the  administration  to 
protect  American  citizens  in  foreign  lands,  and  pledge  ourselves  to  in- 
sist upon  the  just  and  equal  protection  of  all  our  citizens  abroad.  It 
is  the  unquestioned  duty  of  the  Government  to  procure  for  all  our  citi- 
zens without  distinction,  the  rights  of  travel  and  sojourn  in  friendly 
countries,  and  we  declare  ourselves  in  favor  of  all  proper  efforts  tend- 
ing to  that  end." 
• 

A  careful  reading  of  this  in  the  light  of  the  inaction  of  the 
present  Administration  upon  the  subject  and  of  the  fact  that  Con- 
gress has  already  by  its  unanimous  action  requested  the  President 
to  act,  shows  the  plank  to  be  an  insincere  one,  and  to  be  vague  and 
temporizing. 

The  Democratic  Convention  at  St.  Louis,  following  the  lines  of 
the  Congressional  Eesolution,  originated  by  a  Democrat,  adopted 
the  following  plank  in  its  platform: 

"We  pledge  ourselves  to  insist  upon  the  just  and  lawful  protection 
ot  our  citizens  at  home  and  abroad,  and  to  use  all  proper  measures  to 
secure  for  them,  without  distinction  of  race  or  creed,  the  equal  protec- 
tion of  laws  and  the  enjoyment  of  all  rights  and  privileges  open  to  them 
under  the  covenants  of  our  treaties  of  friendship  and  commerce;  and, 
if  under  existing  treaties  the  right  of  travel  and  sojourn  is  denied  to 
American  citizens,  or  recognition  is  withheld  from  American  passports 
by  any  countries  on  the  ground  of  race  or  creed,  we  favor  the  beginning 
of  negotiations  with  the  government  of  such  countries  to  secure  by 
treaties  the  removal  of  these  unjust  discriminations. 

"We  demand  that  all  over  the  world  a  duly  authenticated  passport 
issued  by  the  government  of  the  United  States  to  an  American  citizen 
shall  be  proof  of  the  fact  that  he  is  an  American  citizen,  and  shall  en- 
title him  to  the  treatment  due  him  as  such." 

This  is  plain,  vigorous  and  distinct,  and  leaves  no  room  for  doubt 
or  misconstruction  as  to  the  attitude  of  the  Democratic  party  on  the 
subject.  The  pledge  it  makes  for  a  Democratic  administration  is 
absolute  and  explicit. 

Whatever  communication  Secretary  Hay  may  recently  have  sent 
to  our  representatives  abroad  on  this  subject  was  compelled  througti 
force  of  public  sentiment,  caused  by  the  agitation  in  Congress  on 
the  Democratic  side.     In  a  speech  delivered  in  Congress,  Apr'M 


Rural  Free  Delivery.  275 

5,  1904,  Representative  Goldfogle,  of  New  York,  referring  to  the 
resolution  of  April  30,  1902,  and  the  State  Department's  answer 
thereto,  said: 

"I  know  of  nothing  done  or  attempted  by  our  Government  since  that 
time  in  the  direction  of  securing  an  abrogation  by  Russia  of  the  pres- 
ent discrimination  between  our  citizens  traveling  abroad  or  of  obtain- 
ing uniformity  of  treatment  through  means  of  new  treaty  stipulations." 


THE    ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   DEPARTMENT    OF    AGRI- 
CULTURE AND  RURAL  FREE  DELIVERY. 

The  Democratic  party  has  an  unassailable  record  for  always 
favoring  legislation  that  would  aid  the  agricultural  interests; 
and  it  would  be  unnecessary  to  point  out  the  legislation  enacted 
for  that  purpose  when  the  Democrats  were  in  power,  but  for  the 
fact  that  the  Republicans  now  claim  that  they  were  the  authors 
of  the  most  important  laws.  Three  measures  of  great  benefit 
to  the  rural  population  were  inaugurated  by  the  Democrats,  while 
they  were  in  control  of  Congress,  or  in  Cleveland's  time,  namely : 

The  establishment  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture;  the  crea- 
tion of  the  Agricultural  Experiment  Stations;  and  the  inaugura- 
tion of  the  Rural  Free  Delivery — all  originated  under  Democratic 
rule. 

THE    DEPARTMENT    OF    AGRICULTURE. 

Under  the  Republicans,  previous  to  the  first  administration  of 
President  Cleveland,  there  was  in  existence  a  Bureau  of  Agri- 
culture, which  was  of  but  little  service  to  the  farmers,  and  whose 
only  work  seemed  to  be  the  annual  distribution  of  seeds  in  each 
Congressional  district ;  but  it  was  not  until  the  appointment  of 
Mr.  Colman  by  President  Cleveland,  in  1885,  that  the  service 
was  made  practical.  And  in  the  Fiftieth  Congress,  Mr.  Hatch, 
of  Missouri,  introduced  a  bill  to  create  the  Department  of  Agri- 
culture. The  Democrats  being  in  control  of  Congress,  and  thus 
having  the  majority  of  the  Committee  on  Agriculture,  to  whom 
the  bill  was  referred,  reported  a  substitute  which  was  passed  and 
approved  by  President  Cleveland,  February  9,  1889.  (See  U.  S. 
Statutes  at  large,  vol.  25,  page  659.) 

Under  this  act,  Mr.  Cleveland  appointed  Norman  J.  Colman, 
editor  of  an  agricultural  newspaper,  as  the  first  Secretary  of  Agri- 
culture. Mr.  Colman  was  the  head  of  the  Agricultural  Bureau  be- 
fore he  was  appointed  to  the  Cabinet,  and  had  already  organized 
the  experimental  stations  in  the  different  States,  in  conjunction 
with  the  agricultural  colleges,  and  had  inaugurated  the  system 
which  now  prevails. 

AGRICULTURAL    EXPERIMENT    STATIONS. 

The  bill  creating  the  Agricultural  Experiment  Stations  was  in- 
trdduced  by  Senator  George,  Democrat,  of  Mississippi,  at  the  first 


276  Rural  Free  Delivery. 

session  of  the  Forty-eighth  Congress,  and  was  passed  and  approved 
by  President  Cleveland,  March  2,  1897.  (See  U.  S.  Statutes  at 
large,  vol.  24,  page  440).  The  vast  good  these  stations  have  ac- 
complished to  improve  the  products  of  the  farms  and  stock  and  to 
provide  for  the  elimination  of  destructive  insects,  is  a  monument  to 
Democratic  foresight  for  the  aid  of  agriculture.  The  claim,  there- 
fore, of  the  Republicans,  that  the  Department  of  Agriculture  was 
inaugurated  by  them,  is  erroneous.  Not  only  was  the  bill  passed 
by  the  Democrats  under  the  first  Cleveland  administration,  but  the 
whole  work  of  the  Department,  including  the  opening  of  Experi- 
mental Stations,  was  organized  by  a  Democrat,  and  is  carried  on 
to-day  on  the  same  basis. 

RURAL    FREE    DELIVERY. 

Among  the  numerous  ^  other  misstatements  of  the  Republican 
campaign  book  is  the  one  claiming  for  that  party  the  origination  of 
rural  free  delivery  for  the  benefit  of  farming  communities.  There 
was  no  rural  free  delivery  prior  to  1892.  Postmaster-General  Wan- 
amaker  had  recommended  its  extension  to  smaller  cities  and  vil- 
lages, but  had  not  recommended  free  delivery  to  the  farming  com- 
munities. 

The  first  suggestion  of  that  kind  was  proposed  by  the  Hon.  K 
F.  Livingston,  Democratic  Congressman  from  Georgia,  when  he 
offered  the  following  amendment  to  the  Post-Office  Appropriation 
Bill,  on  June  22,  1892 : 

"Amend  line  ten,  page  three,  by  striking  out  the  word  'six'  and  in- 
serting the  word  eight,  and  also  after  the  word  'dollars/  in  line  eleven, 
these  words — provided  that  $200,000.00  shall  be  used  for  experimental 
free  rural  delivery  outside  the  towns  and  villages."  (See  Congressional 
Record,   1st  Session,  Fifty-second  Congress,  page  49452.) 

That  amendment  was  ruled  out  on  a  point  of  order,  and  other 
similar  amendments  offered  by  Democrats  met  the  same  fate. 

In  the  following  session  of  the  succeeding  Congress,  February 
17,  1893,  an  amendment  was  offered  by  Hon.  Thomas  E.  Watson, 
at  that  time  a  Democratic  member  from  Georgia,  to  the  Post- 
Office  Appropriation  Bill,  providing  that  $10,000  be  expended  by 
the  Postmaster-General  as  an  experiment  for  rural  free  delivery 
to  the  farmers.  This  being  a  Democratic  Congress,  the  amend- 
ment was  adopted,  and  the  Bill  as  amended  became  a  law.  Mr. 
Harrison  was  then  President,  and  Mr.  Wanamaker  Postmaster- 
General.  The  appropriation,  however,  was  not  used  during  their 
term  of  office,  nor  during  the  first  two  years  under  Mr.  Cleveland. 
Democratic  Congresses,  however,  continued  making  appropria- 
tions, and  in  1895,  $20,000  was  appropriated  for  this  purpose, 
and  during  the  fiscal  year  1896-1897,  under  Postmaster-General 
Wilson,  a  Democrat,  the  first  84  rural  routes  were  established, 
the  first  route  being  established  in  Bartholomew  County,  Indiana, 
in  1896. 

In  the  Record  of  March  18,  1904^  included  in  the  remarks  of 
Hon.  C.  R.  Thomas,  of  North  Carolina,  will  be  found  a  letter 


Popular  Election  of  Senators.  277 

from  Postmaster  General  Payne,  dated  February  25,  1904,  ad- 
dressed to  the  Hon.  L.  F.  Livingston,  House  of  Representatives, 
containing  the  following: 

"Sir: — Replying  to  your  letter  of  the  18th  instant,  making 
certain  inquiries  relative  to  the  history  of  Rural  Free  Delivery 
service,  I  would  refer  you  to  the  acts  making  appropriations  for 
the  postal  service  for  the  fiscal  years  1893-4,  1894-5,  1895-6,  1896-7, 
from  which  I  quote  as  follows : 

"< 1896-1897,  for  free  delivery  service,  in  all,  $12,818,- 

250  Provided  further  that  $10,000  of  this  amount  may  be 

used  to  defray  expenses  of  experiments  in  rural  free  delivery,  under 
the  direction  of  the  Postmaster-General,  and  that  the  amount  here- 
tofore appropriated  for  this  purpose,  and  still  unexpended  be  avail- 
able for  said  experiments/ 

"During  the  fiscal  year,  84  rural  routes  were  established  on  the 
order  of  Postmaster-General  Wilson. 

"Very  respectfully, 
"H.  C.  PAYNE,  Postmaster-General." 

This  was,  therefore,  the  inception  of  rural  free  delivery  to 
the  farmers.  It  was  originated  by  a  Democrat,  first  appropriated 
for  by  a  Democratic  Congress,  and  instituted  by  a  Democratic 
executive.  Like  all  reforms  of  that  kind  in  the  postal  service,  it 
began,  of  course,  in  a  small  way,  as  an  experiment.  It  was  con- 
tinued as  an  experimental  service,  the  appropriations  rapidly  in- 
creasing, received  in  the  House  always  a  practically  unanimous 
Democratic  vote,  and  several  times  the  appropriations  were  in- 
creased upon  the  motion  of  a  Democratic  member.  Having  demon- 
strated its  usefulness  to  the  farming  communities,  the  service  was, 
two  years  ago,  placed  upon  a  permanent  footing. 

These  facts  can  be  easily  gathered  from  the  official  records  in 
the  Post-Office  Department. 


ELECTION    OF    UNITED    STATES   SENATORS    BY   DIRECT 
VOTE   OF   THE   PEOPLE. 

In  the  Fifty-eighth  Congress  there  has  been  no  test  vote  on  the 
question  of  electing  United  States  Senators  by  the  people.  The 
last  yea  and  nay  vote  bearing  on  that  question  was  taken  June  11, 
1902,  a  little  before  the  last  Congressional  election.  It  happened  in 
this  way:  House  Joint  Resolution  No.  41,  for  an  amendment  to 
the  Constitution  for  the  election  of  United  States  Senators  by 
direct  vote  of  the  people  having  passed  the  House  of  Representatives 
without  division,  and  having  been  pending  before  the  Senate  Com- 
mittee on  Privileges  and  Elections  for  six  months  without  any  re- 
port from  the  committee  thereon,  a  motion  was  made  to  discharge 


278  Popular  Election  of  Senators* 

the  committee  from  the  further  consideration  of  the  resolution, 
in  order  that  this  matter  might  be  brought  up  for  consideration 
by  the  Senate.  A  yea  and  nay  vote  being  taken  on  the  motion, 
there  were  21  yeas  and  35  nays,  18  Democrats  and  three  Republi- 
cans voting  yea,  and  thirty-five  Republicans  voting  nay. 
(See  the  vote  at  large  in  the  Congressional  Record,  vol. 
35,  p.  6596.)  This  vote  shows  the  relative  positions  of  the  two 
parties  on  the  subject.  Just  before  it  was  taken  memorials  in 
favor  of  the  election  of  Senators  by  the  people  had  been  presented 
from  the  legislatures  of  Idaho,  Colorado,  Michigan,  Montana,  Ne- 
braska, Nevada,  Oregon,  and  Tennessee,  and  from  associations  and 
citizens  in  nearly  all  parts  of  the  country,  showing  a  strong  and  al- 
most universal  sentiment  in  favor  of  the  measure.  Many  other  state 
legislatures  have  within  the  last  eight  years  presented  memorials 
in  its  favor.  Nothing  but  the  overwhelming  influence  of  the  trusrs 
and  great  special  interests  which  seek  to  keep  as  far  as  possible 
from  a  situation  in  which  the  law-making  power  is  directly  an- 
swerable to  the  people  prevents  the  party  in  power  from  yielding 
to  the  force  of  public  opinion  on  the  subject. 

The  Democratic  platform  of  the  present  year,  following  the  ex- 
pression contained  in  previous  platforms,  has  this  unqualified 
declaration  on  the  subject: 

"We  favor  the  election  of  United  States  Senators  by  the  direct 
vote  of  the  people." 

The  Republican  platform  contains  no  such  declaration. 


VOTE   ON    RESOLUTION   TO   INVESTIGATE   POST-OFFICE 

DEPARTMENT. 


HOUSE     RESOLUTION     NO.     118. 


THE    HAY    RESOLUTION. 

Mr.  Hay  of  Virginia,  on  January  4,  1904,  introduced  the  fol- 
lowing resolution: 

"Whereas,  Fourth  Assistant  Postmaster-General  J.  L.  Bristow, 
in  his  report  to  the  Postmaster-General,  dated  October  24,  1903, 
and  which  report  has  been  transmitted  to  a  committee  of  this  House, 
has  charged  that  long-time  leases  for  post-office  premises  were  can- 
celed, and  the  rent  increased,  upon  the  recommendation  of  influ- 
ential representatives ; 

"And  whereas  it  is  charged  in  the  same  report  that  fif  a  member 
of  Congress  requested  an  increase  in  the  clerk  hire  allowed  a  post- 
master, Beavers  usually  complied  regardless  of  the  merits  of  the 
case' ; 

"And  whereas,  certain  cases  of  an  aggravated  character  are  cited 
on  pages  133,  134,  135  of  said  report  to  sustain  the  above  charges; 

"And  whereas,  on  page  145  of  said  report,  it  is  charged  that 
members  of  Congress  have  violated  section  3739  of  the  Revised 
Statutes;  and  that  cin  the  face  of  this  statute  Beavers  has  made 
contracts  with  members  of  Congress  for  the  rental  of  premises, 
either  in  their  own  names,  the  names  of  their  agents,  or  some  mem- 
ber of  their  families'; 

"And  whereas,  these  charges  and  others  contained  in  said  report 
reflect  upon  the  integrity  of  the  membership  of  this  House,  and 
upon  individual  members  of  this  House  whose  names  are  not  men- 
tioned :    Therefore 

"Be  it  resolved,  That  the  Speaker  of  this  House  appoint  a  com- 
mittee consisting  of  five  members  of  this  House  to  investigate  said 
charges  and  in  connection  therewith  any  frauds  or  irregularities  in 
the  conduct  of  the  Post-Office  Department;  and  that  said  com- 
mittee have  power  to  send  for  persons  and  papers,  and  to  enforce 
the  production  of  the  same;  to  examine  witnesses  under  oath;  to 
have  the  assistance  of  a  stenographer ;  and  have  power  to  sit  during 
the  sessions  of  the  House,  and  exercise  all  functions  necessary  to  a 
complete  investigation  of  said  charges,  and  to  report  the  result  of 
said  investigation  as  soon  as  practicable." 

The  Speaker,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Gillett  of  Massachusetts,  ruled 
this  resolution  out  of  order,  on  the  ground  ihat  it  coupled  unprivi- 
leged matters  with  privileged  matters. 

Mr.  Hay  then  offered  the  resolution  in  a  new  form,  striking  out 


280     Resolution  to  Investigate  Post-Office  Department. 

the  words  "and  in  connection  therewith  any  frauds  or  irregularities 
in  the  conduct  of  the  Post-Office  Department";  so  that  it  should 
contain  only  privileged  matter. 

Mr.  Gardner  of  New  Jersey  made  the  point  of  order  that  the 
resolution,  in  its  new  form,  did  not  contain  any  privileged  matter; 
and  after  some  debate,  Mr.  Hay  moved  the  previous  question. 

On  the  adoption  of  the  previous  question;  p.  456  (January  4, 
1904)  Yeas  78,  all  Democrats,  except  Cooper  and  Minor  of  Wis- 
consin, Lacey  and  Wanger.  Nays  78,  all  Republicans.  Answered 
present  9.  Sot  voting  218.  The  point  of  no  quorum  was  made  and 
the  House  adjourned. 

Again,  on  the  motion  for  the  previous  question  on  the  Hay 
resolution,  as  amended;  p.  546  (January  5,  1904).  Yeas  104,  all 
Democrats,  except  Cooper  and  Minor  of  Wisconsin,  and  Lacey  and 
Wanger.  Nays  111,  all  Republicans.  *  Answered  "present"  6.  Not 
voting  162. 

On  Mr.  Payne's  motion  to  commit  the  preamble  and  resolution 
to  the  Committee  on  Post-Office  and  Post  Roads ;  p.  547  (January 
5,  1904).  Yeas  118,  all  Republicans.  Nays  98,  all  Democrats, 
except  Cooper,  Wisconsin,  and  Wanger.  Answered  "present"  5. 
Not  voting  162. 

THE    MOON    RESOLUTION. 

The  matter  came  up  again,  and  was  debated  on  the  7th,  9th  and 
11th  of  March,  in  connection  with  the  Post-Office  Appropriation 
bill.  On  March  11,  Mr.  Moon  of  Tennessee  offered,  as  a  substitute 
for  the  special  order  made  in  the  House  on  March  7  for  the  con- 
sideration of  the  Post-Office  Department  Appropriation  bill,  the  fol- 
lowing resolution : 

"Resolved,  that  the  Speaker  of  the  House  appoint  a  committee 
consisting  of  five  members  of  this  House,  to  investigate  the  conduct 
and  administration  of  the  Post-Office  Department;  that  said  com- 
mittee have  power  to  send  for  persons  and  papers  and  enforce  the 
production  of  the  same,  to  examine  witnesses  under  oath,  to  have 
the  assistance  of  a  stenographer  and  all  necessary  clerks,  to  have 
the  power  to  sit  during  the  sessions  of  the  House,  and  exercise  all 
functions  necessary  to  a  complete  investigation  of  all  frauds  and 
irregularities  alleged  to  exist  in  the  said  Department,  including 
alleged  frauds,  irregularities,  illegalities,  and  improprieties  by 
members  of  Congress  in  connection  with  said  Department,  and 
to  report  the  result  of  said  investigation  as  soon  as  practicable." 

Against  this  amendment  Mr.  Overstreet  made  the  point  of  order 
that  it  was  not  germane  to  the  pending  question.  The  Speaker  sus- 
tained the  point  of  order;  from  this  ruling  Mr.  Griggs  of  Georgia 
appealed,  and  Mr.  Overstreet  moved  to  lay  the  appeal  on  the  table. 
On  this  motion  a  yea  and  nay  vote  was  taken;  p.  3293  (March 
11,  1904).  Yeas  154,  all  Republicans.  Nays  125,  all  Democrats. 
Answered  "present"  8.    Not  voting  96. 

The  vote  in  detail  was  as  follows: 


Resolution  to  Investigate  Post-Office  Department.     281 


YEAS— 154. 

Adams,  Pa. 

Davis,    Minn. 

Jenkins, 

Pearre, 

Adams,    Wis. 

Dayton, 

Jones,  Wash. 

Perkins, 

Alexander, 

Dixon, 

Kennedy, 

Porter, 

Allen, 

Dovener, 

Ketcham, 

Powers,  Mass. 

Babcock, 

Draper, 

Kinkaid, 

Prince, 

Bates, 

Driseoll, 

Knapp, 

Reeder, 

Bede, 

Dunwell, 

Lacey, 

Roberts, 

Bingham, 

Dwight, 

Landis,  Chas.  B. 

Rodenberg, 

Birdsall, 

Esch, 

Lanning, 

Shiras, 

Bishop, 

Foss, 

Lawrence, 

Sibley, 

Bonynge, 

.     Foster,  Vt. 

Lilley, 

Slemp, 

Boutell, 

Fuller, 

Littlefield, 

Smith,    111. 

Brandegee, 

Gaines,    W.    Va. 

Longworth, 

Smith,  Samuel  W. 

Brooks, 

Gardiner,  Mich. 

Loudenslager, 

Smith,    Wm.    A. 

Brown,  Pa. 

Gardiner,   N.   J. 

Lovering, 

Smith,  Pa. 

Brown,   Wis. 

Gibson, 

McCall, 

Snapp, 

Brownlow, 

Gillet,  N.  Y. 

McCarthy, 

Southard, 

Buckman, 

Gillett,   Cal.. 

McCleary,  Minn. 

Southwick, 

Burke, 

Gillett,  Mass. 

McCleary,  Pa. 

Spalding, 

Burkett, 

Goebel, 

McClachlan, 

Sperry, 

Burleigh, 

Graff, 

Mann, 

Stafford, 

Burton, 

Greene, 

Marsh, 

Steenerson, 

Butler,  Pa. 

Hamilton, 

Marshall, 

Sterling, 

Calderhead, 

Haskins, 

Metcalf, 

Sulloway, 

Campbell, 

Haugen, 

Miller, 

Tawney, 

Cassel, 

Hedge, 

Minor, 

Tirrell, 

Connell, 

Hemenway, 

Morgan, 

Town  send, 

Conner, 

Henry,  Conn. 

Morrell, 

Volstead, 

Cooper,  Pa. 

Hepburn, 

Mudd, 

Vreeland, 

Cooper,  Wis. 

Hermann, 

Murdock, 

Wachter, 

Cousins, 

Hill,  Conn. 

Needham, 

Wanger, 

Cromer, 

Hinshaw, 

Norris, 

Warnock, 

Crumpacker, 

Hogg, 

Olmstead, 

Watson,                    \ 

Currier, 

Holliday, 

Otis, 

Williamson, 

Curtis, 

Howell,  N.  J. 

Otjen, 

Wilson,  111. 

Cushman, 

Howell,  Utah, 

Overstreet, 

Woodyard, 

Dalzell, 

Hughes,   W.   Va. 

Palmer, 

Young. 

Daniels, 

Humphrey,    Wash.Parker, 

Darragh, 

Jackson,    Ohao 

Payne, 

NAYS— 125. 

Adamson, 

Cochran,  N.  Y. 

Gregg, 

Kitchin,  Wm.  W, 

Badger, 

Cooper,  Tex. 

Griffith, 

Kline, 

Baker, 

Cowherd,    . 

Griggs, 

Klutz, 

Bartlett, 

Crowley, 

Hamlin, 

Lamar,    Fla. 

Bassett, 

Davey,  La. 

Harrison, 

Lamar,    Mo. 

Beall,  Tex. 

De  Armond, 

Hay, 

Lamb, 

Benny, 

Denny, 

Hearst, 

Legare, 

Benton, 

Dougherty, 

Henry,  Tex. 

Lind, 

Bowers, 

Emerich, 

Hill,  Miss. 

Lindsay, 

Brantley, 

Field, 

Hopkins, 

Little, 

Brundidge, 

Finley, 

Howard, 

Livernash, 

Burgess, 

Fitzgerald, 

Hughes,  N.  J. 

Livingston, 

Burleson, 

Gaines,  Tenn. 

Humphreys,   Miss 

s.  Lloyd, 

Byrd, 

Garner, 

Hunt, 

Lucking, 

Caldwell, 

Gilbert, 

James, 

McAndrews> 

Candler, 

Gillespie, 

Johnson, 

McNary, 

Clark, 

Glass, 

Jones,  Va. 

Maddox, 

Clayton, 

Gooch, 

Kehoe, 

Maynard, 

Cochran,  Mo. 

Goulden, 

Keliher, 

Moon,    Tenn-. 

282      Resolution  to  Investigate  Post-Office  Department. 


Padgett, 

Rixey, 

Smith,    Tex. 

Thompson, 

Page, 

Robb, 

Snook, 

Trimble, 

Patterson,  N.  C. 

Robertson,  La. 

Southall, 

Underwood, 

Patterson,  Tenn. 

Robinson,    Ark. 

Spight, 

Van   Duzer, 

Pierce, 

Robinson,   Ind. 

Stanley, 

Wade, 

Pinckney, 

Russell, 

Stephens,  Tex. 

Webb, 

Pou, 

Ryan, 

Sullivan.  Mass. 

Wiley,   Ala. 

Pujo, 

Sheppard, 

Swanson, 

Williams,    111. 

Rainey, 

Shober, 

Talbott, 

Willams,   Miss. 

Randell,  Tex. 

Sims, 

Tate, 

Wynn. 

Ransdell,    La. 

Slayden, 

Taylor, 

Richardson,  Ala. 

Small, 

Thayer, 

Richardson,    Tenn 

.  Smith,    Ky. 

Thomas,   N.    C. 

ANSWERED 

"PRESENT"- 

-8. 

Deemer, 

Houston, 

Rhea,    ' 

Stevens,    Minn. 

Flood, 

Lester, 

Smith,    Iowa 

Van  Voorhis. 

NOT  VOTIJSTGk-96. 

Acheson, 

Dresser, 

Kyle, 

Ruckner, 

Aiken, 

Evans, 

Lafean, 

Ruppert, 

Ames, 

Fitzpatrick, 

Landis,  Frederick  Scarborough, 

Bankhead, 

Flack, 

Lever. 

Scott, 

Bartholdt, 

Fordney. 

Lewis. 

Scudder, 

Beidler, 

Foster,  111. 

Littauer, 

Shackleford, 

Bell,  Cal. 

Fowler, 

Lorimer, 

Sherley, 

Bowersock, 

French, 

Loud, 

Sherman, 

Bowie, 

Garber, 

McDermott, 

Shull. 

Bradley, 

Gardner,  Mass. 

McLiiin, 

Smith,    N.    Y. 

Breazeale, 

Goldfogle, 

McMorran, 

Sparkman, 

Brick, 

Granger, 

Macon, 

Sullivan,  N.  Y. 

Broussard, 

Grosvenor, 

Mahon, 

Sulzer, 

Burnett, 

Gudger, 

Mahoney, 

Thomas,  Iowa 

Butler,  Mo. 

Hardwick, 

Martin, 

Vandiver, 

Capron, 

Hildebrant, 

Meyer,  La. 

Wadsworth, 

Cassingham, 

Hitchcock, 

Miers,   Ind. 

Wallace, 

Castor, 

Hitt, 

Mondell, 

Warner, 

Davidson, 

Huff, 

Moon,   Pa. 

Weems, 

Davis,    Fla. 

Hull, 

Nevin, 

Weisse, 

Dick. 

Hunter, 

Patterson,    Pa. 

Wiley,    N.    J. 

Dickerman, 

Jackson,  Md. 

Powers,  Me. 

Wilson,    N.    Y. 

Dinsmore, 

Kitchin,    Claude 

Reid, 

Wright, 

Douglas, 

Knopf, 

Rider, 

Zenor. 

So  the  motion  to  lay  the  appeal  on  the  table  was  agreed  to. 
The  Clerk  announced  the  following  pairs: 
For  the  session : 

Mr.  Deemer  with  Mr.  Shull.  Mr.  Hunter  with  Mr.  Rhea. 

Mr.   Patterson  of   Pennsylvania  with  Mr.   Sherman  with  Mr.   Ruppert. 
Mr.  Dickerman. 


Until  further  notice : 

Mr.  Hitt  with  Mr.  Dinsmore. 
Mr.  Lorimer  with  Mr.  Mahoney. 
Mr.  Mahon  with  Mr.  Houston. 
Mr.     Weems    with    Mr.    Rider. 


Mr.  Lafean  with  Mr.  Aiken. 
Mr.  Bartholdt  with  Mr.  Bowie. 
Mr.   Beidler   with   Mr.   Foster   of   Til. 
Mr.  Hildebrant  with  Mr.  Bell  of  Cal. 


Mr.  Warner  with  Mr.  Davis  of  Fla. Mr.  French  with  Mr.  Lever. 
Mr.  Martin  with  Mr.  Butler,  of  Mo. 


Resolution  to  Investigate  Post-Office  Department.     283 

Mr.  Van  Voorhis  with  Mr.  Cassing-Mr.  Scott  with  Mr.  Sullivan  of  N.  Y. 

ham.  Mr.   Dick  with  Mr.  Meyer  of  La. 

Mr.  Fordney  with  Mr.  Claude  Kitchin.Mr.  Powers  of  Me.  with  Mr.  Sherley. 
Mr.  Knopf  with  Mr.  Weisse.  Mr.  Kyle  with  Mr.  Barber. 

Mr.  Davidson  with  Mr.  Sparkman.     Mr.  Thomas  of  Iowa  with  Mr.  Lewis. 
Mr.   Stevens   of  Minnesota  with  Mr.Mr.    Brick    with   Mr.    Miers    of    Ind. 

Vandiver. 

For  one  week : 
Mr.  Wright  with  Mr.  Flood.  Mr.  Smith  of  la.  with  Mr.  Hardwick. 

For  this  day : 

Mr.  Hull  with  Mr.  Macon.  Mr.  Bradley  with  Mr.  Bankhead. 

Mr.  Bowersock  with  Mr.  Broussard.  Mr.  Douglas  with  Mr.   Goldfogle. 

Mr.  Grosvenor  with  Mr.  Lester.  Mr.  Dresser  with  Mr.   Breazeale. 

Mr.  Capron  with  Mr.  Burnett.  Mr.  Evans  with  Mr.   Fitzpatrick. 

Mr.  Acheson  with  Mr.  Granger.  Mr.  Fowler  with  Mr.  McDermott. 

Mr.  McMorran  with  Mr.  Scudder.       Mr.  Gardner   of  Massachusetts   with 

Mr.  Smith  of  N.  Y.  with  Mr.  Sulzer.     Mr.  Hitchcock. 

Mr.    Littauer    with    Mr.    Wilson    ofMr.  Wadsworth  with  Mr.   Zenor. 

New  York.  Mr.  Mondell  with  Mr.   Gudger. 

Mr.  Huff  with  Mr.  Reid.  Mr.  Flack  with  Mr.  Scarborough. 

Mr.  Loud  with  Mr.  Shackleford.  Mr.  Castor   with    Mr.    McLain. 

Mr.  Frederick  Landis  with  Mr.  Wal- 
lace. 

Mr.  VAN  VOORHIS.  Mr.  Speaker,  I  am  paired  with  my  col- 
league, Mr.  Cassingham,  and  I  desire  to  withdraw  my  vote. 

The  Clerk  called  the  name  of  Mr.  Van  Voorhis,  and  he  an- 
swered "present." 

The  result  of  the  vote  was  announced  as  above  recorded. 


POST-OFFICE   INVESTIGATION    IN   THE   SENATE. 

April  12,  Mr.  Gorman's  amendment  to  the  Post- Office  appro- 
priation bill,  adding  the  following  section,  was  taken  up: 

"Sec.  1(5.  That  a  commission,  consisting  of  three  members  of  the  Sen- 
ate, to  be  appointed  by  the  President  pro  tempore  of  the  Senate,  and  five 
Members  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  to  be  appointed  by  the  Speaker 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  is  hereby  created  to  investigate  the 
status  of  the  postal  laws  of  the  United  States,  with  a  view  of  determin- 
ing whether  changes  therein  or  additions  thereto  are  necessary,  and  to 
make  inquiry  into  the  conduct  and  expenditures  of  the  Post-Office  De- 
partment, and  especially  inquire  whether  there  has  been  extravagance, 
violations  of  law,  or  corruption  in  the  administration  of  the  affairs 
of  the  Post-Office  Department. 

"The  Postmaster-General  shall  detail  from  time  to  time  such  officers 
and  employees  of  the  Post-Office  Department  as  may  be  requested  by  said 
commission  in  its  investigation. 

"For  the  purposes  of  the  investigation  said  commission  is  authorized 
to  sit  during  the  recess  of  Congress,  to  send  for  persons  and  papers, 
and.  through  the  chairman  of  the  commission  or  the  chairman  of  any 
subcommittee  thereof,  to  administer  oaths  and  to  examine  witnesses  and 
papers  respecting  all  matters  pertaining  to  the  duties  of  said  commission. 
Said   commission   shall,  on   or   before   December   5,    1904,   make   report   to 


284     Resolution  to  Investigate  Post-Office  Department. 


Congress,  which  report  shall  embrace  the  testimony  and  evidence  taken 
in  the  course  of  investigation,  and  conclusions  reached  by  said  commission 
on  the  several  subjects  examined,  and  any  recommendation  said  commis- 
sion may  see  proper  to  make,  by  bill  or  otherwise,  with  a  view  of  cor- 
recting any  deficiencies  in  the  law,  or  abuses,  or  violations  of  law,  or 
corruption,  in  the  administration  of  said  Department. 

"That  any  vacancy  occurring  in  the  membership  of  said  commission,  by 
resignation  or  otherwise,  shall  be  filled  by  the  presiding  officer  of  the 
Senate  or  House  of  Representatives,  respectively,  according  as  the  va- 
cancy occurs  in  the  Senate  or  House  of  Representatives  on  said  Com- 
mission." 

Mr.  Lodge  moved  to  lay  this  amendment  on  the  table,  and  on  this 
motion  there  was  a  yea  and  nay  vote  (p.  4872,  Congressional  Rec- 
ord, April  12,  1904) ;  yeas  40,  all  Kepublicans;  nays  19,  all  Demo- 
crats; not  voting  31. 

YEAS— 40. 


Aldrich, 

Cullom, 

Gamble, 

Nelson, 

Alger, 

Dick, 

Hansbrough, 

Penrose, 

Allee, 

Dietrich, 

Heyburn, 

Perkins, 

Ankeny, 

Dolliver, 

Hepburn, 

Piatt,   Conn. 

Ball, 

Fairbanks, 

Hopkins, 

Proctor, 

Bard, 

Foraker, 

Kean, 

Smoot, 

Beveridge, 

Foster,  Wash. 

Kittredge, 

Spooner, 

Burnham, 

Frye, 

Lodge, 

Stewart, 

Burrows, 

Fulton, 

Long, 

Warren, 

Clark,  Wyo. 

Gallinger, 

McComas, 
Mitchell, 

Wetmore. 

NAYS— 19. 

Bacon, 

Gorman, 

Martin, 

Simmons, 

Berry, 

Latimer, 

Money, 

Stone, 

Blackburn, 

McCreary, 

Morgan, 

Teller, 

Daniel, 

McLaurin, 

Newlands, 

Tillman. 

Dubois, 

Mallory, 

Overman, 

NOT  VOTING— 31. 

Allison, 

Clay, 

Gibson, 

Patterson, 

Bailey, 

Cockrell, 

Hale, 

Pettus, 

Bate, 

Culberson, 

Hawley, 

Piatt,  N.  Y. 

Burton, 

Depew, 

Hoar, 

Quarlies, 

Carmack, 

Dillingham, 

Kearns, 

Quay, 

Clapp, 

Dryden, 

McCumber, 

Scott, 

Clark,  Mont. 

Elkins, 

McEnery, 

Taliaferro. 

Clarke,  Ark. 

Foster,  La. 

Millard, 

CONSTITUTIONALISM. 

EDWARD    M.     SHEPARD,    REPLYING     TO     MESSRS.     HAY     AND     ROOT, 

PLEADS  FOR  A  "RETURN  TO  RESPECT  FOR  LAW"  AS  THE 

FIRST   REFORM   NEEDED  IN  THE  AMERICAN 

GOVERNMENT. 

A  Summing  Up  of  the  Real  Issues  of  the  Campaign  and  a  Plain  Statement  of 
the  Democratic  Position.  Republican  Pretensions  Dissected,  and  the  Real 
Sources  of  our  National  Prosperity  Set  Forth. 

SPEECH  OF  EDWARD  M.  SHEPARD  AT  BENNINGTON,  VERMONT, 
AUGUST  31,  1904. 

It  is  natural  enough  to  talk  for  Parker  and  Davis  at  Benning- 
ton. For  their  campaign  is  only  a  later  chapter  in  that  long 
struggle  for  liberty  and  law  and  order  and  equal  rights,  an  ear- 
lier battle  in  which  ennobled  these  fields  of  yours.  In  this  cam- 
paign of  1904,  the  Democratic  party  demands  public  as  well  as 
private  obedience  to  law,  public  as  well  as  private  practice  of  peace, 
a  scrupulous  assertion  and  defense  by  all  in  authority  under  the 
United  States  of  the  sacred  and  fundamental  American  right  of 
self-government,  the  abolition  of  the  monopolies  created  by  that 
system  of  corrupting  special  privilege  miscalled  "protection,"  a 
return  to  public  economy  and  simplicity  of  life  in  official  station 
and  a  resolute  investigation  of  the  federal  department.  It  is  with 
these  timely  and  living  questions  that  we  ask  the  country  to  deal 
at  this  election. 

If  the  Democratic  program  represent,  on  the  one  hand,  genuine 
and  courageous  progress  along  the  only  true  path  for  a  free  and 
industrial  people,  on  the  other  hand,  it  represents  nothing  new, 
but  only  a  return  to  original  American  doctrine.  The  soundness 
of  that  doctrine  has  been  demonstrated  by  the  splendid  and  benefi- 
cent results  of  our  general  trend  of  obedience  to  it  during  a  cen- 
tury and  more.  It  has  been  demonstrated  hardly  less  by  the  cor- 
ruptions and  calamities  which  have  followed  departures  or  excep- 
tions from  it  whenever  made  by  our  people  or  by  our  national  ad- 
ministration. 

The  departures  and  exceptions  are  serious  indeed  which  the 
present  Eepublican  administration  proposes,  and  some  of  which 
it  has  carried  out,  from  this  body  of  doctrine.  The  Democratic 
party,  on  the  other  hand,  finds  its  necessity,  if  not  its  duty,  in 
a  vindication  of  the  original  ideals  upon  which  the  prosperity  of 
our  republic  and  the  glory  of  its  citizenship  have  been  built  up. 
The  campaign  is  truly  concerned  with  underlying  tendencies  even 
more  than  with  the  instant  decision  of  concrete  and  practical  prob- 
lems.    We  are  asked  to  say  by  our  votes  what  kind  of  an  office 


286  Constitutionalism. 

we  would  have  the  American  presidency  be, — to  what  kind  of  moral 
and  material  end  we  would  have  the  American  people  direct  their 
marvellous  energies. 

The  speech  of  Mr.  Hay,  the  Secretary  of  State,  on  the  fiftieth 
anniversary  of  the  organization  of  the  Republican  party,  at  Jack- 
son, Michigan,  on  July  6th,  and  the  speech  of  Mr.  Root,  lately 
Secretary  of  War,  as  chairman  of  the  Republican  convention  at 
Chicago,  on  June  21st,  were  evidently  prepared  in  concert,  and  long 
before  their  delivery,  to  be  read  together  as  the  chief  authorized 
appeal  of  the  Republican  party.  Two  million  copies  are  said  to 
have  been  distributed, — all  handsomely  and,  if  the  title  page  be 
credible,  "privately"  printed.  They  have,  and  with  skill  and  elo- 
quence, said  the  best  that  can  be  said  for  Mr.  Roosevelt's  election. 
And  in  their  speeches  I  find  an  all-sufficient  Democratic  text.  For 
their  fundamental  note  is  one  of  fear  lest  the  American  people 
shall  believe  that  the  Republican  effort  during  its  last  seven  years  of 
renewed  power  has  been  to  tear  the  republic  from  its  long  and 
splendid  progress  in  democratic  freedom  and  humanity.  Their 
claim  is  that,  after  all,  there  does  not  rest  upon  them  any  burden 
of  proof  that  the  new  departure  is  wise.  For  their  audacious 
affirmation  is  that  there  has  been  no  new  departure, — that  we  have 
all  misunderstood  the  President's  speeches  about  our  new  "world 
power"  and  the  rest  of  his  strident  and  boastful  talk.  The  chief 
Republican  orators  now  say  that  recent  Republican  achievement 
and  policy  have  been  soberly  and  patiently  kept  within  old  and 
tried  traditions. 

REPUBLICANS    ON    THE    DEFENSIVE. 

Notwithstanding  their  manner  of  jubilant  assertion,  they  are, 
in  substance,  speeches  of  conscious  defense  and  even  anxious 
excuse.  They  rest  the  case  for  Mr.  Roosevelt's  election  upon  four 
propositions.  They  say,  first,  that  our  increase  in  pop- 
ulation, wealth  and  power  since  their  party  came  in  power 
in  1861  is  an  all-sufficient  demonstration  that  Republican 
power  means  prosperity,  and  that  Demorfatic  power  means  ad- 
versity. They  say,  secondly,  that  the  Republican  party  of  our 
day  is  a  faithful  and  scrupulous  follower  of  Abraham  Lincoln; 
that  they  who  would  have  the  Republic  continue  upon  the 
humanitarian  impulse  which  dominated  our  politics  from  and  after 
the  Chicago  platform  of  1860,  must  remain  in  the  Republican 
party,  for  its  policy  since  1897  has  been  the  flower  and  fruit 
of  that  very  impulse.  Thirdly,  they  say  that  the  present  tariff 
has  created  and  now  preserves  the  industrial  welfare  of  the  United 
States  and  its  high  rates  of  wages  and  profits;  that  its  main- 
tenance is  the  first  and  most  sacred  of  political  causes;  and  that 
it  ought  not  to  be  readjusted  or  revised.  And  their  fourth  propo- 
sition is  that  President  Roosevelt's  three  years  of  genuine  power, 
since  he  escaped  from  the  immediate  shadow  of  his  predecessor's 
death,  prove  him  to  be  a  statesman  of  "far-sighted  wisdom,"  of 
"endless  patience,"  of  "serious  reflection,"  one  who  "takes  infinite 


Constitutionalism.  287 

pains  to  get  at  the  facts  before  he  acts/'  whose  maxim  is  that 
"the  laws  in  this  country  are  made  to  be  obeyed  whether  it  is  safe 
or  not,"  and  the  thought  oftenest  in  whose  heart  "in  times  of 
doubt  and  difficulty  *  *  *  is  'What  in  such  a  case  would 
Lincoln  have  done?'" 

Such  is  the  Republican  case  deliberately  presented  by  the  most 
skillful  of  Republican  advocates.  Does  it  fit  the  common  sense 
and  common  knowledge  of  the  American  people? 

INCREASE    IN    WEALTH    IS    DUE    TO    REPUBLICANS? 

Take  the  first  proposition.  Is  it  true  that  our  increase  in 
wealth  and  prosperity  since  the  rise  of  the  Republican  party  has 
been  its  work,  its  glory?  Was  it  an  appeal  to  truth  for  Mr.  Hay 
to  treat  as  the  result  of  "Fifty  Years  of  the  Republican  Party"  our 
increase  in  population  between  1850  and  1900,  our  fourfold  in- 
crease in  farming  acreage,  our  five-fold  increase  in  corn  crop  and 
six-fold  increase  in  wheat  crop,  our  increase  in  manufacturing 
capital  from  $500,000,000  to  $10,000,000,000?  Does  any  argu- 
ment deserve  less  respect  from  one  who  has  mastered  that  first 
rule  of  reasoning  which  bids  him  not  infer  that  event  A  is  the 
effective  and  sole  cause  of  event  B  merely  because  in  order  of 
time  event  B  comes  with  or  after  event  A?  Were  there  not  in 
the  United  States  fertile  soil  and  moderate  suns  and  rains,  the 
brains  and  hands  and  inventive  genius  of  American  men  and 
women,  liberty,  law  and  order, — all  these  before  there  was  a  Re- 
publican party;  and  were  not  they  the  prime  cause  of  our  pros- 
perity? The  growth  of  American  population  and  wealth  between 
the  peace  of  1783  and  the  inauguration  of  John  Adams  in  1797 
was  but  a  small  fraction  of  the  like  growth  under  McKinley  and 
Roosevelt. 

And  in  those  fourteen  years, — the  years  when  Franklin  and 
Jefferson  and  Hamilton  and  Madison,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
noble,  unboastful  character  of  the  Father  of  his  Country,  estab- 
lished our  republic, — our  material  growth  in  absolute  figures  was 
small  indeed, — our  railroad  mileage  nought.  Were  those  earlier 
statesmen  dwarfs,  therefore,  in  comparison  with  the  latter-day 
Titans,  who  have  dwelt  in  the  White  House  since  March,  1897?' 
What  years,  O  American  men  and  women,  have  done  more,  mate- 
rial and  moral,  than  those  early  ones  for  their  own  generation, 
what  years  more  for  this  very  Twentieth  Century  prosperity  of 
ours  ?  Is  it  the  Lincoln  doctrine, — or  was  it  ever, — that  the  merit 
of  moral  and  political  causes  is  measurable  by  the  wealth  and  lux- 
ury accumulated  at  the  very  time  of  their  operation?  Is  it  not 
the  doctrine  of  prophets  and  apostles  and  the  lesson  of  all  prac- 
tical history,  that  self-denial,  simplicity,  economy,  righteousness, 
sobriety,  lead  on, — not  instantly  but  after  patient  years, — to  power 
and  wealth?  Would  not  Republican  orators  give  better  promise 
for  future  fruits  of  present  day  Republican  administration, — if 
they  could  rather  and  truly  claim  for  their  party  under  President 


288  Constitutionalism. 

Roosevelt  an   enforcement  of  equal   rights,   a  rigorous   economy, 
a  punctilious  regard  for  law? 

"PRESENT  WEALTH,  PRESENT  VIRTUE,"  A  SHALLOW  SOPHISTRY. 

But  if  this  doctrine  of  Present  wealth,  therefore  present  virtue 
in  present  ruling  politics,  be  not  a  shallow  sophistry,  still  see  with 
what  absurd  unfairness  it  is  applied.  Do  Republican  apologists 
say, — dare  they  say, — what  alone  would  be  relevant  to  the  polit- 
ical problem,  that  during  the  forty-four  years  since  their  party 
came  into  power,  the  progress  of  our  country  has  been  as  great, 
from  year  to  year,  as  during  the  sixty  years  of  general  Demo- 
cratic supremacy  before  the  Civil  War?  If  the  Republican  party 
may  justly  ask  another  lease  of  power  because  from  1860  to  1900 
our  population  increased  from  31,000,000  to  76,000,000  or  36  per 
cent,  per  decade,  why  may  not  the  Democrats  with  greater  jus- 
tice ask  their  return  to  power  because  from  1800  to  1860,  the  in- 
crease was  from  5,300,000  to  31,443,000  or  82  per  cent,  in  each 
decade.*  Was  not  the  increase  in  the  decade,  1850-1860, — and 
in  spite  of  slavery,— from  23,000,000  to  31,000,000,  or  at  the  same 
rate  as  in  the  decades,  1860-1900?  If  the  increase  in  total  wealth 
between  1860  and  1900  was  from  $16,000,000,00.0  to  $90,000,000,- 
000,  or  116  per  cent,  per  decade,  and  in  wealth  per  capita  of  pop- 
ulation from  $513.92  to  $1,235.86  or  35  per  cent,  per  decade, 
— was  not  the  Democratic  increase  in  total  wealth  between  1850 
and  1860  from  $7,000,000,000  to  $16,000,000,000  or  128  per  cent, 
for  the  decade,  being  still  larger  than  the  Republican,  and  in 
wealth  per  capita  from  $307.69  to  $513.93,  or  at  the  rate  of  67 
per  cent,  for  the  decade, — nearly  double  the  Republican  rate? 

Although  the  value  of  farms  and  farm  property  increased  from 
$7,980,000,000  in  1860  to  $20,514,000,000  in  1900  or  at  the  rate 
of  39  per  cent,  in  each  decade,  was  not  the  increase  from  $3,967,- 
000,000  in  1850  to  $7,980,000,000  in  1860,  or  at  the  rate  of  100 
per  cent,  per  decade ;  and  were  not,  therefore,  Democratic  aus- 
pices far  more  favorable  to  prosperity  than  Republican?  Al- 
though the  corn  crop  increased  from  838  million  bushels  in  1860 
to  2,105  millions  in  1900  or  at  the  rate  of  37  per  cent,  in  each 
decade,  was  not  the  increase  from  377  millions  in  1840  to  838 
millions  in  1860,  or  at  the  rate  of  61  per  cent,  in  each  decade; 
and  if,  therefore,  we  wish  large  increase  in  the  next  four  years, 
ought  we  not  to  prefer  a  Democratic  president?  Even  if  the 
wheat  crop  increased  from  173  millions  of  bushels  in  1860  to 
552  millions  in  1900,  or  at  the  rate  of  50  per  cent,  in  each  de- 
cade, did  it  not  increase  from  84,000,000  in  1840  to  173,000,000 
in  1860,  or  at  the  larger  rate  of  53  per  cent,  per  decade  ? 


*  All  my  statistics  are  taken  from  the  Summary  of  Commerce  and 
Finance  for  May,  1904,  issued  by  the  Bureau  of  Statistics,  Department  of 
Commerce  and  Labor.  For  totaf  wealth  and  other  data  before  1850,  there 
are  no  official  figures.  In  each  case  the  percentages  are  computed  upon 
the  earlier  figure  given. 


Constitutionalism.  289 

HOW  ABOUT  INCREASES  OF  WEALTH  UNDER  DEMOCRATIC  RULE? 

If  this  kind  of  argument  be  fit,  what  shall  he  said  of  the  in- 
crease in  wealth  under  Democratic  auspices  from  $7,000,000,000 
to  $16,000,000,000,  in  1850-1860,  or  at  the  decade  rate  of  128 
per  cent.,  as  against  the  increase  under  Republican  auspices  dur- 
ing the  decade  1890-1900  from  $65,000,000,000  to  $94,000,000,- 
000  or  at  the  rate  of  only  44.6  per  cent?  Or  what  shall  be  said 
of  the  increases  in  wealth  per  person  throughout  the  United  States 
in  the  decade  1850-1860  from  $307.69  to  $519.93,  or  at  the  dec- 
ade rate  of  67  per  cent,  as  against  the  corresponding  increase  un- 
der Republican  auspices  in  1890-1900  from  $1,038.57  to  $1,235.86 
or  at  the  decade  rate  of  only  19  per  cent.  ?  Or  what  shall  be  said 
of  the  increase  in  export  of  American  manufactures  of  iron  and 
steel  from  $52,144  in  1800  to  $5,870,114  in  1860,  or  an  average 
rate  of  1859  per  cent,  per  decade,  as  against  the  Republican  in- 
crease from  $5,870,114  in  1850  to  $121,913,548  (at  the  abnor- 
mally high  figures  of  1900),  or  an  average  increase  per  decade 
of  only  494  per  cent.  ?  Or  what  shall  be  said,  and  perhaps  more 
reasonably,  of  the  increase  under  Democratic  rule  in  our  export 
of  agricultural  products  from  $25,000,000  in  1800  to  $256,000,000 
in  1860,  an  average  of  150  per  cent,  per  decade,  as  against  the 
increase  under  Republican  rule  from  $256,000,000  in  1860  to 
$835,000,000  in  1900,  an  average  of  only  56  per  cent,  per  decade? 

What  shall  be  said  of  the  Democratic  increase  in  our  total  do- 
mestic merchandise  exported  from  $31,000,000  in  1800  to  $316,- 
000,000  in  1860,  or  an  average  Democratic  increase  of  153  per 
cent,  per  decade,  as  against  the  Republican  increase  from  $316,- 
000,000  in  1860  to  $1,370,000,000  in  1900,  an  increase  of  only 
83.5  per  cent,  per  decade?  Or  what  shall  be  said  of  the  Demo- 
cratic increase  in  American  tonnage  engaged  in  foreign  trade 
from  669,921  in  1800  to  2,546,237  in  1860,  a  Democratic  increase 
per  decade  of  46  per  cent.,  as  against  the  decrease  from  2,546,237 
in  1860  to  826,694  in  1900,  a  Republican  decrease  of  16  per  cent, 
per  decade?  Or  what  shall  be  said  of  the  Democratic  increase 
of  tonnage  engaged  in  domestic  trade  from  301,919  in  1800,  to 
2,807,631  in  1860,  a  Democratic  increase  of  138  per  cent,  per 
decade,  as  against  the  Republican  increase  from  2,807,631  in  1860 
to  4,338,145  in  1900,  or  only  13  per  cent,  per  decade?  If  the 
increase  in  railroad  mileage  be  so  significant  a  Republican  glory, 
is  it  not  fit  to  point  out  that  under  Democratic  auspices  the  mile- 
age increased  from  23  miles  in  1830  to  30,626  in  1860;  or,  if 
this  be  a  crowding  of  the  argument,  then  that  the  increase  under 
Democratic  auspices  in  1850-1860  was  from  9,021  to  30,626,  a 
decade  increase  of  239  per  cent.,  as  against  the  increase  from 
161,276  in  1890  to  194,334  in  1900,  or  at  the  decade  rate  of  only 
20.5  per  cent. 

MORE    DEMOCRATIC    BENEFITS. 

Or  shall  we  take  the  increase  in  total  manufactures,  which  is 
the  glory  of  the  protectionists?    We  have  not  the  official  figures 


290  Constitutionalism. 

before  1850  which  would,  no  doubt,  show  enormous  proportional 
increases.  Let  us,  as  we  must,  begin  with  1850.  The  Democratic 
increase  for  1850-1860  was  from  $1,019,000  to  $1,885,000,000, 
or  at  the  decade  rate  of  84  per  cent.  But  in  1890-1900  the  Re- 
publican and  "protected"  increase  (allowing  the  abnormally  high 
prices  of  1900)  was  from  $9,372,000,000  to  $13,039,000,000,  or 
at  the  decade  rate  of  only  39.2  per  cent.  Is  it  not  significant 
that,  while  the  total  manufacturing  product  increased  in  1890- 
1900  bv  39  per  cent.,  the  increase  in  wages  and  salaries  paid  em- 
ployeeswas  from  only  $2,283,000,000  to  $2,735,000,000  or  at  the 
decade  rate  of  19.8  per  cent.,  being  only  one-half  the  ratable  in- 
crease in  the  manufacturing  output.  So  it  is  to  be  noticed  that, 
while  population  increased  in  1850-1860  by  35  per  cent.,  the  in- 
crease in  manufacturing  output  was  84  per  cent.,  or  2.5  times  the 
rate  of  population  increase ;  but  that  the  population  increase  from 
1890-1900  was  21.8  per  cent.,  while  the  increase  in  wealth  was 
39.2  per  cent.,  or  only  1.81  times  the  population  increase.  In- 
deed, in  whatever  just  way  the  figures  of  even  manufacturing 
growth  are  treated,  they  tell  for  the  period  of  Democratic  rule 
and  greater  economic  liberty. 

The  Republican  orators  and  campaign  book  refer  to  the  recent 
great  increase  in  exports  of  domestic  products  as  a  crushing  proof 
that,  even  if  foreign  trade  be  considered,  Republican  administra- 
tion and  a  high  protective  tariff  are  best.  Did  not, — so  they  say, 
—exports  increase  from  $316,000,000  in  1860  to  $1,370,000,000 
in  1900,  a  per  decade  increase  of  83  per  cent,  upon  the  amount 
in  1860?  But  here  again  it  is  easy  to  explode  their  argument. 
For  the  increase  in  1850-1860  was  from  $134,000,000  to  $316,- 
000,000,  or  at  the  decade  rate  of  134  per  cent., — a  Democratic 
rate  of  increase  under  a  revenue  tariff  half  as  large  again  as  the 
Republican  and  "protected"  rate  of  increase.  From  1890  to  1905 
the  increase  was  from  $845,000,000  to  $1,392,000,000,  or  at  an 
annual  rate  of  4.9  per  cent.,  being  less  than  half  the  Democratic 
rate  of  13.4  per  cent,  in  1850-1860. 

THE  YEARS  OF  OUR  GREATER  GROWTH. 

Mr.  Hay  ventured  to  include  the  decade  1850-1860  in  his  fig- 
ures of  Republican  glory.  Yet  those  were  years  of  Democratic 
power;  and  the  Walker  tariff,  enacted  by  Democrats  in  1846  for 
revenue  only,  was  in  effect.  Is  there  anything  so  truth  telling 
in  the  vast  masses  of  figures  in  the  Republican  campaign  book  as 
the  fact  it  would  conceal,  that  those  were  years  of  greater  ratable 
growth  in  material  things  than  any  our  country  has  since  known? 

I  cannot  leave  this  mass  of  figures,  made  necessary  by  the  al- 
most overwhelming  dependence  of  the  Republicans  upon  the  "pros- 
perity" argument,  without  asking  you  to  think  of  another  point. 
Does  it  not  illustrate  the  debasing  effect  upon  the  latter-day  morale 
of  the  Republican  party  produced  by  its  change  of  dominant 
purpose  from  the  restraint  of  human  slavery  to  the  maintenance 
and  tightening  of  the  shackles  of  a  "protective"  tariff,  that  Messrs. 


Constitutionalism.  291 

Hay  and  Root  and  the  authors  of  the  Eepublican  campaign  book 
have  made  no  allowance  for  the  regenerative  and  stimulating 
effect  of  the  abolition  of  slave  labor?  If  other  things  were  equal, 
the  rates  of  industrial  increase  from  I860,  when  in  nearly  half 
the  country  the  labor  was  chiefly  crude,  wasteful,  hopeless  labor 
of  slavery,  to  1900,  when  all  labor  was  free,  ought  to  have  exceeded 
those  of  the  preceding  decade,  instead  of  to  have  fallen  so  far 
below  them. 

WERE    THE    REPUBLICANS    RESPONSIBLE    FOR    THESE    PANICS? 

Do  you  still,  Messrs.  Root  and  Hay,  stand  to  this  kind  of  argu- 
ment? If  you  do,  let  me  further  ask  how  sound  is  the  reason- 
ing,— how  sincere  it  is, — that  accords  a  sudden  and  complete  oper- 
ation to  governmental  methods  or  economic  policies  more  than 
to  the  habits  of  a  man  or  the  customs  of  a  people.  Do  they  pro- 
duce their  full  effect  at  the  very  moment?  Or,  in  the  field  to 
be  ploughed  by  statesmen,  does  effect  follow  cause  as  it  does  else- 
where? Was  the  profound  commercial  depression  in  1873-1879 
the  result  of  mistakes  of  Gen.  Grant  in  his  second  term  and  of 
Mr.  Hayes  in  his  first  two  or  three  years?  Or  did  it  follow  deep, 
widespread  influences  operative  for  many  years  preceding  1873, 
including  not  only  the  necessary  waste  of  the  war  to  save  the 
Union  and  abolish  slavery,  but  not  less  seriously  the  Republican 
issues  of  paper  money,  the  indirect  injury  wrought  by  the  demor- 
alization of  an  even  just  and  necessary  war,  and  the  private  ex- 
travagance and  speculation  incident  to  large  governmental  ex- 
penditure? If,  as  every  sensible  man  knows,  such  an  industrial 
and  business  condition  must  follow  long-time  causes,  then  so  far 
as  they  are  due  to  what  government  does  or  om^ts  to  do,  was  not 
such  commercial  depression  chiefly  due  to  policies  of  the  Repub- 
lican party?  Was  the  cause  of  the  crisis  of  1893-1897  the  mere 
fact  of  an  election  in  November,  1892?  Is  it  a  fit  thing  for  the 
Republican  advocates  to  ignore  the  potent  influence  of  the  Mc- 
Kinley  tariff  bill,  of  the  vast  increase  in  pensions  under  the  bill 
signed  by  President  Harrison, — even  more  the  undermining  and 
disastrous  effect  upon  business  confidence  of  the  operation  of  the 
Sherman  silver  law  and  the  financial  disturbances  at  the  same  time 
throughout  the  world  ? 

WILSON-GORMAN    BILL    NOT    CAUSE    OF    DEPRESSION. 

And  how  much  honest  intelligence  is  there  in  the  Republican 
affirmation  that  the  Wilson  tariff  law,  enacted  on  August  25, 
1894,  produced  a  crisis  which,  gathering  during  President  Har- 
rison's last  year,  openly  broke  upon  the  country  in  May,  1893, 
seventeen  months  before  any  tariff  change?  So  far  as  the  ap- 
parent prosperity  which,  returning  before  President  Cleveland 
last  left  the  White  House,  as  it  had  departed  before  his  Repub- 
lican predecessor,  President  Harrison,  left  it,  continued  for  sev- 
eral years,  is  to  be  ascribed  to  any  president,  it  must  be  ascribed 
to  him,  if  effect  follow  cause.  The  white  sails  of  commercial 
venture  and  industrial   enterprise  which,   since   then,   have   been 


292  Constitutionalism. 

blown  out  and  rounded,  are  now  coming  more  and  more  to  an 
ominous  shiver;  and  more  cautious  Republican  statesmen  already 
point  out  that  their  party  is  not  to  be  condemned  merely  because 
hard  times  come  when  it  is  in  power.  But  if  the  Eepublican 
party  ought  not  to  be  thus  condemned,  it  is  simply  because  the 
chief  argument  made  by  its  orators  and  its  official  campaign  book 
is  grossly  unsound.  But  reject  this  insolent  claim  of  credit  to 
Republican  administration  for  what  during  the  first  century  and 
more  of  our  freedom,  splendidly  resulted  from  our  long  and  per- 
sistent rejection  of  the  devices  of  imperialism  with  its  great  ar- 
mies and  navies  and  extravagant  administration  and  foreign  med- 
dling,— from  our  vast  area  of  interior  free  trade,  from  our  soil 
and  climate  and  mines  and  rivers  and  forests  and,  most  of  all, 
from  our  free  men,  jealous  of  their  own  rights  and  respectful 
of  others,  and  of  their  industrial  genius,  which  is  truly  an  item 
and  result  of  their  love  of  liberty, — reject  this  preposterous  claim, 
— and  the  Republican  case  is  naked  indeed. 

Although  the  chief  Republican  dependence  is  thus  laid  upon 
the  argument  that  we  made  money,  or  seemed  to  make  it,  and  that 
prices  were  high  under  McKinley  and  Roosevelt,  and  that  the 
money-making  and  the  high  prices  were  due  to  Republican  ad- 
ministration and  legislation,  the  Republicans  still  reluctantly  per- 
ceive that  moral  feeling  plays  a  real  part  with  American  voters. 
So,  as  a  second  argument,  Messrs.  Hay  and  Root,  and  even  the 
sordid  pages  of  the  Republican  campaign  book,  affirm  a  moral 
kinship  between  Abraham  Lincoln  and  the  statesmen  who  con- 
trol their  politics  in  1904,  between  the  men  and  women  who  gave 
the  all  necessary  religious  and  humanitarian  uplift  to  the  anti- 
slavery  struggle  and  the  war  for  the  Union,  and,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  vast  corporate  and  business  influences  which,  by  and 
for  their  own  profit,  dominate  the  Republican  party.  To  these 
influences  even  its  gallant  and  strenuous  candidate  has, — after 
his  much  protesting  eloquence  to  the  contrary  in  1902  and  1903, 
— been  compelled  to  completely  submit  with  promises  not  again 
to  "run  amuck/'  and  not  again  to  treat  the  tariff  question  as  open, 
even  to  the  extent  to  which  President  McKinley  at  the  last  held 
that  the  welfare  of  the  country  required  it  to  be  open.  Surely 
the  claim  to  this  kinship  needs  only  to  be  stated  to  refute  itself. 

PROTECTION    NOT    MENTIONED    IN    1861. 

What  part,  indeed,  did  a  protective  tariff  play  in  the  national 
uprising  of  1861?  How  much  was  it  discussed  in  the  Lincoln- 
Douglas  debates  of  1858,  or  Lincoln's  Cooper  Union  speech  of 
1859,  or  the  important  speeches,  Republican  or  Democratic,  of 
1860  or  1864?  It  was  not  mentioned.  The  Republican  platform 
of  1856  said  not  one  word  in  behalf  of  protection  nor  did  it  men- 
tion the  tariff,  although  the  Walker  tariff — a  tariff  for  revenue, 
and  not  for  protection — had  been  in  operation'  ten  years.  The 
Republican  platform  of  1860  did  not  refer  to  protection  or  a  pro- 
tective tariff.     In  one  of  the  later  and  subordinate  clauses  of  the 


Constitutionalism.  293 

platform  it  did  declare  that,  "while  providing  revenue  *  *  * 
by  duties  upon  imports,  sound  policy  requires  such  an  adjust- 
ment of  these  impositions  as  to  encourage  the  development  of 
the  industrial  interest  of  the  whole  country/'  But  even  this 
vague  suggestion,  which  might  mean  high  or  low  protective  du- 
ties, or  no  protective  duties  whatever,  made  no  part  of  the  cam- 
paign. Lincoln  did  not  refer  to  it  in  his  letter  of  acceptance 
or  in  his  inaugural.  In  1864  the  Republican  platform  made  not 
a  single  reference  to  protection  or  the  tariff;  nor  did  Lincoln  in 
his  acceptance  or  inaugural. 

Something  from  Abraham  Lincoln  in  behalf  of  a  high  pro- 
tective tariff  would  be  precious,  indeed,  to  the  Republicans  of  to- 
day. But  they  can  find  nothing.  For  even  their  campaign  book 
the  best  they  can  do  is  to  pick  out  a  few  sentences  from  speeches 
of  Mr.  Lincoln  in  1843  and  1847,  a  dozen  and  more  years  before 
he  was  President,  and  even  before  he  was  in  Congress,  in  which 
he  declared  that  the  justification  of  a  protective  duty  would  be 
its  result  in  establishing  some  new  industry  in  our  country,  so 
as  to  secure  the  goods  to  the  consumer  at  a  cheaper  rate  than  he 
could  bring  them  from  abroad.  The  modern  Republican  idea  that 
the  use  of  a  protective  tariff  is  to  keep  prices  high  to  the  American 
consumer  in  order  that  the  profits  of  other  Americans  engaged 
in  gigantic  and  long  established  industries  shall  be  increased, 
would  have  been  as  abhorrent  to  Abraham  Lincoln  as  it  is  to  Judge 
Parker. 

Even  in  1868  when,  the  war  being  three  years  ended,  business 
questions  began  to  be  thought  of,  the  Republican  party  said  not 
a  word  in  behalf  of  a  protective  tariff,  but,  rather  to  the  contrary, 
declared  that  "it  is  due  to  the  labor  of  the  nation  that  taxation 
should  be  equalized  and  reduced  as  rapidly  as  the  national  faith 
will  permit;"  and  General  Grant  in  his  letter  of  acceptance  was 
equally  silent  on  this  question.  Could  there  have  been  Repub- 
lican success  in  1860  or  1864  or  even  1868  unless  Walker  tariff 
men  and  even  free  traders  whose  economic  views  remained  un- 
changed, had  not  left  the  Democratic  party  for  the  Anti-Slavery 
party?  Would  not  that  success  have  been  defeat  if  Chase,  Sum- 
ner, Blair,  Bates,  John  M.  Palmer,  Trumbull  and  a  host  of  other 
former  Democrats  and  believers  in  low  duties  had  not, — and  be- 
cause the  tariff  was  not  in  question, — joined  the  Republican  party? 
Are  you  not,  Mr.  Hay,  forgetful,  very  forgetful,  when  you  say 
that  "only  those  who  believe  in  human  rights  and  *  *  * 
who  believe  in  the  American  system  of  protection  *  *  *  have 
any  title  to  name  themselves  by  the  name  of  Lincoln,  or  to  claim 
a  moral  kinship  with  that  august  and  venerated  spirit?"* 


And  what  part  did  colonial  exploitation  of  inferior  races  or 
weaker  countries,  or  the  policy  of  "big  stick"  suzerainty  over  the 

*  Mr.  Hay,  in  "Fifty  Years  of  the  Republican  Party." 


294  Constitutionalism. 

republics  to  the  south  of  us,  or  the  policy  of  the  "strong  man 
armed"  in  the  trade  and  territorial  disputes  of  foreign  countries, 
play  in  the  politics  conceived  or  directed  by  Lincoln  or  his  party? 
If,  in  1854,  the  Democratic  party  boasted  the  Ostend  manifesto 
in  behalf  of  a  conquest  of  Cuba,  did  it  not  result  in  Democratic 
shame  and  disaster?  If  Seward,  at  the  head  of  a  Republican 
cabinet,  a  month  after  Lincoln's  inauguration,  secretly  urged  his 
chief  to  avoid  domestic  difficulties  by  plunging  us  into  an  Euro- 
pean war,  did  not  Mr.  Hay's  own  disclosure  in  his  Lincoln  biog- 
raphy of  the  secret  well  nigh  blast  Seward's  reputation  for  states- 
manship? Quote,  Mr.  Root  and  Mr.  Hay,  if  you  can,  any  re- 
membered and  honored  utterances  of  honored  Republican  states- 
men before  McKinley's  presidency,  in  behalf  of  your  foreign  and 
colonial  policy.  Quote,  if  you  dare,  the  Republican  platform  as- 
sertion in  1856,  that  "the  maintenance  of  the  principles  pro- 
mulgated in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  is  essential  to  the 
preservation  of  our  Republican  institutions,"  that  the  "highway- 
man's appeal"  that  "might  makes  right"  would  "hring  shame  and 
dishonor  upon  any  government  or  people."  Or  quote  the 
Republican  declaration  of  1860  that  the  doctrine  that  govern- 
ments derive  "their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed," 
is  "essential  to  the  preservation  of  our  republican  institutions." 
Or  quote  the  platform  declaration  by  the  Republican  party  in 
1868  of  its  "sympathy  with  all  oppressed  peoples  struggling  for 
their  rights,"  and  of  its  solemn  recognition  of  "the  great  prin- 
ciples laid  down  in  the  immortal  Declaration  of  Independence 
as  the  true  foundation  of  democratic  government."  If  to  these 
challenges  you  must  remain  dumb,  are  you  not,  truly  in  Mr.  Hay's 
eloquent  words,  guilty  of  "sacrilege  to  try  to  trade  upon  that 
benignant  renown"  of  the  humanitarian  Lincoln  "whose  light  'folds 
in  this  orb  o'  the  earth'  ?" 

REPUBLICANS    FIGHT    TARIFF    REVISION. 

The  Republican  note  is,  I  admit,  more  sincere  in  the  third  of 
the  four  chief  propositions  of  their  campaign.  The  mass  of  the 
Republican  party, — some  of  its  leaders,  and  all  of  the  practically 
monopolistic  interests  which  control  its  economic  policies, — do 
believe,  really  and  earnestly,  that  American  prosperity  and  the 
high  standard  of  American  industry  depend  upon  very  large  "pro- 
tective" duties.  If  many  of  their  chief  leaders  or  statesmen, 
like  Secretary  Blaine  in  1889  or  President  McKinley  in  1901  (or 
like  even  President  Roosevelt  in  1902),  have  at  last  become  skep- 
tical and  suggest  their  doubts, — or  if  the  Iowa  idea  of  some  tariff 
revision  and  reduction  be  held  in  the  northwest  or  by  Republican 
managers  of  various  hampered  industries  in  Massachusetts  and 
elsewhere  in  the  East, — such  doubts  or  liberalities  do  not,  and  will 
not,  practically  affect  Republican  legislation.  The  limits  of  even 
this  long  speech  prohibit  discussion  of  the  great  issue  which  Dem- 
ocrats wisely  and  courageously  raise  by  their  assertion  that  the 
system  called  "protection," — that  is  to  say,  the  support  of  specially 


Constitutionalism.  295 

favored  interests  by  duties,  payment  of  which  is  enforced  upon 
the  whole  people, — is  a  "robbery/7  and  by  the  Republican  vin- 
dication of  it  as  a  "cardinal  policy"  to  be  followed. 

I  point  out,  however,  that,  notwithstanding  the  former  urgency 
of  both  Mr.  McKinley  and  Mr.  Roosevelt  for  revision  of  tariff 
schedules  in  the  interest  of  larger  export  trade,  the  Republican 
party  is  now  pledged,  not  only  against  revision,  but  against  dis- 
cussion whatever  of  the  question.  The  citizens  who  would  undo 
any  injustice  in  the  tariff  or  let  down  any  of  its  obstructions  by 
partial  repeals  or  reciprocity  treaties,  or  who  would  have  light 
shed  upon  the  operation  in  detail  of  its  multifariously  complicated 
system  constructed  by  "give  and  take"  between  the  attorneys  of 
special  interests  before  Ways  and  Means  and  Finance  Committees, 
is  peremptorily  refused  any  relief  if  Mr.  Roosevelt  be  elected. 
The  policy  of  "stand  pat"  means  that,  under  Republican  auspices, 
no  committee  shall  investigate,  nor  House  of  Congress  consider, 
the  working  of  the  tariff.  On  this  subject  there  must  be  mute 
•obedience  as  before  a  deity. 

If  the  manufacture  of  steel  and  iron  be  no  longer  an  "infant 
industry"  to  be  cherished,  but  a  practical  monopoly  within  the 
American  republic,  out  of  whose  profits  the  vastest  fortunes  in 
the  world  have  been  built  up, — if  it  sell  its  products  to  foreign- 
ers more  cheaply  than  to  Americans, — nevertheless  there  must 
be  silence.  If  its  charter  of  monopoly  in  the  Dingley  tariff  or 
any  other  schedule  of  that  law  is  found  to  be  unjust  or  corrupt 
or  oppressive, — still  they  are  never  to  be  revised  until  those  who 
have  made  them  thus  vicious  shall  choose  to  revise  them.  Judge 
Parker  has  pointed  out  that,  since  the  Senate  must  be  Republican 
during  the  next  four  years,  no  tariff  reform  can  be  enacted  with- 
out Republican  support;  but  he  promises,  if  elected,  an  effort  to 
obtain  that  support,  and,  in  any  event,  a  presentation  of  the  cause 
to  public  opinion  from  the  vantage  ground  of  the  presidency  of 
the  United  States. 

WHAT    A    VOTE    FOR    ROOSEVELT    MEANS    AS    TO    THE    TARIFF. 

A  vote  for  Mr.  Roosevelt,  on  the  other  hand,  is  a  vote  that  not 
even  an  effort  at  tariff  reform, — even  the  slightest  measure  of  it, 
— shall  be  made,  and  that  every  iniquity  of  the  Dingley  schedules 
shall  be  borne  in  silence.  The  Republican  platform  declares  that, 
when  England  "agitates  a  return  to  protection,  the  chief  protective 
country  should  not  falter  in  maintaining  it."  This  praise  of  Mr. 
Chamlberlain  for  his  policy  of  defensively  economical  warfare 
against  the  United  States  finds  a  fit  place  in  the  Republican  creed. 
They  applaud  the  retaliatory  blow  aimed  at  ourselves,  so  much  are 
they  in  love  with  any  blow  given  by  any  nation  to  another. 

THE    "THEODORE    ROOSEVELT    HIMSELF"    PLEA. 

The  fourth  and  last  important  Republican  argument  is  Pres- 
ident Roosevelt  himself.  To  many,  whether  for  or  against  him, 
it  is  the  first  argument,  although  prudent  Republican  advocates 
dare  not,  or  at  least  do  not,  give  it  that  rank.     If  Americans  re- 


296  Constitutionalism. 

fuse  to  ascribe  the  fruits  of  their  soil  and  sun  and  rain  and  in- 
dustry and  skill  and  invention  to  Eepublican  presidents,  or  to 
credit  the  assertion  that  the  cause  of  the  prosperity  of  a  nation 
at  a  given  time  is  in  its  present  politics  rather  than  in  the  long 
time  past  operation  of  deep  dynamic  causes;  if  they  refuse  to 
find  "moral  kinship"  between  those  who  struggled  to  free  the 
slaves  and  save  the  Union,  and  those  who  now  refuse  self-govern- 
ment to  the  Philippines  and  by  law  saddle  the  vast  profits  of  mo- 
nopolistic interests  upon  the  people  at  large;  if  they  do  not  deem 
the  system  of  excluding  foreign  goods  offered  in  exchange  for 
theirs  to  be  the  chief  support  of  American  prosperity, — if  these 
reasons  will  not  secure  their  support,  nevertheless  will  they  not 
vote  for  Theodore  Eoosevelt?  Is  he  not  the  "type  of  noble  man- 
hood," of  "gentle  birth  and  breeding,"  with  the  "sensibility  of 
a  poet,"  and  the  "steel  nerve  of  a  rough  rider," — a  man  of  "honor, 
truth,  courage,  purity  of  life,  domestic  virtue,  love  of  country, 
loyalty  to  high  ideals"?  For  these  qualities,  it  is  as  easy, — Mr. 
Hay  delightfully  says, — to  talk  of  him  as  "to  sing  the  glory  of 
the  Graeme."  But,  however  gladly  we  accord  all  this  to  Mr. 
Eoosevelt,  we  may  still  thank  God  that  such  praise  is  not  sound 
argument. 

For,  unless  by  "gentle  birth  and  breeding"  there  be  meant  the 
President's  inheritance  of  wealth  and  superior  opportunities  in 
education  and  social  life,  Alton  B.  Parker  is,  in  all  these  things, 
his  equal,  as  are  tens  of  thousands,  and  more,  of  Americans  who 
will  never  be  named  for  any  office.  The  argument  for  Theodore 
Eoosevelt,  distinct  from  his  party  and  his  political  program,  can- 
not, as  Mr.  Hay  and  Mr.  Eoot  well  knew,  be  rested  upon  these 
virtues.  Not  only  are  they  common  in  our  country,  but  men 
having  all  of  them  have,  as  rulers,  done  their  countries  infinite 
harm.  For  their  purposes,  therefore,  these  adroit  Eepublican  apol- 
ogists wisely  ascribe  to  him  certain  far  rarer, — even  if.  not  purer, 
— virtues  of  the  really  great  ruler.  His  "far  sighted  wisdom,"  his 
habits  of  "long  meditation  and  well  reasoned  conviction,"  of  "se- 
rious reflection,"  of  taking  "infinite  pains  to  get  at  the  facts  be- 
fore he  acts,"  of  "endless  patience,"  of  living  up  to  the  maxim 
that  "The  laws  of  the  country  are  made  to  be  obeyed," — these  are 
the  faculties  which  the  Eepublican  orators  deem  it  fit  and  far 
more  relevant  to  ascribe  to  him.  They  know  what  the  American 
people  require.  These  faculties  are,  indeed,  those  of  true  states- 
manship. 

ROOSEVELT'S    NEWLY    DISCOVERED    QUALITIES. 

But,  honor  bright,  Messrs.  Hay  and  Eoot,  can  you  sincerely  af- 
firm them  of  Theodore  Eoosevelt?  And,  oh,  Secretary  Hay,  what 
are  we  to  say  of  your  supreme  tribute  to  the  "ardent  and  able  young 
statesman,"  who  is  your  chief,  that  "in  times  of  doubt  and  dif- 
ficulty the  thought  oftenest  in  his  heart  is,  'What  in  such  a  case 
would  Lincoln  have  done?'"  If,  after  the  new  fashion  of  which 
we  are  advised,  your  manuscript  were  not  submitted  to  the  Pres- 


Constitutionalism.  297" 

ident, — still  doubtless  you  were  right  that  in  that  amazing  asser- 
tion you  were  "violating  neither  the  confidence  of  a  friend  nor 
the  proprieties."  But  would  it  have  violated  either  if  you  had 
let  us  know  what  act  or  utterance  of  Lincoln  was  in  the  Presi- 
dent's heart  on  his  three  days'  recognition  of  Panama,  or  on  his- 
executive  extension  of  the  pension  law,  or  on  his  threat  against 
the  South  American  republics,  or  during  his  long  continued  and 
truly  "ardent"  advocacy  of  a  great  navy,  or  in  his  long  and  sys- 
tematic preaching  of  the  "strong  man  armed"  and  the  "big  stick," 
or  when  he  sent  to  his  somewhat  dull  convention  at  Chicago  that 
true  rough  rider's  telegram  that  we  must  have  "Perdicaris  alive 
or  Eaissuli  dead."  The  President's  three  years'  occupancy  of  the 
centre  of  the  stage  have  made  the  American  people  understand 
this  part  of  his  character  and  political  habit.  His  personal  charm 
will,  I  believe,  earn  him  many  votes;  the  false  argument  that 
Eepublican  supremacy  and  a  high  protective  tariff  mean  national 
welfare  will  bring  him  many  votes;  but  I  venture  to  say  that  not 
a  score  of  votes  will  go  to  him  for  his  imaginary  faculties  of  "long 
meditation'"  and  "endless  patience,"  of  sober  devotion  to  law,  or 
for  his  imaginary  devotion  to  the  ideals  of  one  so  patient,  so  long- 
suffering,  so  humane  and  even  gentle,  so  wise  and  steadfast,  as 
Lincoln. 

GOV.    BLACK'S    STRANGE    EULOGY. 

Hear  rather  the  eulogy  by  Gov.  Black  which  we  are  told,  and 
without  contradiction,  was  submitted  before  its  delivery  to  the 
President  himself: 

"Fortune  soars  with  high  and  rapid  wing,  and  whoever  brings  it 
"down  must  shoot  with  accuracy  and  speed.  Only  the  man  with 
"steady  eye  and  nerve  and  the  courage  to  puil  the  trigger  brings  the 
"largest  opportunities  to  the  ground.  *  *  *  He  spends  little 
"time  in  review  for  that  he  knows  can  be  done  by  the  schools.  A 
"statesman  grappling  with  the  living  problems  of  the  hour,  he  gropes 
"but  little  in  the  past.  He  believes  in  going  ahead.  *  *  *  The 
"fate  of  nations  is  still  decided  by  their  wars.  You  may  talk  of  or- 
"derly  tribunals  and  learned  referees;  you  may  sing  in  your  schools 
"the  gentle  praises  of  the  quiet  life;  you  may  strike  from  your  books 
"the  last  note  of  every  martial  anthem;  and  yet  out  in  the  smoke 
"and  thunder  will  always  be  the  tramp  of  the  horses  and  the  silent, 
"rigid,  upturned  face.  Men  may  prophesy  and  women  pray,  but 
"peace  will  come  to  abide  forever  on  this  earth  only  when  the  dreams 
"of  childhood  are  the  accepted  charts  to  guide  the  destinies  of  men." 

This  was  part  of  the  vindication  of  the  President  officially  made 
by  the  distinguished  and  practised  speaker  chosen  to  present  his 
name,  and  give  the  reasons  for  his  nomination.  Will  not  its 
very  praise  suggest  to  any  wise  American  the  real  Theodore  Roose- 
velt of  great  public  station  ?  Does  it  not  suggest  the  "ardent  young 
statesman"  who,  in  so  many  ways,  and  so  often,  and  until  his 
advisers  bade  him  beware  of  heroics  while  the  American  people 
were  soberly  considering  their  verdict,  exhibited  a  reckless  and 
war-loving  temper?  Was  not  Governor  Black  right?  For  did 
lie  not  speak  of  a  president  who  has  declared  his  contempt  for 


298  Constitutionalism. 

"that  mock  humanitarism"  which  would  prevent  the  great  liberty- 
loving  nations  of  the  world  from  going  to  war,  who  despises,  as 
he  himself  has  told  us,  the  "cloistered  virtue"  which  dare  not  go 
down  into  "the  hurly-burly  where  the  men  of  might  contend"  ? 

Was  he  not  speaking  of  a  president  who,  in  a  hundred  speeches, 
has  talked  of  the  "craven"  and  the  "weakling"  and  the  "coward 
who  babbles  of  peace,"  who  has  preached  the  "just  man  armed" 
as  his  dearest  gospel,  who  would  have  a  great  army,  although,  as 
lie  has  said,  "we  do  not  need  it  in  the  least  for  police  purposes 
at  home,"  but  because  we  need  to  use  it  abroad, — who,  three  years 
before  our  marauding  venture  at  Panama,  declared  that  "we  must 
build  the  Isthmian  canal,"  and  must  grasp  the  points  "of  van- 
tage," meaning  that  we  must  violate  the  territory  of  another  na- 
tion,— who  has  talked  in  season  and  out  of  season  of  the  "cant 
about  liberty"  and  "the  consent  of  the  governed," — who,  speak- 
ing as  the  chief  magistrate  of  a  republic  of  law  and  order  and 
peace,  which  in  its  men  and  resources  is  the  most  powerful  of 
nations,  declared  that  its  maxim  should  be,  "Speak  softly  and 
carry  a  big  stick,"  and  who  has  of  late  in  plain  terms  threat- 
ened our  neighbors  at  the  South  that  unless, — in  their  relations, 
not  with  the  United  States  but  with  others,  for  whom  we  are  in 
no  way  called  upon  to  act, — they  acted  "with  decency  in  indus- 
trial and  political  matters,"  unless  they  "kept  order  and  paid  their 
obligations,"  unless  they  "governed  themselves  well"  and  were 
"prosperous  and  orderly"  they  might  expect  our  forcible  inter- 
vention ? 

WHERE    A    PARALLEL    FOR    SUCH    WARLIKE    UTTERANCES? 

Where  is  the  parallel  for  utterances  like  these  by  the  ruler  of 
a,  great  country  since  Moscow  and  Waterloo  brought  to  an  end 
the  insolent  addresses  of  the  first  Napoleon  to  the  monarchs  of 
Europe  and  the  terrified  envoys  at  his  court?  Some  of  the  Pres- 
ident's admirers  draw  a  comparison  between  him  and  Andrew  Jack- 
son. Jackson  indeed  was  not  lacking  in  courage,  virility,  energy 
■or  genius ;  and,  besides,  he  was  a  frontiersman  of  very  rough  early 
years,  utterly  lacking  the  elaborate  and  gentle  education  and  long 
literary  practice  of  the  President.  Jackson  also  asserted  his  coun- 
try's rights,  but,  like  a  later  Democratic  president  in  1895,  against 
powerful  nations  of  Europe.  But  in  no  speech  or  paper  of  Jack- 
son's after  he  came  to  the  presidency  can  utterances  like  those 
of  Mr.  Eoosevelt  be  found.  Nor  can  like  utterances  be  found 
in  the  record  of  any  one  of  our  Presidents, — especially  not  of 
Washington  and  Jackson  and  Grant,  who  had  been  great  gen- 
erals. 

In  Gov.  Black's  speech, — in  the  President's  own  exhibition  of 
his  political  temper  and  ideals,  before  the  enforced  sobriety  of 
critical  candidacy  was  upon  him, — in  these  and  not  in  the  cau- 
tious and  diplomatic  utterances  of  Secretary  Hay  and  Mr.  Eoot, 
is  the  true  Roosevelt, — as  we  have  seen  his  behavior  in  great  pub- 
lic station.     It  is  to  the  credit  of  Messrs.  Hay  and  Root  that  they, 


Constitutionalism.  299 

far  better  than  Gov.  Black  or  the  President  himself,  knew  the  abid- 
ing instinct  of  the  American  people,  and  offer  their  own  states- 
man-like and  ideal  Roosevelt,  so  very,  very  far  removed  from  the 
real  Eoosevelt  of  the  chief  magistracy. 

Such,  then,  fellow-citizens,  is  the  strength  of  the  Republican 
case.  And  is  its  strength,  not  weakness,  shattered  the  moment 
a  sober-minded  citizen  really  thinks  out  its  argument?  But  even 
so,  it  will  be  asked,  what  have  the  Democrats  to  offer? 

WHAT    DEMOCRACY    OFFERS. 

Before  we  Democrats  propose  any  specific  measure  we  ask  the 
American  people  to  remember  their  own  history.  We  also  begin 
with  the  marvellous  statistics  of  national  growth  from  the  first 
census  in  1790  to  the  last  in  1900,  with  the  increase  in  popula- 
tion, in  the  produce  of  farm  and  manufactures  and  forests  and 
mines,  in  the  achievements  of  American  invention  and  organized 
industry.  We  do  not  say  that  these  material  results  have  been 
achieved  by  laws,  however  good.  We  recognize  their  source  in 
the  natural  bounties  of  God,  and  the  hearts  and  brains  and  muscle 
of  American  freemen.  We  do  add,  however,  that,  here  between 
the  Atlantic  and  Pacific,  between  Canada  and  the  Gulf,  was  first 
tried  on  a  great  scale  the  new  experiment  of  human  and  industrial 
freedom,  of  equal  rights  and  no  special  privilege.  If  the  pres- 
ence of  negro  slavery,  until  the  Civil  War,  created  dismal  ex- 
ceptions,— and  if  the  presence  together  in  the  South  of  a  great 
or  equal  or  even  outnumbering  mass  of  a  colored  race  with  pro- 
foundly different  characteristics,  and  as  yet  vastly  behind  the  white 
race  in  the  faculties  of  disciplined  industry  and  high-class  gov- 
ernment, gave,  and  even  now  gives,  rise  to  anomalies  and  incon- 
sistencies,— they  have  made  only  clearer  the  wisdom  and  benefi- 
cence of  our  fundamental  policy.  We  Democrats  point  out  that, 
during  this  period  of  splendid  growth,  there  was  systematic  hos- 
tility to  a  large  military  or  naval  expenditure,  there  was  system- 
atic preference  for  simple  and  inexpensive  administration,  there 
was  systematic  dislike  of  personal  and  sumptuary  restraints. 

Democrats  do  not,  like  Republicans,  forget  how  vast  during 
our  wonderful  economic  progress  has  been  the  American  area  of 
free  trade  between  our  forty-five  states,  an  extent  of  free  trade 
far  beyond  anything  ever  before  or  now  elsewhere  known.  For 
that  area  has  included  the  widest  difference  of  climate  and  soil 
and  human  labor,  and  also  far  differing  conditions  in  organized 
society,  ranging  from  settlements  nearly  three  centuries  old  to 
frontiers  occupied  but  a  few  years.  They  remember  that  the  in- 
ternal trade  of  this  truly  imperial  domain  which  is  free  of  all  tariff 
is  in  volume  and  amount  vastly,  very  many  times,  more  impor- 
tant than  its  foreign  trade  which  is  subject  to  tariff.*  They 
point  out  that  for  more  than  a  century  the  American  nation  scru- 

*  Senator  Hoar,  in  his  speech  on  Trust  Legislation  in  the  Senate  on 
January  6,  1903,  states  that  "our  domestic  commerce  is  *  *  *  more 
than  twenty  times  as  great  as  that  with  foreign  nations." 


300    '  Constitutionalism. 

pulously  refrained  from  foreign  entanglements  and  made  no  forci- 
ble conquest  except  as  it  took  from  Mexico  as  a  war  indemnity 
the  practically  uninhabited  country  on  the  Pacific  slope  and  the 
Rio  Grande.  They  point  out  that,  although  the  conditions  of 
American  life  have,  to  a  large  extent,  been  those  of  a  new  and 
frontier  country,  the  public  men  and  the  official  life  of  our  coun- 
try have  been  so  dominated  by  love  of  law  as  to  command  the 
just  tribute  of  every  intelligent  foreign  visitor,  and  that  the  very 
"lynch  law"  which  has  now  and  then  in  thinly-settled  parts  of 
this  vast  domain  disgraced  portions  of  our  population,  has  often 
been  mere  reaction  against  misdirected  respect  for  law  on  the  part 
of  those  in  authority. 

FUNDAMENTAL    SOURCES    OF    PROSPERITY. 

From  all  these  conditions  and  from  these  institutions, — and 
in  spite  of  their  faults, — has  come, — so  the  Democrats  say, — the 
industrial  productivity  and  triumph  of  the  American  citizen. 
After  praise  to  God  for  His  gifts  to  us  of  land  and  water  and 
climate,  it  is  to  these  deep  lying  and  truly  dynamic  causes,  and 
above  all  to  the  American  devotion  to  liberty  and  law,  that  the 
Democratic  party  assigns  our  splendid  results  in  agriculture  and 
mining,  our  vast  treasure  houses,  our  enormous  increase  in  rail- 
road and  manufacturing  plants,  and  all  other  material  as  well 
as  political  glory  of  our  land.  Democrats  know,  nor  would  they 
have  any  American  forget,  that  the  most  stupendous  force  the  world 
has  known,  is  the  free,  self-governing,  law-abiding,  self-respect- 
ing citizen,  regardful  of  the  rights  of  other  men  and  therefore 
justly  insistent  upon  his  own.  From  the  marvellous  success  of 
our  country  summed  up  in  the  census  of  1900  and  its  tables  of 
comparisons  with  the  results  of  other  censuses,  the  Democrats  draw 
the  conclusion,  not  that  the  general  and  broad  principles  of  the 
American  people  should  be  reversed,  or  their  sacred  traditions  un- 
done,— but  that  they  should  be  continued;  that  only  faults  and 
exceptions  and  inconsistencies  should  be  eliminated.  They  would 
not  have  less  respect  for  law  but  more  respect;  not  less  freedom 
of  trade  but  more  freedom ;  not  less  respect  for  the  rights  of  other 
countries  and  races,  however  inferior  to  us,  but  more  respect; 
not  more  foreign  entanglements  but  fewer;  not  increase,  but  de- 
crease in  the  proportion  of  military  and  naval  and  general  gov- 
ernment expenditure  to  the  ability  of  the  people. 

REFORMS  DEMOCRACY  DEMANDS. 

Such  is  the  general  creed  of  the  Democratic  party;  and  such 
must  and  will  be  its  practice  when  it  returns  to  power.  But  the 
candidacy  of  Judge  Parker  represents  something  besides  this  table 
of  principles.  If  he  be  elected,  he  will  undertake  specific  reforms ; 
if  the  Republican  Senate  prevent  the  enactment  of  any  of  the 
necessary  laws,  the  Democratic  president  will  lead  on,  surely  if 
conservatively,  to  the  accomplishment  of  those  reforms  as  soon 
as  the  American  people  shall  be  able,  under  our  Constitution,  to 


Constitutionalism.  301 

choose  United  States  Senators  to  do  their  will.     And  these  re- 
reforms  are  plain: 

RETURN    TO    RESPECT    FOR    LAW. 

First. — A  return  by  the  executive  of  the  country  to  respect  for 
law,  national  and  international;  a  refusal  by  executive  order  and 
without  warrant  of  law  to  open  the  treasury  for  pension  or  other 
largesses  whether  just  before  an  election,  as  President  Eoosevelt 
has  done,  or  at  any  other  time;  a  steadfast  remembrance  that  the 
price  lately  paid  in  the  practical  connivance  of  the  Eepublican 
administration  with  conspirators, — and  in  other  precedents  dan- 
gerous for  the  peace  and  welfare  of  the  civilized  world, — for  the 
beginning  of  the  Panama  Canal, — or  the  price  paid  in  lawless 
despotism  for  the  suppression  of  disorder  in  Colorado — or  for  the 
Accomplishment  of  any  other  good,  or  to  "do  things,"  a  little  ear- 
lier than  they  would  otherwise  and  inevitably  have  come,  is  far  too 
great  a  price  to  be  paid  by  a  free,  honest  and  law-abiding  people. 

NO    MEDDLING    WITH    OTHER    NATIONS. 

Second. — A  refusal  to  meddle  with  the  affairs  of  other  nations 
except  as  it  is  necessary  to  protect  our  own  rights;  a  withdrawal 
from  the  program  of  menace  and  overlordship  to  be  exercised  in 
behalf  of  European  nations  against  the  republics  to  the  south  of 
us, — which  was  condescendingly  and  even  contemptuously  held 
out  by  the  President  in  his  letter  written  to  the  Cuban  dinner 
only  a  few  weeks  before  his  nomination;  a  return  to  the  ancient 
doctrine  of  friendship  with  all  nations;  a  refusal  to  convert  such 
a  friendship  for  England  into  the  unworthy  sympathy  shown  by 
those  in  high  authority  under  President  Roosevelt  for  its  Jingo 
warfare  upon  the  South  African  Republic.  Capt.  M]ahan,  the 
President's  own  special  spokesman  in  the  Navy,  has  indeed  earned 
the  admiring  recognition  of  the  aristocratic  and  military  classes 
of  England  by  his  eulogy  of  warfare  as  a  chief  agent  of  civiliza- 
tion and  by  his  sympathy  for  her  in  her  wars,  even  the  worst  of 
them.  Mr.  Choate,  our  Ambassador  at  St.  James,  instead  of  en- 
forcing, so  far  as  the  proprieties  of  his  place  permitted,  and  as 
his  predecessors,  Mr.  Lowell  and  Mr.  Bayard,  did,  the  ideals  of 
democracy,  has  invited  the  favor  of  the  same  classes  by  his  un- 
qualified tribute  to  Lord  Roberts  for  his  military  victories  over 
weaker  nations  resisting  conquest  by  England.  If,  under  Pres- 
ident Roosevelt,  we  are  gaining  the  sympathy  and  approval  of 
English  Tories  who  have  been  hostile  to  our  democracy  and  who 
during  our  Civil  War,  wished  us  to  perish,  we  are  losing  the  sym- 
pathy and  approval  of  that  noble  body  of  Englishmen,  the  true 
bulwark  of  English  civilization,  who  stand  for  peace,  trade  liber- 
ality, humane  and  democratic  progress,  men  who  are  the  successors 
of  Gladstone  and  Cobden  and  Bright,  those  who  have  wished  us 
well  and  have  struggled  to  make  the  world  better  by  making  it 
more  free. 


302  Constitutionalism. 

TARIFF    REDUCTION. 

Third. — A  sincere  and  persistent  effort  to  reform  the  tariff, 
and  especially  to  abolish  or,  to  the  uttermost  practicable,  reduce 
those  duties  the  plain  effect  of  which  is  to  create  monopolies,  and 
is  not,  as  pretended,  to  extend  or  diversify  American  industry, 
but  rather  to  stifle  its  freedom.  .  If,  because  public  sentiment  is 
not  yet  ready,  we  cannot  at  once  and  completely  sweep  away  the 
robbery  practised  under  the  alluring  name  of  "protection,"  or 
even  now  go  back  to  the  low  tariff  schedules  advocated  by  the  early 
protection  leaders,  Hamilton  and  Clay,  we  can  at  least  undo  the 
monstrous  excesses  of  the  present  system,  and  then  let  the  Amer- 
ican people,  in  the  light  of  that  measure  of  reform  and  of  its  prac- 
tical results,  decide  whether  the  lowering  of  duties  does  not  tend 
to  promote  our  industrial  progress.  If  for  four  years  we  must 
face  a  Eepublican  Senate,  none  the  less  we  can  systematically  pre- 
sent this  great  and  pressing  question  to  the  American  people  for 
discussion,  and,  perhaps,  through  enlightened  public  sentiment, 
as  Judge  Parker  hopefully  suggests,  even  compel  our  adversaries 
in  the  Senate  to  yield. 

RETURN    TO    PUBLIC    ECONOMY. 

Fourth. — A  return  to  public  economy.  The  total  expenditure 
in  President  Koosevelt's  last  fiscal  year,  ending  July  1,  1904,  was 
$562,000,000,  or,  if  the  $50,000,000  paid  on  account  of  the  Panama 
Canal,  and  the  $4,000,000  paid  to  the  St.  Louis  Exposition,  be 
deducted,  the  total  expense  was  $528,000,000,  or  at  a  per  capita 
rate,  in  time  of  profound  peace,  of  $6.57,*  the  greatest  ever  known 
in  the  history  of  our  government,  except  only  the  expenditure  as 
measured  in  depreciated  paper  currency  during  the  Civil  War  in 
1863,  1864  and  1865,  and  the  expenditure  in  1899  during  the  worst 
of  the  Philippine  War.  Without  the  Panama  and  St.  Louis  Exposi- 
tion payments,  the  expenditure  during  Mr.  Eoosevelt's  first  three 
years  has  been  $1,505,692,185.99,  as  against  $778,340,119.60  for 
the  first  three  years  of  Mr.  Cleveland's  first  term,  and  $1,075,900,- 
024.29  for  the  first  three  years  of  Mr.  Cleveland's  second  term, 
when  he  had  to  bear  the  enormous  increase  by  permanent  legisla- 
tion enacted  hy  the  Eepublicans  under  President  Harrison.  The 
danger  of  this  is  not  only  that  the  increase  is  in  a  proportion  far 
exceeding  the  proportional  growth  of  the  population,  but  that  it  is 
in  a  proportion  exceeding  the  proportion  of  increase  in  the  wealth 
and  earning  capacity  of  the  country  and  its  wages.  Although  since 
1900  industrial  conditions  have  grown  less  favorable  and  wages 
have  been  reduced,  the  expenditure,  omitting  interest  on  the  public 
debt,  in  the  gross  and  per  capita  has  very  greatly  increased. 

ROOSEVELT'S    ENORMOUS    EXPENDITURES. 

In  Mr.  Eoosevelt's  last  year  our  expenditure  upon  the  War  De- 
partment, not  including  pensions,  was  $115,000,000,  and  without 

*  On  the  basis  of  the  population  estimate  for  1903,  given  in  the  official 
Summary  at  80,372,000. 


Constitutionalism.  303 

the  excuse  of  war,  as  against  $44,000,000  in  the  last  year  of  Presi- 
dent Cleveland's  first  term,  or  $49,000,000  in  the  last  year  of  Presi- 
dent Harrison,  or  $48,000,000  in  the  last  year  of  President  Cleve- 
land's second  term.  President  Roosevelt's  expenditure  for  the 
Navy  Department  last  year  was  $102,000,000,  as  against  $21,000,- 
000  in  the  last  year  of  Cleveland's  first  term,  or  $30,000,000  in 
the  last  year  of  President  Harrison  or  $31,000,000  in  the  first  year 
of  President  Cleveland's  second  term.  In  war  and  naval  expendi- 
ture combined,  excluding  pensions,  we  now  rank  with  England  and 
outrank  France  and  Germany ;  and  we  are  without  their  excuse  of 
powerful  and  jealous  neighbors.  The  freedom  from  this  wasteful 
barbarism  was  until  lately  a  glory  of  our  Republic.  Unless  the 
Democratic  party  succeed  we  shall  continue  in  the  barbarism.. 
And  all  this  goes  with  the  imperialistic  temper  of  disregard  for 
law  and  public  right  which  belongs  to  the  President. 

OTHER    IMPORTANT    REFORMS. 

Fifth. — A  resolute  investigation  of  the  executive  departments. 
The  public  has  already  had  some  glimpses  of  the  conditions  of  in- 
competence and  corruption  in  the  Post-Office  Department.  The 
Republicans  have  refused  any  independent  investigation.-  The  time 
is  well  for  it ;  but  it  will  not  be  had  unless  Judge  Parker  is  elected. 

Sixth. — The  grant  of  independence  to  the  Philippine  people. 
Since  there  has,  for  years,  been  no  recognized  government  there  ex- 
cept the  American,  no  doubt  the  manner  of  the  restoration  to  the 
Philippine  people  of  their  right  of  self-government  must  accord 
with  existing  conditions.  But  the  thing  to  be  accomplished  and  to 
be  accomplished  at  the  first  practicable  moment  is  to  put  in  opera- 
tion in  the  Philippines  the  fundamental  rule  of  the  American 
democracy,  the  rule  affirmed,  as  I  have  already  shown,  by  at  least 
three  Republican  national  conventions,  that  government  under  the 
American  flag  shall  depend  upon  the  consent  of  the  governed. 

Seventh. — A  dissolution  of  the  partnership  between  the  great 
corporations  of  the  country  and  the  United  States  Government,  a 
partnership  most  unworthily  illustrated  by  the  transfer  of  Mr.  Cor- 
telyou  from  the  head  of  the  department  in  supervision  of  the  cor- 
porations to  the  chairmanship  of  a  national  committee  which  is  in 
large  part  dependent  upon  those  very  corporations  for  its  pecuniary 
support. 

Eighth. — A  refusal  of  a  subsidy  to  the  shipping  interest  or  to 
any  other  interest. 

Ninth. — A  refusal  to  reopen  the  negro  question,  and  thus  to  in- 
terrupt and  well  nigh  frustrate  the  high-minded  and  skillful  work 
being  done  by  educational  and  industrial  leaders  and  the  encour- 
aging progress  they  are  making  toward  a  solution  of  the  unique 
and  tremendous  difficulty  incident  to  the  presence  together  at  the 
South  of  two  widely  differing  races.    • 

LET    US    RETURN    TO    SIMPLER    AND    NOBLER    IDEALS. 

Such  are  some  of  the  measures  which  the  Democratic  party  may 
be  justly  expected  to  undertake  if  power  shall  be  accorded  them  in 


304  Constitutionalism — Electoral  College. 

November.  They  may  all  be  summed  up  in  this,  that  the  govern- 
ment of  this  democratic  republic  should  be  made  democratic;  that 
its  powers  should  not  be  used  to  promote  special  interests ;  that  the 
rule  of  democratic  self-government  should  be  sacredly  observed; 
that  the  money  of  the  people  should  remain  in  the  pockets  of  the 
people  through  rigorous  economy  in  the  administration  of  govern- 
ment; that  the  people  should  support  their  government  rather  than 
that  the  government  should  be  used  to  support  special  and  limited 
classes  of  its  citizens ;  that  there  should  be  sacred  regard  to  law  and 
■order ;  and  finally,  and  above  all,  that,  in  place  of  the  ideal  held  up 
by  the  Republican  party  and  promoted  by  President  Roosevelt, — 
the  ideal  of  force  and  lawlessness  and  war, — we  should  return,  as 
Judge  Parker  and  Senator  Davis  would  have  us  return,  to  the 
simpler  and  nobler  ideal  which,  in  spite  of  some  exceptions  and  in- 
inconsistencies,  our  Republic  followed  for  its  first  century  and 
longer,  and  under  which,  and  by  reason  of  which,  the  American 
people  have  come  to  a  splendid  wealth  and  prosperity,  and  their 
.nation  to  a  just  and  honorable  power. 


ELECTORAL    VOTES  OF    STATES    IN    1904. 

AS  APPORTIONED  BY  ACT  APPROVED  JANUARY  16,  1901. 

Alabama    -----'-    ---11  Nebraska   ----------      8 

Arkansas 9  Nevada   -----------      3 

California    ---------10  New    Hampshire    ------      4 

Colorado    ---------       5  New    Jersey    --------13 

Connecticnt    --------      7        New   York 39 

Delaware   ----------      3  North    Carolina   -------13 

Florida    ----------      5  North   Dakota   --------      4 

Georgia    ----------13        Ohio 33 

Idaho 3  Oregon    _-_____----      4 

Illinois    ----------27  Pennsylvania   --------34 

Indiana    ----------15  Rhode   Island   --------      4 

Iowa   ------------13  Sonth    Carolina   -------      9 

Kansas    ----------10  Sonth   Dakota  --------      4 

Kentucky    ---------13  Tennessee    ---------13 

Louisiana   ----------      9  Texas    ------------18 

Maine    -----------      6  Utah    ------------      3 

Maryland    ---------      8  Vermont    ---------      4 

Massachusetts    -------16  Virginia    ----------13 

Michigan    ---------14  "Washington    --------      5 

Minnesota 11  West    Virginia    -------      7 

Mississippi    --------10  Wisconsin    ---------13 

Missouri 18        Wyoming 3 

Montana   ----------      3 

Total   electoral   vote   ----------------   476 

Necessary    to    a    choice,    239. 


DEMOCRATIC    NATIONAL    COMMITTEE   AND    ITS 
OFFICERS 

MEMBERS  OF  NATIONAL   COMMITTEE 

ALABAMA Henry  D.  Clayton Eufaula 

ARKANSAS William  H.  Martin Hot  Springs 

CALIFOKNIA M.  F.  Tarpey San  Francisco 

COLORADO John  I.  Mullins Denver 

CONNECTICUT Homer  S.  Cummings Stamford 

DELAWARE Richard  R.  Kenney Dover 

FLORIDA Jefferson  B.  Browne Key  West 

GEORGIA Clark  Howell Atlanta 

ID  AIIO Simon  P.  Donnelly  ........  Lake  View 

ILLINOIS Roger  C.  Sullivan Chicago 

INDIANA Thomas  Taggart . .  Indianapolis 

IOWA Charles  A.  Walsh Ottumwa 

KANSAS John  H.  Atwood Leavenworth 

KENTUCKY Urey  Woodson Owensboro 

LOUISIANA N.  C.  Blanchard Shreveport 

MAINE George  E.  Hughes Bath 

MARYLAND L.  Victor  Baughman Frederick 

MASSACHUSETTS William  A.  Gaston Boston 

MICHIGAN Daniel  J.  Campau Detroit 

MINNESOTA T.  T.  Hudson Duluth 

MISSISSIPPI C.  H.  Williams Yazoo  City 

MISSOURI W.  A.  Rothwell Moberly 

MONTANA Chas.  W.  Hoffman Bozeman 

NEBRASKA James  C.  Dahlman Omaha 

NEVADA John  H.  Dennis Reno 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE True  L.  Norris Portsmouth 

NEW  JERSEY William  B.  Gourley Paterson 

NEW  YORK Norman  E.  Mack Buffalo 

NORTH  CAROLINA Josephus  Daniels Raleigh 

NORTH  DAKOTA H.  D.  Allert Langdon 

OHIO John  R.  McLean Cincinnati 

OREGON Frederick  V.  Holman Portland 

PENNSYLVANIA J.  M.  Guffey Pittsburg 

RHODE  ISLAND George  W.  Greene Woonsocket 

SOUTH  CAROLINA B.  R.  Tillman Trenton 

SOUTH  DAKOTA E.  S.  Johnson Armour 

TENNESSEE R.  E.  L.  Mountcastle Knoxville 

TEXAS R.  M.  Johnston Houston, 

UTAH D.  H.  Peery Salt  Lake 

VERMONT Bradley  B.  Smalley Burlington 

VIRGINIA J.  Taylor  Ellyson Richmond 

WASHINGTON John  Y.  Terry Seattle 

WEST  VIRGINIA John  T.  McGraw Grafton 

WISCONSIN Timothy  E.  Ryan Waukesha 

WYOMING John  E.  Osborne Rawlings 

ALASKA Arthur  K.  Dalany Juneau 

ARIZONA Ben  M.  Crawford .Clifton 

DIST.  OF  COLUMBIA James  L.  Norris Washington 

HAWAII Palmer  P.  Woods Mahukoma 

INDIAN  TERRITORY R.  L.  Williams Durant 

NEW  MEXICO H.  B.  Fergusson Albuquerque 

OKLAHOMA Richard  A.  Billups Cordell 

PORTO  RICO D.  M.  Field Guayama 


OFFICERS    OF   NATIONAL    COMMITTEE 


Thomas  Taggabt, 
De  Lancey  Nicole,  Viee-Chairman 
Geoege  Fosteb  Peabody,  Treasurer 


Chairman 

Ueey  Woodson,  Secretary 
Edwin  Sefton,  Asst.  Secretary 


August  Belmont 
James  Smith,  Je. 


EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 

Wm.  F.  Sheehan,  Chairman 
James  M.  Guffey 
Jno.  R.  McLean 


Thomas  S.  Maetin 
Timothy  E.  Ryan 


DEMOCRATIC   CONGRESSIONAL   COMMITTEE 

Headquarters,  Riggs  House,  Washington,  D.  C. 

W.  S.  Cowheed,  Chairman 

J.  R.  Thayee  and  Rice  A.  Pieece,  Vice-Chairmen 


Chaeles  A.  Edwaeds,  Secretary 
J.  L.  Peaecy,  Asst.  Secretary 

Alabama John  L.  B.  Buenett 

Arkansas Hugh  A.  Dinsmoee 

California E.  J.  Liveenash 

Colorado John  F.  Shafeoth 

Connecticut. . . .  Wm.  S.  Paedee 

Delaware Henby  A.  Houston 

Florida .S.  M.  Spaekman 

Georgia James  M.  Geiggs 

Idaho Heney  Heitfeldt 

Illinois Joseph  B.  Cbowley 

Indiana W.  T.  Zenoe 

Iowa Maetin  J.  Wade 

Kansas A.  M.  Jackson 

Kentucky James  N.  Kehoe 

Louisiana R.  F.  Beoussaed 

Maine F.  W.  Plaisted 

Maryland James  W.  Denny 

Massachusetts  John  R.  Thayee 

Michigan Alfbed  Luching 

Minnesota John  Lind 

Mississippi . . .  .E.  J.  Bo  webs 

Missouri W.  S.  Cowheed 

Montana John  S.  McNeil 

Nebraska G.  M.  Hitchcock 

Nevada C.  D.  Van  Duseb 


James  L.  Noeeis,  Treasurer 
J.  J.  Sinnott,  Sergeant-at-Arms 

New  Mexico E.  V.  Chavez 

New  Hampshire. .  Henby  F.  Hollis 

New  Jersey Allan  Benny 

New  York W.  H.  Ryan 

North  Carolina, . .  W.  W.  Kitchin 

North  Dakota J.  B.  Eaton 

Ohio John  S.  Snook 

Oregon Feed.  V.  Holman 

Pennsylvania Mabcus  C.  L.  Kline 

Rhode  Island . .  . .  D.  L.  D.  Gbangee 
South  Carolina. . .  D.  E.  Finley 

South  Dakota C.  Boyd  Babeett 

Tennessee Rice  A.  Pieece 

Texas C.  B.  Randell 

Utah W.  K.  King 

Vermont T.  W.  Maloey 

Virginia H.  L.  Maynaed 

West  Virginia David  E.  Johnson 

Washington Geoege  Tueneb 

Wisconsin C.  H.  Weisse 

Wyoming John  E.  Osboene 

Arizona John  F.  Wilson 

Dist.  of  Columbia.  James  L.  Noeeis 

Oklahoma S.  P.  Feeedling 

Ind.  Territory  . . .  R.  L.  Owens 


SENATE   MEMBERS 


Arkansas James  H.  Beeey 

Florida Jas.  P.  Taliafeebo 

Idaho Feed.  T.  DuBois 

Missouri W.  J.  Stone 

Nevada 


Virginia Thomas  S.  Maetin 

Montana William  A.  Clabk 

Tennessee E.  W.  Cabmack 

Texas Chas.  A.  Culbeeson 

',  C.  Newlands 


CHAIRMEN  OF  DEMOCRATIC  STATE  COMMITTEES 

1904 
STATES  CHAIRMEN  RESIDENCE 

ALABAMA H.  S.  D.  Mallory Selma 

ARKANSAS 

CALIFORNIA Timothy  Spellacy California  Hotel, 

Brush  St.,  San  Francisco 

COLORADO Milton  Smith Equitable  Building, 

Denver 

CONNECTICUT John  J.  Walsh Norwalk 

DELAWARE Willard  Saulsbury  .  . .  Wilmington 

FLORIDA D.  M.  Fletcher Jacksonville 

GEORGIA M.J.  Yeomans Dawson 

IDAHO 

ILLINOIS Chas.  Boeschenstein.  . .  State  Headquarters,  300-1 

Sherman  House,  Chicago 

INDIANA W.  H.  O'Brien Indianapolis 

IOWA S.  B.  Morrisey Harlan 

KANSAS , William  F.  Sapp Galena 

KENTUCKY Louis  McQuown Bowling  Green 

LOUISIANA E.  B.  Kruttschnitt New  Orleans 

MAINE E.  L.  Jones Waterville 

MARYLAND Murray  Vandiver Baltimore 

MASSACHUSETTS W.  S.  McNary Boston 

MICHIGAN D.  J.  Campau Detroit 

MINNESOTA H.  L.  Buck Winona 

MISSISSIPPI 

MISSOURI W.  N.  Evans St.  Louis 

MONTANA 

NEBRASKA T.  S.  Allen Lincoln 

NEVADA  

NEW  HAMPSHIRE  . . .  .Nathaniel  E.  Martin.  .Concord 

NEW  JERSEY W.  B.  Gourley Paterson 

NEW  YORK Cord  Myer New  York  City 

NORTH  CAROLINA. .  .  .F.  M.  Simmons Raleigh 

NORTH  DAKOTA B.  S.  Brynjolfson Grand  Forks 

OHIO Benjamin  McKinney  .  . .  Marietta 

OREGON Alex.  Sweet Portland 

PENNSYLVANIA J.  K.  P.  Hall Ridgway 

RHODE  ISLAND P.  H.  Quinn 19  College  St.,  Providence 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. . .  .Wilie  Jones Columbia 

SOUTH  DAKOTA John  W.  Martin Watertown 

TENNESSEE Frank  M.  Thompson  .  .  .Nashville 

TEXAS Frank  Andrews Houston 

UTAH Frank  J.  Cannon Ogden 

VERMONT Emory  S.  Harris Bennington 

VIRGINIA J.  Taylor  Ellyson Richmond 

WASHINGTON J.  W.  Godwin Seattle 

WEST  VIRGINIA O.  S.  McKinney Fairmount 

WISCONSIN A.  F.  Warden Waukesha 

DIST.  OF  COLUMBIA.  .J.  Fred  Kelley Washington,  D.  C. 

INDIAN  TERRITORY.  .Fred'k  A.  Parkinson.  .  .Wagoner 

NEW  MEXICO W.  S.  Hopewell Santa  Fe 

OKLAHOMA Jesse  Dunn Oklahoma  City 


CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Constitution  of  the  United   States 3 

Platform  of  the  Democratic  Party 16 

Platform  of  the   Republican  Party 24 

Notification  Address  of  Hon.  Champ  Clark  at  Esopus,  Aug.  10,  1904..  30 

Address  of  Acceptance  of  Alton  Brooks  Parker 33 

Notification  Address  of  Hon.  John  Sharp  Williams  at  White  Sulphur 

Springs,    Aug.    17,    1904 41 

Mr.  Davis's  Speech  of  Acceptance 4ft 

Comment  on  Judge  Parker's   Speech  of  Acceptance,  from  New  York 

Nation,    Aug.     18,     1904     50 

Biographical   Sketches  of  the  Candidates: 

Alton  Brooks  Parker   53 

Henry   Gassaway  Davis    61 

"Theodore  Roosevelt."    A  New  York  World  Editorial    66 

A    "War    Lord"    for    President    71 

Roosevelt   on   former   Presidents    72 

"On  What  Does  the  Republican  Party  Stand  Pat?"    (Editorial  from 

New    York    American ) 73 

The  Silver  Record  of  'the  Republican  Party    76 

President    McKinley    a    Free    Silver    Advocate    77 

Republican    Platforms    on     Silver 78 

President  Roosevelt  on  the  Question  of  "Definite  Committals"    79 

President  Roosevelt  a  Bimetallist 80 

Republican    Extravagance    81 

Speech  of  Hon.  Leonidas  F.  Livingston,  of  Georgia,  in  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives,  April   28,    1904    85 

Edward  Atkinson,  on  Cost  of  War  and  Warfare   88 

Speech  of  Hon.  Gilbert  M.  Hitchcock,  of  Nebraska,  in  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives,   February    20,    1904     91 

Speech  of  Hon.  Theodore  E.  Burton,  of  Ohio,  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, March   15,   1904 96 

The    Tariff   and    Trusts    98 

The  Trusts  Conceal  Export  Prices    99 

Comparison   of   Export   and   Home    Alices 100 

Export  Values  versus  Home   Value? 110 

How  the  Industrial  Commission    investigated  Prices 112 

Specific  Illustrations  of  the  Way  High  Tariff  Taxes  Enable  the 
Trusts    to    Extort    from    Americans   much    Higher   Prices    than 

from  Foreigners    113 

Ingratitude  of  the  Tin   Plate  Trust 114 

Steel  Plates  much  Cheaper  to  Foreigners 115 

Iron  and  Steel  Trusts  Rebuked  by  Republican  Official  Reports...  116 
Senator  A.   O.   Bacon,  of  Georgia,   Produces  Evidence  as  to  Ex- 
port Prices  of  Steel  Rails    117 

English    Testimony    that    Trust-Made    Goods    Are    Sold    Cheaper 

Abroad  than  in   America    118 

Steel   Manufacturing   Costs   Less   in   the   United    States   than   in 

England     121 

The  Tariff: 

Prices   and    Wages;    Republican    Claim    that   Increase   in    Wages 
Has  Kept  Pace  with  Increase  in  Cost  of  Living  Shown  to  be 

Untrue     122 

Absurdity    of    Republican    "Averages" 124 

"Raising"  Wages  in  Michigan  and  Wisconsin 128 

How  the  Dingley  Bill  Fosters  Trusts  and  Raises  Prices 129 


11  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Wages    of    Railway    Employees    132 

Money  Wages  versus  Real  Wages    135 

Chart  Showing  Reduced  Purchasing  Power  of  Wages 136 

Labor's  Share  of  the  Product  of  Labor  Rapidly  Declining 137 

The  Average  American  Family  Pays  a  Tribute  of  $94  a  Year  to  Pro- 
tected   Trusts 138 

Tariff  Taxes  Paid  by  the  Average  Family  in   1903 .    142 

The  Dingley  Tariff  Imposes  Average  Duty  of  48.81% 145 

Table  of  Duties   Imposed  by  the   Dingley  Tariff   Law 145 

Business  and  Industrial   Record  of   1903-1904 149 

Table   Showing   Wage   Reductions,    1903    150 

Closed  Mills  and  Reduced  Output,   1903 151 

Table   of   Wage   Reductions,    1904 153 

Anti-Trust  Legislation,  Not  Enforced  by  the  Administration 158 

Republican   Record   on    Reciprocity 163 

Reciprocity    with    Canada     „ 166 

Canadian    Preferential    Duties    170 

Republican  Reciprocity  a    Sham    174 

A    Stolen    Plank    175 

The  Philippines: 

Republican    Attitude    Toward 177 

Bryan  on  the  Republican  Philippine  Policy   177 

Ex- President  Cleveland  on  Philippine  Problem    180 

Hon.   Richard   Olney   on   Philippine   Problem    181 

Gen.    Miles    on    Philippine    Problem     1»3 

President  Jacob  G.  Schurman's  Views 184 

Criticism  of  Secretary  Taft's  Philippine  Policy* 185 

Political  Side  of  the  Philippine  Question,  Views  of  Republicans..    187 

The    Philippines    and    Statehood    189 

The  Philippines  Considered  Commercially   191 

Colonial   Exploitation ;    Compact  with   Promoters 195 

Railroads   in   the   Philippines    199 

Commerce  of  the  Philippines    200 

Obstacles  to  Development  of  the  Philippines    205 

Is    Sovereignty    Essential    to    Trade  ? 205 

Cost  to  the  United  States,  ending  June  30,  1903 207 

Cost   to    the   Philippines    208 

Exports  to   Philippines   from    1893   to   1903 210 

The    Panama    Affair     ..: 214 

The    Postal    Frauds     221 

Asst.  Postmaster-General  J.  L.  Bristow  on  Postal  Investigation 228 

Minority  Committee  on  Post-Office  and  Post  Roads,  Views  of 246 

Civil    Service    Abuses 248 

Interior   Department   Scandals    254 

Timber   Land   Frauds 256 

Indian   Territory    Scandals 258 

The   Executive    Pension   Order    259 

Financial   Legislation  by   Executive  Decree    262 

National    Irrigation    a    Democratic   Policy    265 

The    American    Merchant    Marine     270 

Equal    Protection    of    American    Citizens    Abroad 273 

Establishment  of  Department  of  Agriculture  and  Rural  Free  Delivery.  275 

Election  of  U.  S.  Senators  by  Direct  Vote  of  the  People 277 

Vote  on  Resolution  to  Investigate  the  Post-Office  Department 279 

Constitutionalism,  Speech  by  Hon.  Edward  M.  Shepard 285 

Electoral  Vote  of  States  in   1904 304 

Democratic  National   Committee    305 

Democratic    Congressional    Committee    306 

Chairmen  of  Democratic  State  Committees   307 


INDEX. 
A 

PAGE 

Abuses,  Civil  Service  248 

Address  of  Notification  to  Henry  G.  Davis,  by  Hon.  John  Sharp  Wil- 
liams      41 

Address  of  Acceptance  by  Alton  B.  Parker   . .  . . 33 

Address  of  Notification  to  Alton  B.  Parker,  by  Hon.  Champ  Clark..  30 

Agriculture,  Department  of,  Originated  under  Democratic  Rule 275 

American    Merchant    Marine     270 

American   Citizens    Abroad,    Protection    of 273 

American,  the  New  York,  on  Republican  Party's  "Stand  Pat"  Policy.  73 
Anti-Trust  Legislation,  Not  Enforced  by  the  Republican  Administra- 
tion       158 

Appropriations,  Speech  of  Hon.  G.  M.  Hitchcock  on 91 

Appropriations  for  U.  S.  Government  Expenses 84,  87 

Arbitration,  Republican  Platform  on    27 

Arid    Lands,    Republican    Platform    on 25 

Arid  Lands,  Reclamation  of,  Democratic  Platform  on 20 

Atkinson,   Edward,   on   Cost   of   War    88 

Army  and   Navy,   Increase   in    Expense   of 97 

Army,  Democratic  Platform  on    21 

Army,  Republican  Platform  on    25 

"Averages,"   Republican,    Absurdity    of 122,  124 

B 

Bacon,  Senator  A.  O.,  on  Export  Prices  of  Steel  Rails 117 

Barbed  Wire,  Cheaper  to  Foreigners 118 

"Benevolent  Assimilation,"  Hon.  John  Sharp  Williams  on 41 

Bimetallist,  President  Roosevelt  as  a    81 

Black,  Governor,  on  "War  Lord"  for  President 71 

Bryan,    Wm.    J.,    on    Philippines     172 

Business   Disturbances,   TJable   of 151 

Business,    Record    of    Failures    in 149 

Burton,    Hon.    Theodore   E.,    Speech   of 96 

c 

Canada,    Trade    with 169 

Canada's  Exports  to  Great  Britain,  1873-1903 171 

Canadian    Preferential    Duties     . .  .  . '. 170 

Canal,    Isthmian,    Democratic    Platform    on 10 

Capital  and  Labor,  Democratic  Platform  on 19 

Capital  and  Labor,  Republican  Platform  on    28 

Carmack,  Senator,  on  Reciprocity    164 

Civil    Service   Abuses 248 

Civil  Service,  Democratic  Platform  on 22 

Civil  Service,  Republican  Platform  on   27 

Civil  Service  under  Charles  Emory  Smith 250 

Chamberlain  Plan,   for   Canada    173 

Chart,  Showing  Purchasing  Power  of  Wages 136 

Chinese  Labor,  Republican  Platform  on *. 

Clark,  Hon.  Champ,  Address  of  Notification  to  Alton  B.  Parker ......     30 

Cleveland,  ex-President,  on  Philippines    180 

Colonial    Exploitation    195 

Committee,  Democratic  National    305 

Committees,  Democratic  State,  Chairmen  of   307 

Congressional  Democratic  Committee    306 

Constitution,   Government  by,   Alton   B.   Parker 34 

Constitution  of  the  United  States   3 

Constitutional    Guarantees,    Democratic    Platform   on 19 

Constitutionalism,  Speech  on,  by  Hon.  Edward  M.  Shepard 285 


iv  INDEX. 

PAGE 

Consumer    Pays    Tariff    Taxes    89 

Corporations  and  Trusts,  Republican  Platform  on 26 

Cost   of   Living,    Increase   in,   Greater   than    Increase    in   Wages    ....  122 

Cost  of  the  Philippines  to  the  United  States 207 

Cuba,   Republican   Platform  on    25 

Culberson,  Senator,  Remarks  of,  on  Republican  Extravagance 81 

D 

Davis,   Henry  Gassaway, 

Attitude    on    Labor    65 

Biographical  Sketch   61 

On    Financial    Conditions     47 

Philanthropy   and   Public   Spirit   of    64 

Speech    of    Acceptance    of    46 

Stands  with  Judge  Parker  on  Gold    46 

Democratic    Congressional    Committee    300 

Democratic   National   Committee    305 

Democratic   State   Committees,   Chairmen   of    307 

Democratic  Party,   1904  Platform  Cl    10 

Democratic  Platforms  on   National  Irrigation 26a 

Democratic    Platform    on    Protecting    Citizens    Abroad 274 

Dingley  Tariff,   the    145 

Dingley  Tariff,   Duties   Collected   under 145 

Dolliver,  Senator,  on  the  Philippines   188 

Duties,   Preferential,   in   Canada    170 

E 

Economy  of  Administration,   Democratic  Platform  on 16 

Electoral  Vote  of  States  in  1904 304 

Election  of  U.  S.  Senators  by  Direct  Vote  of  the  People 277 

Election  of   U.   S.   Senators   by   the   People,    Democratic   Platform   of 

1904    on    20 

Executive  Decree,  Financial  Legislation  by   262 

Executive    Pension    Order 259 

Executive    Usurpation,    Democratic    Platform    on 17 

Extravagance,  Republican  Party's    81 

Expenditures  of  2,561   Families    126 

Expenditures,    Military,    Increase    of 97 

Expenditures,  National,  Increase  of 97 

Expenditures  of  Great  Britain,  France  and  Germany    83 

Expenditures  of   U.   S.   Government 96 

Expenditures  per  capita,    1860-1904    48 

Expenditures,  U.  S.  Government,  for  Past  Twelve  Years 81 

Experiment  Stations,  Agricultural    275 

Export   Prices 98 

Export  Prices,  Position  of  Republican  Party  on 110 

Export  Prices,  Table  of,  Compared  with  Home  Prices 100 

Exports  to  the  Philippines,  Table  of 210 

F 
Family,    Average    American,    Pays    $94    a    Year    to    Tariff    Protected 

Trusts    138 

Financial  Legislation  by  Executive  Decree   262 

Fisheries,    Under    Reciprocity     167 

Foreign   Markets,   Republican   Platform   on    26 

France,  Gross  Revenue  ot    93 

France,    Navy   of    96 

Frauds,    Land • 254 

Frauds,   the   Postal    221 

Free  Delivery,  Rural    275,  276 

G 

Germany,  Navy  of 96 

Germany,  Revenue  of    94 


INDEX.  V 

PAGE 

Gold  Standard,  Republican  Platform  on 27 

Government  by  Constitution,  Alton  B.  Parker  on 34 

Government,  Cost  of,  in  the  U.  S.  Per  Capita,    1860-1904    48 

Government  Revenues   and  Expenditures   for   Past  Twelve   Years....  81 

Great    Britain,    Navy    of 96 

H 

Hitchcock,  Hon.  Gilbert  M.,  Speech  of 91 

Honesty  in  Public  Service,  Democratic  Platform  on 17 


Imperialism,    Democratic    Platform    on 17 

Imperialism,   Republican  Argument  for 178 

Increase  of  Wealth   Under  Democratic  Rule    289 

Indian   Territory,    Scandals   in 258 

Increase  in  Cost  of  Living,  Due  to  Republican  Policies 122 

Increase  in  Prices  of  Specified  Articles 134 

Increase  in  Wages  Not  Equal  to  Increase  in  Cost  of  Living 122 

Industrial  Commission  on  Export  Prices   112 

Irrigation,    National,    a    Democratic    Policy 265 

Irrigation  Opposed  by  Republican  Leaders 266,  269 

Isthmian  Canal,  Democratic  Platform  on    20 

Isthmian  Canal,  Republican  Platform  on 25 

Interior    Department,    Scandals    in 254 

Investigation  of  Post-Office  Frauds,  Assistant  Postmaster-General  J.  L. 

Bristow  on   228 

J 

Jewish  Citizens  Abroad,  Democratic  Platform  on  Rights  of 274 

Jewish  Citizens  Abroad,  Passport  Regulations  Concerning 273 

L 

Labor,   Democratic   Platform   on    19 

Labor    Disturbances     149 

Labor's  Share  of  Wealth  Produced,  Declining 137 

Land  Frauds    254 

Legislation,  Financial,  by  Executive  Decree   262 

Livingston,   Hon.   L.   F.,   Speech  of*. 85 

M 

McKinley,  President,  a  Free  Silver  Advocate    77 

Manila,  Description  of    204 

Merchant  Marine,   Democratic   Platform  on 21 

Merchant   Marine,   The   American    270 

Miles,  Gen.  Nelson  A.,  on  the  Philippines   183 

Monroe  Doctrine,  Democratic  Platform  on    21 

Money  Wages  vs.  Real  Wages 135 

N 

"Nation,  The,"  Comment  of,  on  Alton  B.  Parker's  Speech  of  Accept- 
ance      50 

National    Democratic    Committee     305 

National  Irrigation,  a  Democratic  Policy 265 

Navies,    Strength    of    96 

Notification  Address,  to  Henry  G.  Davis   41 

Notification  Address,  to  Alton  B.  Parker 30 

o 

Olney,   Hon.   Richard,   on   the  Philippines 18  J 

"Open  Door,  The" 191 

P 

Panama    Affair,    the    214 

I 


vi  tNt)EX. 

fAGfi 
Parker,  Alton  B.: 

Address  of  Acceptance    33 

Biographical  Sketch  of   53 

Declines  Nomination  for  Secretary  of  State    56 

Gold  Telegram  to  the  St.  Louis  Convention 23 

First  Election  to  the  Bench   56 

On  No  Second  Term  as  President 40 

On  Constitutionality  of  Eight-Hour  Law  58 

Opinion  of,  by  a  Republican  Associate  on  Bench  of  Court  of  Ap- 
peals          59 

On  Our  True  Foundation  as  a  World  Power    38 

On    Militarism     38 

On    Trusts    36 

On   the   Philippines 37 

On  Right  of  Labor  to  Refuse  to  Work  with  Non-Union  Men 58 

On  Principles  of  Thomas  Jefferson    33 

On   the  Tariff    35 

Pensions,   Democratic  Platform  on 21 

Pension   Order,    Executive    '. 259 

Polygamy,  Condemnation  of,  in  Democratic  Platform 21 

Postal  Frauds,  the   221 

Postal   Frauds,   Details  of 229 

Postal   Fraud   Investigation,   Demanded   by   Democrats 223 

Postal   Frauds,   Investigation  of,   Suppressed   by  Republicans 222 

Postal  Frauds,  Minority  Committee  on    246 

Postal  Frauds,  Postmaster-General  Took  no  Action  on 225 

Postal    Frauds,    Report   on    224 

Postal    Frauds,    President    Roosevelt's    Position    on 223 

Post-Office  Deparment,  Vote  on  Resolution  to  Investigate 279 

Preferential    Duties,    of    Canada 170 

Philippines,  The,  and  Statehood   189 

Philippines,  The: 

Banking    in 1 98 

Burden  of  too  Heavy  to  be  Borne,  Says  a  Republican  Senator. .  . .    188 

Commerce  of    200 

Considered  Commercially    191 

Coast  Line  of  15,000  Miles    209 

Cost  of  to  the  Filipinos - 208 

Cost  to  the  United  States  ._ 207,  213 

Earthquakes  in *. 204 

Exports  to,  for  Use  of  American  Army   212 

Ex-President   Cleveland    on    180 

Gen.   Nelson   A.   Miles   on    184 

Obstacles  to  Development  of   203 

Plan    to    Subsidize   Railroads    in    195 

Population  of    193 

Prof.  Jacob  G.   Schurman  on    184 

Railroads  in  199 

Republican  Platform  on    25 

Democratic  Platform  on    22 

Restrictions  in  Treaty  of  Paris  upon  Development  of 194 

Senator  Dolliver  on   188 

Hon.  Richard  Olney  on 181 

Senator    Spooner   on    187 

To  be  Exploited  by  Promoters   195 

Wm.   J.   Bryan  on    '. 177 

Philippine  Policy  of  Secretary  Taft   185 

Philippine  Question.  Political   Side  of    187 

Platform,  1904,  of  Republican  Party   24 

Platform,   1904,  of  Democratic  Party    16 

Platform,  Democratic,  on  Protection  to  American  Citizens  Abroad . . .  274 

Platform,  Democratic,  on  National  Irrigation    265 

Plows,  American,  Sold  Cheaper  Abroad  than  in  United  States 99 

Postal  Investigation,  Asst.  Postmaster-General  Bristow  on 228 

Post-office  Investigation,  in  the  U.  S.  Senate   283 


PAGE 

Prices    and    Wages     . .  122 

Prices,  of  American  Goods,  Cheaper  to  Foreigners  than  to  Americans.  Ill 

Prices,  Dun's  Index  List    131 

Prices,    Export 98 

Profits   of   Steel   Trust    98 

Protection  of  American  Citizens  Abroad   273 

Protection  of  American  Citizens  Abroad.  Republican  Platform  on....  27 

"Protection"  Taxes  Average  American  Family  $94  a  Year 138 

Protection  to  American  Industries,  Republican  Platform  on 26 

R 

Railroad    Employees,    Wages    of 132 

Reciprocity,  Democratic  Platform  on    21 

Reciprocity  Platform,   Stolen  by   Republicans    175 

Reciprocity,  Republican,  a  Sham    174 

Reciprocity,  Republican  Record  on    163 

Reciprocity,   Senator   Carmack  on    164 

Reciprocity,  Senator  Dolliver  on    165 

Reciprocity    Treaty,    The    Elgin     167 

Reciprocity  with   Canada   166 

Reductions  in  Wages,  Table  of 150—153 

Revenue  of  France,  Not  the  Product  of  Taxation ". 92 

Revenue  of  Germany  and   United  States  Compared 94 

Revenue,  U.  S.  Government,  Past  Twelve  Years 81 

Rural   Free  Delivery,  Originated  Under   Democratic  Rule    275 

Republican  Administration,  Democratic  Platform  on 22 

Republican  "Averages,"   Absurdity   of 122,  124 

Republicans  on  Export  Compared  with  Home  Prices 110 

Republican    Party,    1904,    Platform    of    24 

Republican  Party's  Silver  Record    76 

Republican  Record  on  Panama  Affair 215 

Roosevelt,  President: 

As    a    Bimetallist     80 

Deserts  His  Early  Convictions  in  Favor  of  Free  Trade 67 

New   York   World   on 66 

On  the  "Big  Stick"    69 

On   Former   Presidents    72 

On  His  Panama  Policy   218 

On  the  Postal  Frauds   223 

Republican  Platform  on 28 

His   Usurpation,  Criticised   by  Senator  McLaurin    219 

Violates  the  Constitution  in  the  Panama  Affair 217 

s 

Schurman,  Prof.  Jacob  G.,  on  the  Philippines   184 

Sectional  Agitation,  Democratic  Platform  on   22 

Self-Government,    Right    of 179 

Senators,  Election  of  Direct  by  the  People,  Democratic  Platform  on . .     20 

Senators,  Election  of  Direct  by  the  People 277 

Silver,  President  McKinley  in  Favor  of 79 

Silver,  President  McKinley  on,  in  1896 78 

Silver,  President  Roosevelt  on : 79,     80 

Silver,  Republican  Party's   Platform   on 78 

Silver,  Republican  Party's  Record  on 76 

Shaw,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  on  Export  Priees 110,  111 

Shepard,  Hon.  Edward  M.,  Speech  of  on  Constitutionalism 285 

Shipping,  American,  Republican   Platform   on 27 

Shipping,  American,  Decline  of,  Due  to  High  Tariffs 271 

Ship   Subsidy  Bill    272 

Soldiers  and   Sailors,  Republican   Platform  on 27 

Spooner,  Senator,  on  the  Philippines 187 

Stand  Pat  Policy,  New  York  American  on 73 

State   Committees,   Chairmen   of    307 


viii  index. 

PAGE 

Statehood  and  Territories,  Democratic   Platform  on 21 

Statistics,  Republican,  Made  to  Deceive  Voters 130 

Steel  Manufacturing  Costs  Less  in  the  United  States  than  in  England.  121 

Steel  Plates,  American,  Cheaper  to  Foreigners 115 

Steel  Rails,  American,  Cheaper  to  Foreigners 117 

Steel    Trust's    Profits 08 

Steel  Trust,  Rebuked  by  Republican  Official  Reports 110 

Storey,  Moorfield,  on  Secretary  Taft's  Philippine  Policy 185 

Tables: 

Of  Appropriations  by  Last  Democratic  Congress,  Compared  with 

Present   Republican    Congress : 87 

Showing  Appropriations  by  Democratic  Congress  Compared  with 

Republican  Congress    87 

Of  Closed   Mills    151 

Of  Dun's  List  of  Prices    • 131 

Of  Duties  Imposed  by  the  Dingley  Tariff 145 

Of  Export  and  Home  Prices  Compared    100 

Of   Exports   to   the   Philippines    210 

Of  Increase  in  Prices  of  Specified  Articles   134 

Of  Reductions  in  Wages    150 

Of  Railroad  Wages,   1892-1903 133 

Of  Tariff  Taxes,  Paid  by  the  Average  American  Family 142 

Tariff   and   Trusts    98 

Tariff  is  Cause  of  Decline  in  American  Shipping 271 

Tariff,  Democratic  Platform  on 18 

Tariff,   the   Dingley    145 

Tariff  Law,  Republican   Platform  on 24 

Taft's,    Secretary,    Philippine;    Policy,    Criticised 185 

Taxation,  Per  Capita  Greater  in  the  United  States  than  in  Germany.  95 

Telegram,  Alton  B.  Parker's,  to  St.  Louis  Convention 23 

Territories,   Democratic   Platform   on 21 

Timber   Land   Frauds    256 

Trusts    98 

Trusts,  Democratic  Platform  on    18 

Trusts  Tax  Average  American  Family  $94  a  Year 138 

Trusts,    Tin    Plate,    Ingratitude    of 114 

u 

United  States  Government's  Expenditures  for  1905 84 

United  States,  Constitution  of   3 

Unlawful   Combinations,   Democratic   Platform  on 18 

V 

Vote,  Electoral,  in  1904   304 

w 

Wages,  Chart  Showing  Purchasing  Power  of 136 

Wages,  Increase  of  Not  Equal  to  Increase  in  Cost  of  Living 122,  132 

Wages,  Money  vs.  Real    135 

Wages  of  Railroad  Employees    132 

Wage  Reductions,  in  1903 150 

Wage  Reductions  in  1904   153 

War,  Cost  of   88 

"War  Lord"  for  President    71 

Water  Ways,  Democratic  Platform  on   19 

Wealth,  Increase  of,  Under  Democratic  Rule   289 

William^  Hon.  John  Sharp,  Notification  Address  to  Henry  G.  Davis.  41 

Wire,  American  barbed,  Cheaper  to  Foreigners  than  to  Americans...  118 

Wright,  Carroll  D.,  "Cooked"  Statistics  of 123 


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